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Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet 




Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D., LL.D. 

Member of the Virginia Chapter of the Phi Beta Kappa Society of 
the University of Virginia; President of the Irish National Federa- 
tion of America during its existence ; made Knight Commander of 
the Order of St. Gregory by Pope Pius X; Recipient of the Laetare 
Medal ; Fellow of the American College of Surgeons and many pro- 
fessional and historical societies at home and abroad ; Author of 
surgical works — last, Principles of Gynaecology, three editions, Phila- 
delphia and London — with German, French and Spanish translations, 
together with many monographs, historical and professional, and 
in addition, The Emmet Family (1898) ; Ireland Under English 
Rule, two editions (1903 and 1909) ; Incidents of my Life (1911). 


New York, 1915. 

Ireland was old when Greece was young. Before Rome had •written her •wondrous laws 
Ireland had established civilization in the emerald isle of the West. Like the pyramids 
of Egypt the round towers of Ireland stand among the architectural wonders of tht 
world. Pliny and Julius Cxsar assert that Ireland's civilization <was the wonder of 
the East, and Plutarch writes that, compared with the Irish people, other nations are 

Hon. Martin H. Glynn, New York, March 4. I9f4. 

Copyright, 1915 

The Emmet Press, Inc. 
16 East 40th Street 
New York 


Go into the length and breadth of the world, ransack the literature of all countries, find 
if you can a single book in which the conduct of England towards Ireland is any- 
where treated except with profound and bitter condemnation. 

Gladstone (Morley's Life). 

What does the liberty of a people consist in? It consists in the right and power to make 
ta<ws for its own government. Were an individual to make laws for another country, 
that person is a despot and the people are slaves. When one country makes laws for 
another country, the country which makes the laws is absolutely the sovereign coun- 
try, and the country for which those laws are made is in a state of slavery. 



The triumph of England over Ireland is the triumph of guilt over innocence. 

John Philpot Corran 

Every attempt to govern Ireland has been made from an English standpoint and as if for 
the benefit of Englishmen alone. 


La<w in Ireland <was the friend neither of the people nor of justice, but the impartial per- 
secutor of both. 

Aubrey de Vere. 

Had Ireland desired to submit she could not have done so. England did not leave her the 
choice. Risings, revolutions and civil <wars 'were forced upon the country from cen- 
tury to century. They <were provoked by massacres, plantations and persecutions; 
by the oppressions of landlords, by the injustice of the laws. It <was England herself, 
it was the English in Ireland that made the Irish rebels. But how comes it, one may 
ask, that after so long an agony Ireland still survives, that the name of her people 
has not been obliterated from the pages of history? The reason is, that down to the 
eighteenth century, so vigorous <was her race, so powerful the influence of her climate 
and of her pleasant nature, so great the charm of her soul on the souls of the new- 
comers, that Ireland always assimilated her invaders. "Lord!" said the poet Spenser, 
"how quickly doth that country alter men's natures." England, on the other hand, 
was lacking in the first duty of a conqueror, which is to legitimatize his conquest 
by the spread of civilization and by works of reparation. This is a truth that none 
can fail to recognize. 

L'Irlande cotemporaire, by L. Paul Dubois, 
Tr. Kettle. 

It is an irksome and painful task to pursue the details of that penal code; but the penal 
code is the history of Ireland. 

John Mitchel. 

When Englishmen set to <work to <wipe the tear out of Ireland's eye, they al<ways buy the 
pocket-handkerchief at Ireland's expense. 

Cot. Ed<a>. Saunderson, M.P. 

Illustrations — Volume II 

Robert Emmet by H. Brocas Frontispiece 


Robert Emmet's birthplace, Stephen's Green, Dublin .... 3 

Facsimile pages of Locke's work, showing Robert Emmet's annotations . 4 

Facsimile page of Robert Emmet's note-book used at Trinity College . 7 

Facsimile of a pen and ink sketch by Robert Emmet .... 21 

Seal for the United Irishmen, designed by Robert Emmet ... 22 

Parliament House and Trinity College, Dublin ..... 23 

Parlor at Casino as it was in 1880 . . . . . . . . 30 

Robert Emmet's Bedroom at Casino ....... 31 

Anne Devlin 36 

House on Butterfield Lane, leased by Robert Ellis (Emmet) . • ■ . .45 

The unchanged entrance to Emmet's depot in Marshal Lane ~) ^ 
Map of the neighborhood ( 

Marshal Lane from Bridgefoot Street 47 

James Hope 54 

Col. Miles Byrne, 1840 .60 

Site of Robert Emmet's depot in Patrick Street ) ^ 
Map of the neighborhood ) 

Canal Bridge at Harold's Cross ........ 78 

Dublin Castle Courtyard 84 

House at Harold's Cross where Robert Emmet was arrested ... 92 

Michael Dwyer .108 

Facsimile of signature of Tresham Gregg, Gaoler of Newgate . . 137 

The Devil's Brief, prepared for Robert Emmet's trial .... 146 

Courtroom, Green Street, Dublin, where Robert Emmet was tried . . 156 

A supposed portrait of Dr. Robert Emmet, painted about 1780 . . 171 
Broadside issued by the Provisional Government to the People of Ireland. 

Copied from the original used at the trial ; 185 

Henry Charles Sirr, Esq., Town Major of Dublin .... 198 
Lord Norbury, from a sketch made by Petrie during Emmet's trial | 
Facsimile of signed autograph by Lord Norbury j 
Broadside issued by Government : "The Trial and Dying Behaviour of 

Mr. R. Emmett" 217 




Bill rendered by the Government for the diet of the State prisoners during 
September, 1803, showing that of Robert Emmet on the clay of 
his trial 229 

Monogram R. E., designed by Dr. Emmet for back of Comerford minia- 
ture ; Watch seals, including one designed and worn by Robert 
Emmet, motto "Alas my Country" ; another showing a harp with 
shamrock and motto "Ubi libertas ibi Patrya", designed and worn by 
Robert Emmet, given to his brother and in 1800 given by Thomas 

Addis Emmet to Mr. Patten 234 

The Hibernian Journal or Chronicle of Liberty, a Dublin newspaper 

issued September 21st, 1803, giving an account of Robert Emmet's 

trial and execution 236 

Thomas Street, where Robert Emmet was executed, in front of Bridge- 
foot Street and St. Catherine's Church 238 

Petrie's sketches of Robert Emmet and Lord Norbury, taken during 

Emmet's trial 253 

Comerford's sketch of Robert Emmet enlarged 254 

Broadside issued by the Government and engraved by Brocas, showing 

Emmet speaking 256 

Government's false version of Emmet's speech, intended to mislead and 

irritate the French 257 

Robert Emmet, enlarged from Brocas's courtroom scene, to show the 

head had been redrawn 258 

Facsimile of warrant issued by Alexander Marsden, Under Secretary for 

Ireland, to pay for betrayal of Robert Emmet .... 261 

Sarah Curran, from a painting by Romney 262 

A page from "The London and Dublin Magazine", 1825, containing 

"Robert Emmet and his Cotemporaries" 272 

A page from Whitty's Life of Robert Emmet to show the accuracy with 

which Robert Emmet was quoted 276 

A page from Locke's work, annotated by Robert Emmet, to show the 

accuracy of the quotations made by Herbert 278 

Stephen's Green, Dublin, 1798 281 

Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet in 1880, visiting for the first time the grave in 

Glasnevin churchyard claimed to be that of Robert Emmet . . 284 
St. Peter's Church on Aungier Street, where the Emmet burial vault was 

placed 285 

Mural tablet placed in St. Peter's Church, Dublin 287 

Interior of Trevor's vault, under St. Paul's Church, Dublin, showing the 

supposed remains of Robert Emmet 296 

Robert Holmes, as he appeared at John Mitchel's trial, from the Irish 

Tribune, June 17, 1848 320 

Supposed sketch of Mrs. Holmes 327 

Facsimile of cablegram from Messrs. McCarthy and Dillon, asking for 

funds 330 

Illustrations vii 

Facsimile of cablegram from the Committee of the National Federation 
thanking Dr. Emmet for the fifty thousand dollars sent from the 
Irish National Federation of America, which secured Mr. Gladstone's 
election 331 

Map of Dublin, showing the route taken by Robert Emmet to the place 
of execution, and the situation of the depots, churches and other 
points mentioned in the text 334 

Tombstone of Christopher Emett in the parish churchyard at Tipperary, 

Ireland 343 

Pedigree of the Emmott family of Emmott Hall, near Colne, Co. Pal. 

Lancashire, England 347 

Portrait of Robert Fulton painted by Miss Elizabeth Emmet (Mrs. W. H. 
Le Roy) ; the same as engraved by Leney, altered plate published by 
Delaplaine as after Benjamin West 525 

Miniature of Fulton painted by himself after Miss Emmet's portrait . 527 

The nnll of the people is the only earthly authority which can rightfully constitute civil 
government. This vAll be absolute and independent of human convention. 

Robert Holmes. 

The Rebellion of 1798 was wickedly provoked, rashly begun, and cruelly crushed. 

Earl Russell. 

The last ten years of the eighteenth century mill furnish to the historian by far the most 
important events which have yet marked the progress of the human race. The events 
<which have been crowded into this short period are not only in themselves deeply in- 
teresting to the present generation, but will probably be viewed in their effect &t no 
distant era as decisive of the future destinies of every nation upon earth. 

T. A. Emmet, 1800. 

Do you see nothing in that America but the graves and prisons of our armies? What you 
trample on in Europe will sting you in America. Grattan to Pitt. 

Slaves to their superiors but tyrants to their inferiors, these needy adventurers [smalt 
landlords and yeomanry] became the tools of prevailing po<wer. 



Dr. Madden's comment on Robert Emmet — Memoir from the French of the Countess 
d'Haussonville — Robert Emmet, by Adalbert Huhn. 

HERE have been among the United Irishmen persons of greater 
intellectual powers than Robert Emmet — better qualified, certainly, 
to carry into successful execution very great designs — and Theo- 
bald Wolfe Tone pre-eminently was one of these — but none of 
them so extensively, so permanently engaged the sympathies of 
the people for their sufferings or their fate, as the young man, 
who perished in the last struggle for their cause. This peculiar 
interest in his memory is attributable, in some degree, to the well- 
known episode in his career, strange and mournful as some fiction 
of romance, that is connected with the name of Sarah Curran, 
and the story of the broken heart; but mainly to his singleness 
of purpose, his simplicity of character, his noble talents, his generous nature, his purity 
of mind, the prestige of his name, and, above all, that ardent patriotism that was the 
ruling passion of his life, and the animating principle of his conduct in the dock, in the 
dungeon, on the scaffold — conduct never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it — a 
subject of mournful interest, and admiration, too, for all who read it. 

It was surely no ordinary conduct, on the threshold of the grave, which extorted 
eulogy from the lord lieutenant of Ireland, and an admission such as we find in a de- 
spatch to his government, in reference to the state trials of 1803, namely that "Emmet 
seemed to have been animated by a sentiment of magnanimity, with which (whatever his 
crimes may have been) he certainly conducted himself on that solemn occasion." 

There was so much in the generous, kindly, noble nature of Robert Emmet that was 
to be loved ; in his talents to be admired ; in the simplicity, truthfulness, honesty of pur- 
pose, and purity of intention to respect; that his character can afford to dispense with 
all exaggeration and prepossession, in our estimate of him, and bear to have his defects 
freely canvassed by those who are competent to take them into consideration. 

A great deal that is prejudicial to the memory of Robert Emmet has been spoken of 
him, and thought of him — not in malice, but in ignorance of the affairs of 1803, and his 
connection with them. 

In Ireland, constituted as intellectual society is, and connected as its tastes and tone 
of thought are with England's imperialism in political literature and imperiousness of 
opinion in all matters relating to Irish interests, it can hardly be wondered at, that the 
memory of Robert Emmet should be regarded as it is by the higher classes — with a kind 
of contemptuous pity — and spoken of slightingly, always, invariably. In a letter which 
was addressed to me very recently by one of England's most illustrious men — illustrious, 
I mean, for powers of intellect of the highest order — one certainly deserving of being 
considered foremost, if not first, in the rank of men entitled to be called master-spirits 
of the age — I was struck with surprise, I confess (bearing in mind by whom I was ad- 




dressed) to find that injurious and erroneous opinion of Robert Emmet's intellectuai 
character and of the motives by which he was actuated, expressed in terms which could 
not be stronger than they were. A single passage from the communication I refer to 
may be cited and found sufficient to show how much remains to be known in England, 
by the best informed Englishmen in general, on subjects relating to Ireland and in regard 
to persons connected with its history — "I fear the vanity of a young man with no prin- 
ciple, was his [Robert Emmet's] ruling motive in the murderous affair of 1803. I have a 
much better opinion of his brother." If vanity were indeed the ruling motive of the con- 
duct of Robert Emmet in 1803, want of principle must necessarily be implied and asso- 
ciated with the termination of an insurrection in "a murderous affair". But the suppo- 
sition of vanity being the ruling motive of Robert Emmet in his engagements in that 
conspiracy, is wholly founded on the idea that the originator, the prirnum mobile, the 
contriver and concoctor of that conspiracy and the only person of rank and station cog- 
nizant of it, and a party to its objects, councils and designs, was Robert Emmet. 

Let us bear in mind the words which Robert Emmet addressed to Lord Norbury on 
his trial, and give them all the weight which is legitimately due to them. 

"I have been charged with that importance in the efforts to emancipate my country 
as to be considered the key-stone of the combination of Irishmen, or, as it has been ex- 
pressed 'the life and blood of this conspiracy*. You do me honour overmuch ; you have 
given to the subaltern all the credit of the superior. There are men concerned in this 
conspiracy who are not only superior to me, but even to your own conceptions of your- 
self, my lord — men before the splendour of whose genius and virtues I should bow with 
respectful deference, &c." 

There is no doubt that the conspiracy of 1803 originated, not with Roberf Emmet, 
but with parties in Ireland who contrived to keep their real objects undiscovered and 
their names, too, unrevealed — who managed to have projects of renewed rebellion taken 
up by leaders of 1798 who had escaped expatriation — men not of the highest order, in- 
tellectually or morally — who, having remained in Ireland, found means to enter into 
communication with some of the principal leaders then in France, and through them with 
the First Consul and his ministers. We have sufficient documentary evidence in this 
volume, that encouragement was given in France to their applications for aid and co- 
operation, in the event of war breaking out between France and England. 

I find such eminent men as T. A. Emmet, General Lawless, Colonel Allen, General 
Corbet, Colonel Byrne, not only cognizant of the projects and communication I refer to 
in the latter part of 1802, but in favour of them. As much may be said of many eminent 
individuals in those countries, to the list of whom the English peerage even has con- 
tributed a nobleman of great wealth and influence, the military profession an officer of 
high rank and character, and the church, too, more than one divine. 

Were men of their stamp likely to countenance the projects of a vain young man 
devoid of principle? 

Vanity, in the ordinary acceptation of the word, denotes an exaggerated opinion of 
one's own importance, powers, and capabilities, and a morbid ambition for notoriety and 
distinction that actuates the conduct, and influences the motives of a man who has false 
conceptions, not only of things that are internal, but of objects that are external, and 
makes himself ridiculous or contemptible by the extent of the absurdity of his inordinate 
self-love, or criminal, when that passion so predominates as to endanger society, by any 
reckless presumption in its efforts, to obtain a position that is false for its fictitious merits. 

When a man employs means that are inadequate for the attainment of a special 
object he has in view, they are ineffectual, but their fruitlessness does not necessarily 
imply vanity. The character and quality of the object determines chiefly the nature of 
the efforts for its attainment. If the object be bad, nothing can be good in the efforts 
for it If the object be good, the character of the means for its accomplishment will be de- 
termined by their success ; but it ought to be determined by the consideration of the 
reasonableness of the expectation of success, and the legitimacy of the means employed 



for its attainment. Johnson says : "It is laudable to attempt great things, even when 
the achievement of them is beyond the strength that undertakes them." But I know 
well, in attempted revolutions, when great failures involve great sufferings, and the good 
that is looked for, to the grandest efforts is problematical and precarious, the issue doubt- 
ful, and the danger certain— not to one man or a hundred, but to an entire community — 
tremendous responsibilities are incurred by those who hazard efforts of a revolutionary 

The question in England in relation to revolts is not the right of resistance to a bad 
government, but the result of the struggle against it. Whenever that struggle is suc- 
cessful, it is argued the cause of the revolted deserves to be successful ; when it fails 
the doctrine is preached of the vanity and folly of all resistance to constituted authority. 

Nothing is easier than to discredit efforts of any kind that have failed ; and no means 
of hurting them are more likely to suggest themselves to people who are proud of their 
own prosperity and independence, than to accuse the unsuccessful of being vain, light- 
minded, and unprincipled. 

Perhaps, with the exception of Thomas Addis Emmet, there was not an individual 
connected with the Society of United Irishmen less justly chargeable with vanity than 
Robert Emmet. 

The companions of his youth, the friends most intimately acquainted with him, 
and who had cognizance of all his acts and thoughts throughout his whole career, in 
private life, in college, in all his relations with the leaders of the United Irishmen, 
whether at Fort George, on the Continent, or those who embarked with him in his last 
unfortunate and ill-advised enterprise — are of one opinion as to the utter absence of sel- 
fishness, self-seeking, conceit, or anything bordering on vanity in his character. He was 
an enthusiast indeed; but his enthusiasm was that of a young man of an ardent tempera- 
ment, of genius, of a generous nature, of strong convictions, and of heroic aspirations. 
To him nothing was wanting but the experience and wisdom which time and reflection 
bring with them, knowledge of men and the world, and the influence on that kind of 
knowledge of religious feelings early planted in the mind for the establishment of the 
principles and matured intellect of a finished man. Had Providence been pleased to have 
assigned such advantages to the career of Robert Emmet, which terminated as it did, 
on the scaffold, at the age of five and twenty — we might have had in him a man perhaps 
superior, at least in no respect inferior, in talent and in worth to any of those famous 
lords and prelates who figured in the revolution of 1688. Fortunately for their fame, 
they were successful rebels. If any of them, however, had been vain men, actuated by 
small, ambitious motives, who sought their own personal interests, or selfish advantages in 
the work of overturning the constitution of the realm, dethroning their sovereign, and 
reforming the State altogether, no doubt my Lord Macaulay would have eulogised them 
all the same, in eloquent language. But they succeeded, and their success was sufficient 
for their vindication in the glowing pages of his gorgeous history. 

Before the last catastrophe and the worst calamity of all had fallen on the family 
of Dr. Emmet, in the latter part of the year 1802, the poor old man — the father of Temple 
Emmet, who had been prematurely taken away from him; of Thomas Addis Emmet, 
who was in banishment; of Robert Emmet, who was then proscribed, suspected, lost 
to his home, and driven into desperate courses — indeed might have said, like Burke : 
"I am alone, and have none to meet my enemies in the gate. The storm has gone over 
me, and I am like one of these old oaks which the late hurricane has scattered about me. 
I am stripped of all my honours. I am torn up by the roots, and am prostrate on the 
earth. And prostrate there I most unfeignedly recognize the divine justice, and in some 
degree submit to it".* 

But all these observations would be a mere mass of vain and futile words, if the 
main question that concerns the memory of Robert Emmet was blinked, or dealt with 

•Burke's Letter to a Noble Lord, 1796. 


disingenuously: were the circumstances of the country, in 1803, the evils endured by the 
people, the means that were available for an effort to redress them, of such a nature as 
would justify a man of moral principles, of sober mind, of a sound judgment, in con- 
cocting a conspiracy like that of 1803, and committing the country to its perils? 

When the details of the history of this insurrection have been laid before the reader, 
this question only can be fairly dealt with and determined; and at the conclusion of this 
memoir, so I trust it will be found to have been treated. 

Is the writer of these pages qualified to be the biographer of Robert Emmet? It 
would be a miserable affectation of humility to pretend that I felt myself incompetent 
for the task I have undertaken. If I set forth such a pretence, my undertaking would 
contradict me. My chief hope for its success however is, that it may be judged not by 
the amount of literary ability, but of labour and research that I have brought to the per- 
formance. Its principal value consists in the documentary information which will be 
found in it. The authenticity of that information I have had occasion to speak of in 
the preceding memoir. 

The documents which I have received from the sons of T. A. Emmet will be found 
the most valuable of any of the materials of these volumes. I have alluded elsewhere 
to the communication which accompanied them: the possession of documents of such 
importance, and the permission of the nearest living relative of Robert Emmet to make 
use of them, in the furtherance of this portion of my work, afford me advantages and a 
sanction which. I presume, are sufficient to justify an undertaking which I feel to be of 
great responsibility.* 

The writer could not express his own sense of responsibility in more 
appropriate words than those used by Dr. Madden. But he knows he now 
possesses advantages which were unavailable to Dr. Madden and is in pos- 
session of means by which much then absent can now be understood. 

The Countess d'Haussonville has written of Robert Emmet : 

But the most celebrated of the three brothers, the one whose genius, character, and 
tragic fate were to excite the interest of posterity, by more titles than one, was the young 
and unfortunate Robert Emmet. 

If it be true, as has been remarked, that distinguished men are especially the sons 
of their mothers, it would be interesting to trace, in the particular constitution of their 

*The reference is to a sketch of the life of Mr. Emmet written by his son Thomas for Dr. Madden's 
use, which, on being returned, came into the possession of the writer, after the greater portion had been 
incorporated by Madden in his book, as the son had written it and without giving him any special credit. 
In his ignorance of Irish history, Thomas Addis Emmet, Jr., omitted much of importance, of which 
Dr. Madden consequently was ignorant, but which the writer has placed on record in these volumes. 
This circumstance needs to be made clear to the reader. 

After he came to this country Mr. Emmet never made a voluntary reference to his past life, and 
on several occasions he was emphatic in the expression of his wish that the history of his family should 
begin after his arrival in the United States, and the portion in relation to Ireland might be forgotten 
as soon as possible. With the loss of his brother Robert, his father, mother, sister and so many friends 
after his arrest; the suffering endured during portions of his imprisonment extending over four years, 
through the perfidious and spiteful action of the English Government, not to mention his loss of fortune, 
and, beyond all other consideration, the apparently hopeless condition of his native country, there re- 
mained nothing in connection with Ireland which he could recall save in sorrow. As a consequence Mr. 
Emmet's family remained absolutely ignorant of all Irish history, and beyond what might be recalled 
through some extraneous circumstances, chiefly in connection with their pleasant life at Fort George, 
much was forgotten in relation to their own experience. As a consequence the writer cannot recall ever 
hearing one of his uncles or aunts voluntarily refer to Ireland, or their father's history. They all become 
even more reticent with advancing age, and although their relation with the writer was always the same 
as with one of their own children, he was often severely rebuked for what he was told was "an effort 
to revive a knowledge of disagreeable things long forgotten, and not of the slightest interest to any one". 
This was particularly the case with his uncles, who as they grew older, were dominated by the live 
interests of their adopted country. 

It was natural under these circumstances that Mr. Emmet's sons in middle life, should have collated 
for Dr. Madden's use only the bare facts, omitting the mention of all incidents of a disagreeable nature 
as being of no public interest. 

Peace to them, of loving memory and the exponents of all that was noble in human nature; had they 
lived to read what the author has recorded in these volumes, not one of the older members of the family, 
with the exception of his father, would have been to the slightest degree in accord. To them England 
and Ireland would have seemed inseparable. 



intellect and character, that feminine element which often seems in strange contrast with 
the destiny of their lives. Robert Emmet's father was a man of ordinary, but vigorous 
understanding; some of his mother's letters, published in the life of Thomas Addis 
Emmet, reveal to us a delicate and proud nature, a lively sensibility and a penetrating 
intellect. Of her three children, Robert, the youngest, resembled her most; he was born 
long after the others, when her youth was already past, and when her eldest son had 
reached the age of manhood; the love she bore to this, her third [18th child] and last 
born son inspired her with especial solicitude, to which he responded even beyond all her 

This life of Robert Emmet was remarkably well written in 1858 and 
published in French by the author, the Comtesse d'Haussonville, a grand- 
daughter of Madame de Stael. The talented authoress possessed not only 
an accurate knowledge of the period of Irish history of which she wrote, but 
her interest in the subject was doubtless strengthened by her traditional 
knowledge. Her grandmother and probably her mother were intimate friends 
of both Thomas Addis and his brother Robert, and as Madame de Stael was 
personally known to their father in early life, their acquaintance was doubtless 
due to this fact. How the granddaughter obtained her knowledge of Mrs. 
Emmet's character can only be explained on the supposition that the Countess 
d'Haussonville before her marriage had visited the Emmet family in Dublin, 
as did many others of their French friends. 

The style of her writing has been fully preserved in the translation by 
John P. Leonard, but in the French it will remain a classic. The English 
translation was published at different times in New York and abroad, but it 
has nevertheless become very scarce. In the original French the work had a 
remarkably large sale, as shown by the fact that the copy owned by the writer 
belongs to the twelfth Paris edition. Probably few biographical works were 
ever issued which reached so large a number of persons, who from their 
ignorance of English, would otherwise have remained ignorant of Robert 
Emmet's history and purpose. It was published just after the great republican 
upheaval in Europe, which had passed as a tidal-wave over the civilized world, 
showing that the work was all the more appreciated. 

The authoress summarized Robert Emmet's character as having 

exhibited at an early age, rare and brilliant faculties, a singular blending of enthusiasm 
and sagacity, a great power of concentration, an ardent and poetical fancy, combined with 
an exact and penetrating intellect — which made him equally fit for literary and scientific 
pursuits. He distinguished himself, also, by an indomitable energy of will, united to 
great gentleness of disposition — a combination always typical of the truly heroic char- 
acter. It is not uninteresting to observe how the first trials of superior minds are marked 
even from childhood. 

The only German work dealing with the life of Robert Emmet and the 
events in Ireland at the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nine- 
teenth • centuries, appears to be a small book entitled "Robert Emmet. A 
Narrative from the History of Ireland by Adalbert Huhn" (Robert Emmet. 
Eine Erzahlung aus der Geschichte Irland's von Adalbert Huhn) published in 



Munich, Bavaria, in 1874. On the title page appear in English the well-known 
patriotic lines of Thomas Osborne Davis: 

She's not a dull or cold land — 
No ! She's a warm and bold land ! 
Oh ! She's a true and old land — 
This native land of mine. 

This page also bears a portrait of Robert Emmet, which has little re- 
semblance to Brocas' engraving, worked up from a sketch supposed to have 
been taken at his trial. 

The opening chapter sympathetically sketches the afflictions of Ireland in 
the following language : 

As there are unlucky men, so there are unfortunate nations. So many men seem to 
be pursued by misfortune from the cradle to the grave, and yet — how many grand and 
sublime moments are often found in a life such as is called an unlucky existence ! This 
grandeur and sublimity fail such a life as often as not when one regards it only from 
the earthly point of view; but how much less would it be so if one understood how to 
calculate it with supernatural and eternal elements? 

This is as true of the life of the individual man as of the life of the nation. 

Among all the nations of Europe there is none which can be so rightfully called an 
unlucky people as the people of Ireland. This nation has not only to submit to injury 
but also to mockery. One must have seen with what thoughtless scoffing and contempt 
the arrogant Englishman speaks of the "stupid Hibernian" ; but this Englishman does 
not consider that his forefathers for six centuries have worked in the most miserable 
way for the spiritual ruin of this nation. The proud Englishman speaks with derision 
of the poverty-stricken Irish mud cabin, in which the Irish peasant lives with his family 
and sometimes with his pig; but he does not reflect that bandits and thieves are almost 
heroes in comparison with his ancestors who, during six long centuries, have taken all 
and everything from the poor Irish. The insolent Englishman speaks in disdainful 
tones of the discontented people on the other side of the St. George's Channel ; but he 
does not remember that it was his forefathers who have given the unhappy Irish thousands 
and thousands of grounds for discontent. 

The author then divides the history of Ireland into four periods : 1st, The 
Rule of the Sword; 2nd, The Religious Domination; 3rd, The Rule of Law; 
4th, The Rule of the Majority. Dealing with the successive periods, he shows 
how, during the first, in spite of the efforts of the Irish to defend themselves, 
they were ultimately trodden under the iron heels of the English Conqueror; 
during the second, beginning with the time of Henry VIII, the religious 
persecutions and civil disabilities continued, with their proscriptions and out- 
rages on every class of the native population, down to the time of the French 
Revolution and the robbery of Ireland of her parliamentary independence. 

The second chapter tells of the Whiteboys and "Captain Rock" ; the third 
sketches the Irish woman of the time with feeling appreciation of her share 
in the general suffering; and the fourth, headed "The First Defence", taking 
the year 1800 as the point of survey, speaks of it as fateful for Ireland. The 
American War of Independence and the French Revolution had projected their 
explosive rays into Ireland, and the English government had decided that only 
a Union could avert Irish independence, with separation and all the political 



and other consequences that could flow from it. In narrative form, the story 
of the corruption by which Ireland was betrayed and the Union effected, is 
told, and the names of Thomas Addis Emmet and Robert appear on the scene 
with the events of 1798 and the movement for an Irish Republic and separa- 
tion from Great Britain. 

The influence of Thomas Addis Emmet on his younger brother is especially 
dwelt on, and is regarded as responsible for the course the latter took which 
led to the scaffold. The early life of Robert Emmet is described in detail, but 
a mistake is made as to the year of his birth which is given as 1782, instead 
of 1778. The kindling of the flame within him is tersely put in the sentence; — 
"The whole life and spirit of impulse of the elder brother made a mighty 
impression on Robert".* 

Chapter five deals with the United Irishmen and their failure to bring to 
fruition the seed of harmony and brotherhood planted in the institution of the 
Society ; and with the progress of Robert Emmet's political development in 
which his courage and loyalty of character, coupled with his manly spirit and 
ripe judgment, made him the leading spirit of the movement. f The names 
of Sarah Curran, of Anne Devlin and of Michael Dwyer, the "King of the 
Mountain" (der Bergkonig), who is compared with Andreas Hofer, the hero 
of the Tyrol, enter into the narrative which, at this point, runs into romance, 
the details, however, adhering generally to historic fact. It then moves on to 
the preparations for the rising of 1803 and the difficulties encountered, and 
the association of Thomas Russell with Robert Emmet. 

The following and concluding chapters, with material taken from the 
records of the time, contain the account of the rising in Dublin, its failure, 
Robert Emmet's betrayal and capture by Major Sirr; his trial, with the 
memorable speech from the dock and his sentence and execution. | The little 
book throughout is in the fullest sympathy with the people of Ireland and, 
with perfect insight into the underlying causes of the failure of her past 
struggles for emancipation from foreign oppression, as heavy now as ever, 
though changed in method, attributes them to the blighting influences and 
merciless savagery of English domination. 

•"Das ganze Leben und Treiben des aelteren Bruders, hatte auf Robert einen maechtigen Eindruck 
gemacht." (Chap, iv, p. 42.) 

f'Robert Emmet war vielleicht der jungste der Ganzen Gesellschaft; aber man kannte seine mans- 
lichen Gesinnungen, seinen reifen Verstand, seinen Muth und seine Treue; diesz machte ihn zur leitendeo 
Seele des Bundes, und namentlich jetzt, wo er nur auf einige Stunden anwesend sein konnte bewegt* 
sich das ganze Interresse und Gespraeche um ihn." (Chap, v, p. 83.) 

tTheir titles indicate the downward progression of the movement: — "Hazarded": "DeceiTed*'; 
"Lost"; "Broken". 

That England, being empty of defense, hath shook and trembled at the ill neighbourhood. 

Shakespeare, Henry IV. 

To increase the commerce of England seemed sufficient motive and justification for the 
foulest injustice and most licentious despotism to<wards other nations, and its own 

T. A. Emmet, 1798. 

From Ireland am I come amaine to signify that rebels there are up. 

Shakespeare, 2. Henry IV. 

It necessarily must happen, when one country is connected 'with another, that the interests 
of the lesser will be borne down by those of the greater. 

Lord Castlereagh. 

Robert Emmet 

The interests of Ireland were in charge of the country members of Parliament, whom it 
is said Castlereagh urged, that by their votes they should not turn their backs on them- 


From my earliest youth I have regarded the connection between Ireland and Great Britain 
as the curse of the Irish nation, and felt convinced that tuhile it lasted this country 
could never be free or happy. 

Theobald Wolfe Tone. 

City Residence of Dr. Emmet and Birth-place of Robert Emmet, 
100 Stephen's Green 

The Irish people know that the charter of their country's liberty has been written by the 
hand of God, and thai of man can never efface the sublime record. 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh, "The Insurrection of 1798". 

Chapter I 

Robert Emmet — His birth and childhood — Early intellectual maturity — A 
student of Locke at fourteen — Enters Trinity College at fifteen — Talent for exact 
sciences and chemistry — High estimate of him by Madden and Moore — Prefers 
action to talking and writing — Literary efforts — "Erin's Call", written at age of 
twelve — Indifference to suffering evidenced when accidentally poisoned with cor- 
rosive sublimate — Physique slight and delicate, but endowed with great nervous 
energy — Character simple and free from affectation — Description by Trinity College 
professor unflattering — Information given to police — At twenty adopts principles 
of the United Irishmen — Resigns from Trinity College — Expulsion of students for 
political reasons — Refusal to inculpate fellow-students — Total absence of vanity — 
Barred from professional life by the action of Trinity College — Thomas Moore's 
account of Emmet's course and standing in the Historical Society — Exceptional 
popularity of Emmet family among poorer classes — Reflection of .their great practical 
sympathy with them — Injustice of Trinity towards Robert — Another cause — Venera- 
tion for his memory increases with time — His failure forgotten in the greatness of 
his sacrifice. 

R. ROBERT EMMET was the father of seventeen 
children, all but four of whom died in childhood. Five 
were christened Robert, and of these four died in infancy. 
The survivor and subject of the present consideration 
was born in the family residence, 100 Stephen's Green, 
near the corner of York-street, Dublin, on March 4th, 
1778, and he was the youngest of the family. 

From infancy to manhood his life was passed in good 
health, and while he never seemed very strong physically, 
being rather slight and under-sized, he was athletic and possessed a great 
deal of reserve strength and endurance. He was precocious as a child, and 
at an age earlier than usual he was placed at Oswald's School in Dapping's 
Court, near Golden Lane and Bride's Street, a school famous for its success in 
teaching • mathematics. 

From the beginning this child was noted for his readiness in acquiring 
knowledge; he was always in advance of his class, and he maintained this 
position until he left school. After he had made some advance in his studies, 
he became, for reasons not now known, a pupil under Samuel White, who 
conducted a school in Grafton Street, which was equally noted. Judging from 
the name, which was found frequently in connection with the name of his 



Early Education 

grandfather Christopher, White was possibly a distant relative. Finally, pre- 
vious to entering Trinity College, Robert Emmet came under the care of the 
Rev. Mr. Lewis of Camden Street. 

At this time the character of his reading was far different from and in 
advance of that in which most youths of the same age would voluntarily take an 
interest. The writer has in his possession an octavo volume of Locke's work 
"On the Human Understanding". About half the work is devoted to "Gov- 
ernment". This portion Robert Emmet not only read, as we will show here- 
after, but studied critically and in a more mature manner than the average 
intellect could do at any period of life. This is known to have been his work 
while in his fourteenth year. 

Robert Emmet became a student of Trinity College, Dublin, in his fifteenth 
year, on October 7th, 1793, and the Rev. Mr. Graves became his tutor. From 
the beginning of his collegiate course he took, without effort, the highest 
position, thus giving promise of as brilliant a record as was attained by his 

The first evidence as to the possession of any special talent was for the 
exact sciences ; in the study of mathematics and chemistry, and particularly in 
chemistry, he developed a great proficiency. We exclude all reference to the 
study of the ancient languages and French. 

A knowledge of Latin and French seems to have been acquired with the 
alphabet, while the facility to speak both was gained by the children of this 
family, together with their English, as Latin and French were the languages 
commonly used by Dr. Emmet's family in their intercourse, Irish being spoken 
to the servants, and English seldom used, except in social life. 

Robert Emmet's taste for chemistry was so great that he constructed a 
laboratory in his father's house, where he worked in the interval between the 
residence and sessions at college. 

Dr. Madden states : 

Robert Emmet, in his early days and college career, i% thus spoken of by a 
Protestant clergyman of great eminence as a pulpit orator in Dublin, some forty 
years ago — Rev. Archibald Douglas, nephew of Sir Edward Crosbie, in a letter to 
me dated 6th November, 1842 : — "With Robert Emmet I was most intimate before 
he entered College and after. Indeed in his young days he almost lived in our 
house. So gifted a creature does not appear in a thousand years. The whole family 
were distinguished for talent of the highest order." 

Thomas Moore, the poet, was both at school and at college with Robert 
Emmet, and in his "Life and Death of Lord Edward Fitzgerald" he writes : 

Were I to number, indeed, the men among all I have ever known, who appeared 
to me to combine in the greatest degree pure moral worth with intellectual power, 
I should, among the highest of the few, place Robert Emmet. Wholly free from 
the follies and frailties of youth — though capable he was of the most devoted passion, 
events afterwards proved — the pursuit of science, in which he eminently distinguished 
himself, seemed at this time the only object that at all divided his thoughts with 
that enthusiasm for Irish freedom which in him, was an hereditary as well as a 
national feeling, himself being the second martyr his father had given to the cause. 

Robert Emmet at Trinity 


Simple in all his habits, and with a repose of look and manner indicating but little 
movement within, it was only when the spring was touched that set his feelings, 
and through them his intellect, in motion, that he at all rose above the level of 
ordinary men. 

Emmet took a leading part in the debates of the historical society. Of his 
eloquence Thomas Moore wrote: 

I have heard little since that appeared to me of a loftier, or what is a far more 
rare quality in Irish eloquence, a purer strain ; and the effect it produced, as well 
from its own exciting power, as from the susceptibility with which his audience 
caught up every allusion to passing events, was such as to attract at least the serious 
attention of the Fellows. 

Some fervid writings of Moore and of Walsh, the author of "Ireland Sixty 
Years Ago", were in truth the cause of the college visitation : 

I have conversed [says Madden] with many persons who had heard him [Robert 
Emmet] speak in these societies, some of them of very decided Tory politics, but I 
never heard but one opinion expressed, of the transcendent oratorial powers he pos- 
sessed there ("United Irishmen," 3d series). 

Thomas Moore, in his Memoir, mentions having written a letter to the 
students of the University, which he published in "The Press," the organ of 
the United Irishmen : 

A few days after [the publication of this letter], in the course of one of those 
strolls into the country which Emmet and I used to take together, our conversation 
turned upon this letter, and I gave him to understand it was mine; when with that 
almost feminine gentleness of manner which he possessed, and which is so often 
found in such determined spirits, he owned to me that on reading the letter, though 
pleased with its contents, he could not help regretting that the public attention had 
been thus drawn to the politics of the university, as it might have the effect of 
awakening the vigilance of the college authorities, and frustrate the progress of the 
good work (as we both considered it) which was going on there so quietly. Even 
then, boyish as my own mind was, I could not help being struck with the manliness 
of the view which I saw he took of what men ought to do in such times, and circum- 
stances, namely not to talk or write about their intentions, but to act. He had never 
before, I think, in conversation with me, alluded to the existence of the United Irish 
Societies in College, nor did he now or at any subsequent time make any proposition 
to me to join in them, a forbearance which I attribute a good deal to his knowledge 
of the watchful anxiety about me which prevailed at home, and his seeing the diffi- 
culty I should experience from being, as the phrase is, constantly tied to my mother's 
apron string in attending the meetings of the society without being discovered. 

He was altogether a noble fellow, and as full of imagination and tenderness of 
heart as of manly daring. He used frequently to sit by me at the piano-forte, while 
I played over the airs from Bunting's Irish collection; and I remember one day 
when we were thus employed, his starting up, as if from a reverie, while I was play- 
ing the spirited air "Let Erin remember the days of old", and exclaiming passion- 
ately, "Oh, that I were at the head of twenty thousand men marching to that 
air"! . . . 

According to family tradition Robert Emmet wrote the following, which is 
considered to have been his first effort, at about twelve years of age: 


Heroic Endurance 

Erin's Call 

Brothers arise! Our country calls — 

Let us gain her rights or Die; 
In her cause who nobly falls, 

Decked with brightest wreaths shall lie; 
And Freedom's genius o'er his bier 
Shall place the wreath and drop a tear. 

Long by England's power opprest, 

Groaning long beneath her chain, 
England's ill-used power detest; 

Burst her yoke; your rights regain; 
The standard raise to liberty — 
Ireland ! you shall be free. 

Brothers, march, march on to glory — 

In your country's cause unite; 
Freedom's blessing see before you — 

Erin's sons, for freedom fight: 
England's legions we defy 
We swear to conquer or to die. 

When Robert Emmet was about fourteen years of age he accidentally 
poisoned himself, and in meeting the consequence he clearly indicated, even 
at so early an age, his self-reliance and strength of character. The Countess 
d'Haussonville's graphic recital of the incident is clearer in detail than that 
given by Dr. Madden, who first printed an account of the accident, as he re- 
ceived it from Mr. T. A. Emmet, Jr., of New York, and as afterwards corrob- 
orated by Mr. Patten, who was an inmate of Dr. Emmet's house at the time. 
The Countess d'Haussonville wrote: 

From an early period he had a passion for the severe sciences. Mathematics 
and chemistry were from the age of twelve years his favorite studies. 

She then narrates the incident so generally quoted and which she may 
have heard from her mother: 

He was accustomed to make chemical experiments in his father's house. After 
one of these experiments, he applied himself to study a book of algebra, and en- 
deavoured to solve the problem which, by the author's admission, was of extreme 
difficulty. Absorbed in his study, he imprudently raised his hand to his mouth, and 
poisoned himself with some corrosive sublimate, which he had been handling a 
few moments before. The violent pain he felt immediately informed him of his 
danger, and the cause of his sufferings. Nevertheless, fearing that, as a punishment 
for his imprudence he should for the future be forbidden to make these dangerous 
experiments, he was not willing to let anybody know it; but went down to his 
father's library, took a volume of the Encyclopedia, and found under the article 
Poisons, that chalk, mixed with water, was recommended as a remedy in such cases. 
[An Encyclopedia of the present day would recommend more efficient means.] 
Recollecting that he had seen some chalk in a coach house on the premises he 
went down to the yard, broke in the door of the coach house, which was closed, 
succeeded in finding the chalk, made use of it, and tranquilly resumed the study of 
the problem, on which he was engaged. 


From a note book used by Robert Emmet while at 
Trinity College 

Appearance in Youth 


The next morning his teacher, Dr. Lewis, observing him at breakfast with such 
an expression of extreme suffering in his face that he was scarcely to be recognized, 
questioned him anxiously, and obtained from him the avowal that he had passed 
the whole night in cruel tortures, but that profiting by his inability to sleep he had 
nevertheless continued to studj his problem, and had solved it. 

Doctor Lewis to whom the education of Robert Emmet was confided was an 
intelligent Protestant clergyman of broad and liberal mind. He took great pleasure 
in cultivating the varied talents of his pupil's fertile mind, and was, it is said, the 
first to inspire him with a hatred for intolerance and religious oppression. Dr. 
Emmet's views were so clearly defined that had Dr. Lewis held any other he would 
never have obtained his position as tutor. 

The Countess d'Haussonville gives a description of Robert Emmet's ap- 
pearance, which is of value through being based on tradition received from 
the Countess's grandmother, Madame de Stael, who knew him well. The 
Countess continues: 

"The first days of Spring", says Vauvenargues, "are less lovely than the dawning 
virtue of a young man". . . . Robert Emmet in early youth, already united with 
the graces of adolescence, the serious qualities of mature age. He was above the 
middle stature, rather slight and delicate, although endowed with nervous strength 
which enabled him easily to support great fatigue. He walked with a quick step, 
and all his movements were rapid. The portraits remaining of him have been made 
from memory after his death, and the painter, it is said, preoccupied with his tragic 
fate, has given him a sad sombre expression which he had not in the happy days 
of life. His countenance was pleasing and distingue. His hair was brown and his 
complexion quite pale; the eyebrow was arched, and the eyes black and large with 
dark eye-lashes, which gave to his looks a remarkable expression of pride, penetra- 
tion, and mildness. His nose was aquiline, and his mouth was slightly disdainful. 
Energy, delicacy, and tenderness are expressed in his melancholy and ardent fea- 
tures. Such was, however, his total absence of affectation, and his simplicity that 
nothing seems to have at first sight attracted attention in Robert Emmet. The 
modesty of his character, joined to a sort of habitual reserve, hid the working of 
his mind in the ordinary circumstances of life, but, were any subject started which 
was deeply interesting to him, he appeared quite another man. 

The Trinity College professor and others gave a description of Robert 
Emmet to the police. In this it was stated that his person was small and lean 
and wiry, his face pallid and slightly pock-marked; under a brow broad and 
high, his eyes were grey in color and heavily-lidded, small and searching; the 
nose, prominent, straight and thin, ended in a sharp point; and the under-lip 
protruded like a challenge. The predominant expression was that of intense 
gravity, grim earnestness, softened by the wistful, elusive expression of a 
dreamer of dreams. 

Elrington, his tutor in mathematics at Trinity, gave the following unflatter- 
ing description of his appearance: 

In 1798 he was near twenty years of age, of an ugly, sour countenance, small 
eyes, but not near-sighted; a dirty brownish complexion; at a distance looks as if 
somewhat marked with small-pox; about five feet, six inches high, rather thin than 
fat, but not of an emaciated figure; on the contrary somewhat broad-made; walks 
briskly, but does not swing his arms. 


Expulsion from Trinity 

Referring to the same period, Madden states: 

Robert Emmet, in the spring of 1798, was about twenty years of age; his 
brother, in the month of March of that year, had been arrested; many of his fellow- 
students were members of the Society of United Irishmen; and several of his 
brother's most intimate friends and associates were then his companions in mis- 
fortune. Whether Robert was a sworn member of the Society I have not been able 
to ascertain, but that he had adopted its principles early in that year, and had been 
freely communicated with on subjects connected with its affairs, by persons impli- 
cated in the latter, there is no doubt. 

The political feeling existing among the students in Trinity College became 
known to the authorities and led to a "visitation" in April, 1798, when after 
some investigation, a number of students were expelled and the spirit of dis- 
satisfaction was completely suppressed. Robert Emmet was not among the 
number expelled, as he had resigned just previous to the action taken by the 
authorities, but they would not accept his resignation, and he was, according 
to the records of the college, expelled with nineteen others. 

In the month of April, 1798, the lord chancellor's visitation at the college, 
which terminated in the expulsion of several students charged with treasonable 
practices in the college, took place. 

When several of the students had been called before the chancellor, and ex- 
amined upon oath, Robert Emmet, on being summoned, wrote a letter to the mem- 
bers of the Board of Fellows, denouncing the act of demanding, on oath, information 
from the students tending to inculpate their fellow-students, and requiring of them 
to disclose the names of such of their associates as were members of the Society 
of United Irishmen; and desiring to have his name taken off the books of college. 
Before the letter was forwarded to the Board, he showed it to his father, and it met 
with his father's entire approbation, a circumstance not generally known. 

Thomas Moore wrote an account of these political troubles at Trinity, but 
Madden has pointed out that some inaccurate statements were made by 
him, and that Walsh's "Sketches of Ireland Sixty Years Ago" contains a 
more exact account. The details of this investigation as to the political status 
of all connected with the institution, although containing much of historical 
interest, would not prove of special interest for the general reader. 

Dr. Emmet had strange notions about Robert: he frequently spoke to Mr. 
Patten of the difference of manner and appearance of Robert from his brothers. He 
had not the gravity and sedateness of Temple and Thomas Addis Emmet; his boy- 
ishness of air, and apparent unfitness for society, or unwillingness to engage in 
active intercourse with men of the world, made the poor old doctor uneasy about 
Robert's destiny. I take this account word for word from a statement recently made 
to me by Mr. Patten. On one occasion, when Dr. Emmet was talking in this strain 
at Casino to Mr. Patten, the latter said that he attributed the pecularities noticed 
by the doctor to the extreme diffidence of Robert — he was so modest, reserved, and 
retiring, that he seemed unconscious of his own powers. The old doctor said such 
was not the case when Robert's mind was made up on any point — he had no diffidence — 
no distrust— no fear of himself. "If Robert", said his father, "was looking out of 
that window, and saw a regiment passing that was about to be reviewed, and was 
informed the colonel had just fallen from his horse, and was incapacitated for his 
duty, and it was intimated to him that he might take the colonel's place, and put 

Lack of Vanity 


his taste for the reading of military tactics and evolutions to the test, Robert would 
quietly take his hat, place himself at the head of the regiment, and give the necessary 
commands without any misgivings or mauvaise honte". 

I asked Mr. Patten what did this kind of self-confidence arise from — was it from 
vanity? was Robert personally vain? was he vain of his talents — of his intellectual 
superiority over others in any attainment, in argument or discourse? Mr. Patten's 
answer was in these words : 

"From vanity! Oh! dear, no — Robert had not a particle of vanity in his composi- 
tion. He was the most free from self-conceit of any man I ever knew. You might 
live with him for five years — aye, for ten years — in the same house — in the same 
room even and never discover that he thought about himself at all. He was neither 
vain of his person nor his mind." 

In consequence of the action of Trinity College authorities, Robert Emmet 
was barred from entering professional life, and had no means of support left 
him but to engage in trade, which, as we shall see, he did, with John Patten, 
as a tanner. 

Thomas Moore, Emmet's school and college-mate, has given a number of 
the subjects which were discussed by the members of the historical society of 
Trinity College, in which Robert Emmet always took an active part. His 
speeches exhibited a remarkable degree of talent, and Moore preserved copious 
extracts from them. 

Moore states : 

In another of his speeches I remember his saying: "When a people advancing 
rapidly in civilization and knowledge of their right, look back after a long lapse of 
years, and perceive how far their government has lagged behind them what then, 
I ask, is to be done by them in such a case? What but pull the government up to 
the people?"* 

Robert Emmet's resignation from Trinity was regarded as an evidence of 
political disaffection, yet there was no proof on which the college authorities 
could base any authority for his dismissal. He was out-spoken against the 
existing corruption and abuses throughout the country, a condition every one 
acknowledged existed, and to which the English Government was perfectly 
indifferent, and so much so to have offered not the slightest objection to the 
freest discussion. The injustice done him was resented by many who realized 
that it was due to the fact that his father had already become a marked man, 
since he had resigned every position held by him under the Government, with 
which he was no longer in sympathy. 

But the poorer classes were more in sympathy from a sentiment of grateful 
remembrances of the many charitable acts of his mother and her daughter, 
and the long professional and gratuitous service rendered them by his father. 
The feeling of veneration for the family was more enduring with them and 
became traditional from one generation to another. No other young man of 
Robert Emmet's age in Dublin ever became known to so large a number of 
persons as this incident of injustice caused, and it was no doubt the foundation 
for much of the popularity attached to him after he began his political course. 

•Memoirs of Moore, edited by Lord John Russell, Vol. I, page 17. 


Popularity of Robert Emmet 

The degree of veneration felt for Robert Emmet's memory by the Irish 
people throughout the world, and which seems to increase with the advance 
of time, has often excited speculation as to the cause of this unique condition. 
The romance in connection with his history was doubtless a factor, but nothing 
is more transient than public interest under such circumstances, and particularly 
in such a case as that of Robert Emmet, who, so far as the public knew, would 
seem to have accomplished less than any other individual in Irish history. 
When in the course of time it becomes known what Thomas Addis and 
Robert Emmet wished and expected to accomplish, and the extent to which 
many subsequent beneficial results sprang from the seed sown by them, they 
will no longer rank as failures. The individuality of these two men endeared 
them to all with whom they came in intimate contact. But the public at large, 
who held their names in great respect and even veneration, without possessing 
any special knowledge as to the reason for doing so, are insensibly influenced 
by a reflection from the good, charitable and blameless life of their parents, 
which has left a permanent impression on generations after the source has 
been forgotten. 

/ declare on my conscience 1 do not think that if Trinity College, its learning, its liberality, 
its prejudices, and its venality <were all sunk together, the country mould be injured 
by it. If from its extinction I could see arise, the simple principle of "do justice and 
love mercy", I feel that my country 'would gain. 

Miss Emmet, "Address to the People of Ireland", 1799. 

Some suppose [from English teaching~\<what has also been asserted of the negro race; thai 
the Irish were an inferior, semi-brutal people, incapable of managing the affairs of 
their country, and submitted, by the necessity of their nature, to some superior 
power, from whose interference and strength they must exclusively derive their 
domestic tranquillity, as well as their foreign protection. 

T. A. Emmet. 

Chapter II 

Robert Emmet's poetic compositions — 'London Pride and Shamrock" — "The 
Two Ships" — "Arbour Hill" — "Help from Heaven" — "Genius of Erin", the only poem 
published with his initials. 

MONGST his many accomplishments, Robert Emmet gave 
evidence at an early age that, in common with all the 
other members of his family, he had inherited a marked 
talent for poetics. His father left a volume of poems in 
manuscript which were never published, but were quite 
worthy of that distinction, as the reader has been able to 
judge from the "Harvest Day" and other poems, given 
in the first volume. A volume of the poems of his 
brother Temple was published in London about the time 
of his death, and his sister Mary Ann wrote with great facility both in prose 
and verse. The writer has seen references made to the skill of T. A. Emmet, 
particularly in writing Latin verse, but no verses from his pen seem to have 
been preserved. 

The following was published in "The Press", October 21st, 1797, and signed 
"Trebor", the letters of which if reversed would form Robert : 

The London Pride and Shamrock 


Full many a year, close side by side, 
A Shamrock grew and London Pride : 
Together how they came to grow 
I do not care, nor do I know; 
But this I know, that overhead 
A laurel cast a wholesome shade. 
The Shamrock was of lovely green 
In early days as e'er was seen; 
And she had many a hardy son 
In days of old, but they are gone — 
For soon the other's creeping shoots 
Did steal themselves round Shamrock's roots, 

'London Pride and Shamrock* 

Then, thief-like, fastened in her soil, 

And sucked the sap of poor Trefoil; 

Until in time pert London Pride 

Got up so high as quite to hide 

Poor Shamrock, who could seldom see 

The Sun's bright face, — nor seen was she, 

Save when an adverse blast did blow, 

And laid her neighbour's honours low. 

Then, in the angry lady's spite, 

She drank the show'r, she saw the light, 

She bath'd her sicklied charms in dew, 

And gathered health and strength anew. 

She saw those joys had come from heaven 

And ne'er were by her neighbour given ; 

Yet, her good-nature aye to prove, 

She paid her jealous hate with love. 

But when once more kind zephyrs came, 

And raised the o'ergrown, storm-bent dame, 

The ingrate strove her all to take, 

And forced poor Shamrock thus to speak: 

"Neighbour, we're born with equal right 

To feel yon sun and see his light, 

T'enjoy the blessings of this earth— 

Or if right follows prior birth, 

In this still stronger is my claim — 

Long was I known, and great my fame, 

Before the world e'er heard thy name. 

But letting all these strong claims lie, 

Pray tell me, is it policy, 

To thwart my offspring as they rise, 

To break my heart, to blind their eyes? 

Sure if they spread the earth along, 

Grow handsome, healthy, stout, and strong, 

They will as usual happy be 

To lend that useful strength to thee : 

Thus would we keep each other warm, 

And guard us from all coming harm; 

We'd steady stand when wild winds blow, 

And laugh in spite of frost and snow, 

And guard the roots of our loved laurel, 

Grown sick and pale to see us quarrel." 

"No more!" the vex'd virago cries, 

Wild fury flashing from her eyes; 

"I'll hear no more — your bounds I'll mark, 

And keep you ever in the dark; 

Here is a circle — look you here — 

One step beyond it, if you dare! 

And if I hear you more complain 

I'll tear thy rising heart in twain; 

I've made thy sons kill one another, 

And soon they shall destroy their mother. 

I'll thus" — a flash of heavenly fire, 

Full fraught with Jove's most deadly ire, 

Scatter'd the London Pride around; 

The black clouds roar'd with horrid sound; 

"The Two Ships" 


The vivid lightning flashed again, 

And laid the laurel on the plain. 

But soon succeeds a heavenly calm — 

Soft dews descend and show'rs of balm — 

The sun shoots forth its kindest ray, 

And Shamrock strengthens every day, 

And, rais'd by heaven's assistance bland, 

Bids fair to spread o'er all the land; 

She guards the blasted laurel's roots, 

The nurtur'd laurel upward shoots, 

And grateful wreaths its dark green boughs 

To grace great Shamrock's aged brows. 


Take heed, learn wisdom hence, weak man, 

And keep a good friend while you can; 

If to your friend you are unkind, 

E'en Love will be against you join'd; 

Reflect that every act you do 

To strengthen him doth strengthen you; 

To serve you he is willing — able — 

Two twists will make the strongest cable, 

To bind a friend and keep him steady, 

To have him e'er in reach and ready. 


The moral of this poem is as applicable to-day as it was at the time it was 

The Two Ships* 


The following which is also signed by "Trebor," is taken from "Literary 
Remains of the United Irishmen of 1798, &c," by Dr. R. R. Madden: 

Et ego malim audire tales fabulas 
Quam experiri — Naufrag. Eras. 

A ship that weathered many a gale, 
With oft-fished mast and tattered sail, 
And many a shot, and many a scar, 
That she received in deadly war; 
Afraid of ev'ry angry cloud 
Of breeze that whistled thro' a shroud; 
O'erburdened, lab'ring, heaving, creaking, 
In danger every wave of wrecking. 
Thus to a vessel stout and tight 
That constant had kept close in sight; 
And ev'ry gale had lent assistance, 
Or when the foe kept not his distance. 
"Your crew, good ship, you can't deny, 
Is tainted strong with mutiny; 

*This piece appeared in the "Anti-Union". 10th of January, 1798. It is written with great 
ability, far greater than is exhibited in the ordinary run of Anti-Union poetry of this period. The 
poetical merit of it is of high order. The diction is appropriate, energetic and simple. 

'We Never Should Be Joined 

Now mine is loyal, if you mix 'em 
We'll make two honest crews betwixt 'em. 
And that we may keep close together, 
And stoutly face all sorts of weather, 
We'll tow you by the strongest cable 
That to devise my crew is able. 
And if you leave it to my master, 
We both shall sail more safe and faster. 
As to our burden, though you'll share it 
His skill will give you strength to bear it 
My solemn faith shall plighted be, 
Your share I'll just apportioned see — 
And to your strength your load I'll square, 
Nor stow a pound you cannot bear. 
A common fate we then shall have, 
Together mount the boisterous wave; 
Or down the wat'ry vale so low 
Together we shall cheerful go. 
The storm, dear ship, that injures you 
Shall sink thy constant comrade too." 
The trim-built vessel thus replied, 
As proud she rode upon the tide : 
"I know I have on board some men, 
That seem rebellious now and then, 
But what's the cause? You know full well — 
Allowance short — makes men rebel; 
And you have many a hand of mine 
That on my crew's provision dine; 
Each day on biscuit we must work, 
Forsooth to send you beef and pork. 
Send me my men, their pay and stores, 
Cease to rip up our healing sores, 
In honour, and in wisdom's name, 
Help me, some prudent plan to frame, 
To gain a happy crew's affection; — 
Blow it, 'twill be thy own protection, 
Our ship we'll work, its deck we'll clear, 
Nor wind, nor wave, nor both we'll fear. 
As to the tow-rope I am loth 
To try it, for 'twill hurt us both; 
A course for you's no course for me, 
Our trims are diffrent as can be; 
But I shall, as I'm wont to do, 
Keep constant company with you, 
And overboard the traitor-hearted 
Shall go — that wish to see us parted; 
But I perceive 'tis my crew's mind 
By ropes we never should be joined." 
'Twas all in vain — a scoundrel few 
About the helm, betrayed the crew; 
And for a bounty, basely gotten, 
Lash'd the sound vessel to the rotten. 
No sooner was this foul deed done 
Than slap on board comes ton on ton 

"Arbour Hill 


Of cargo — a most grievous burden, 

Ten times as much as she'd her name on; 

A storm comes on — a dreadful blast, 

Now goes a sail! now groans a mast! 

The silvery waves in mountains curled 

Now wrap them in the wat'ry world! 

Shot on the billow, now they rise, 

And seem to penetrate the skies. 

Their heaving sides with frightful crash 

The rolling ships together dash; 

The tight-built ship now 'gan to think 

That thus united both must sink; 

And better 'twas that they should part 

For ever, than a plank should start. 

To save herself, nought else was left, 

She cut the rope, and sent adrift 

The crazy ship, to live at sea 

Well as she could and bore away — 


About the time of the arrest of Thomas Addis Emmet, and when a reign 
of terror existed throughout Ireland in consequence of the excesses com- 
mitted by the troops holding the country, Robert Emmet, then but a youth, 
frequently indulged his poetical talents. Political subjects seem to have been 
his only theme, so far as we can judge from what is known to have been 
written by him, and all the poems attributed to him were composed between 
1797 and 1799. 

The following verses were written about the same time as "The London 
Pride and Shamrock", and are also given in Dr. Madden's memoir of Robert 
Emmet : 

Arbour Hill.* 

No rising column marks this spot 

Where many a victim lies, 
But oh! the blood which here has streamed 

To heaven for justice cries. 

It claims it on the oppressor's head 

Who joys in human woe, 
Who drinks the tears by misery shed, 

And mocks them as they flow. 

It claims it on the callous judge 

Whose hands in blood are dyed, 
Who arms injustice with the sword, 

The balance thrown aside. 

It claims it for this ruined isle — 

Her wretched children's grave — 
Where withered Freedom droops her head, 

And man exists — a slave. 

Dr. Madden states in a note: "Arbour Hill, at the rear of the Royal Barracks in Dublin was a 
place where a great number of executions took place, and the burial-place of those executed for treason 
The spot chosen for their interment was 'Croppies' Hole'; it was a piece of waste ground where rubbish 
used to be deposited. 


"Genius of Erin" 

O sacred Justice! free this land 

From tyranny abhorred; 
Resume thy balance and thy seat, 

Resume, but sheath thy sword. 

No retribution should we seek — 

Too long has horror reigned; 
By mercy marked may Freedom rise, 

By cruelty unstained. 

Nor shall a tyrant's ashes mix 

With those our martyred dead; 
This is the place where Erin's sons 

In Erin's cause have bled. 

And those who here are laid at rest, 

Oh! hallowed be each name; 
Their memories are for ever blest — 

Consigned to endless fame. 

Unconsecrated is this ground, 

Unblessed by holy hands — 
No bell here tolls its solemn sound — ■ 

No monument here stands. 

But here the patriot's tears are shed, 

The poor man's blessing given — 
These consecrate the virtuous dead, 

These waft their fame to heaven. 

The following poem is the only one written by Robert Emmet which 
he signed, and it was published with his initials : 

Genius of Erin 

Genius of Erin, tune thy harp 

To freedom, let its sound awake 
Thy prostrate sons, and nerve their hearts 

Oppression's iron bonds to break. 

Long and strong then strike the lyre — 

Strike it with prophetic lays, 
Bid it rouse the slumbering fire, 

Bid the fire of freedom blaze. 

Tell them glory waits their efforts — 

Strongly wooed, she will be won; 
Freedom, show, by peace attended, 

Waits to crown each gallant son. 

Greatly daring, bid them gain her; 

Conquerors, bid them live or die; 
Erin in her children triumphs, 

Even where her martyrs lie. 

"Help from Heaven" 


But if her sons, too long opprest, 
No spark of freedom's fire retain, 

And, with sad and servile breast, 
Basely wear the galling chain; 

Vainly then you'd call to glory, 
Vainly freedom's blessing praise — 

Man debased to willing thraldom 
Freedom's blessing cannot raise. 

Check thy hand, and change thy strain, 
Change it to a sound of woe, — 

Ireland's blasted hopes proclaim, 
Ireland's endless sufferings show. 

Show her fields with blood ensanguined, 
With her children's blood bedewed — 

Show her desolated plains, 
With their murdered bodies strewed. 

Mark that hamlet — how it blazes! 

Hear the shrieks of horror rise — 
See! the fiends prepare their tortures — 

See! a tortured victim dies. 

Ruin stalks his haggard round, 
O'er the plains his banner waves, 

Sweeping from her wasted land 
All but tyrants and their slaves. 

All but tyrants and their slaves! 

Shall they live in Erin's isle? 
O'er her martyred patriots' graves 

Shall Oppression's minions smile? 

Erin's sons, awake! — awake! 

Oh! too long, too long, you sleep; 
Awake! arise! your fetters break, 

Nor let your country bleed and weep. 

R. E. 

Dr. Madden gives another poem, which was published in the Anti-Union 
periodical, March 9th, 1799. It bears the signature "Trebor", the same as 
was attached to "The London Pride and Shamrock", of which there exists no 
doubt that Robert Emmet was the author. And while these two poems are 
written in a totally different style, it is evident that the same talented writer 
was the author of both. 

Help From Heaven 

The right hand of the Lord bringeth mighty things to pass — the Lord has chastened and corrected 
me: but he hath not given me over to death. — Psalm cxviii, 16 and 18. 

'Twas at the solemn midnight hour, 

When minds at ease are sunk in sleep, 
But sorrow's sons their wailings pour, 

Teaching the woods and wilds to weep; 

Ierne Lonely 

Beside a lake whose waters black 
The pale-eyed moon doth dimly spy, 

Scarce peeping o'er a mountain's back, 
That rudely lifts its head on high; 

Where the wild willows green and dank 
Their weeping heads wave to and fro; 

And bending reeds upon its bank 
Oft kiss the stream that runs below — 

There, on a long-fall'n mould'ring mass 
An ancient castle's crumbling wall, 

That, now grown o'er with weeds and grass, 
Was once gay mirth's and beauty's hall, 

Ierne, lonely, pale, and sad, 
All hapless sighing, sat her down, 

And sorrowing mused, till almost mad, 

She snatched her harp her cares to drown. 

Now wildly waved her auburn hair 
In the unheeded blast that blew; 

Fixed were her eyes in deep despair, 
Whilst o'er the strings her fingers flew. 

The sounds, at first so loud and wild, 
Now slowly softened on the ear; 

And e'en the savage blast grew mild, 

Such soothing sounds well pleased to hear. 

Her druids' ghosts around her throng — 
For ling'ring still, tho' seldom seen, 

They fondly flit the oaks among, 
And haunt the grove for ever green; 

And list'ning fairies troop around, 
Whilst high upon the ivied tow'r, 

The long-haired banshees catch the sound, 
And rapt, forget their crying hour. 

For, in the saddest, softest strain, 
She wail'd the woes of Erin's land — 

Ah! wretched Erin, rent in twain 
By some curs'd demon's hellish hand, 

That aye inflames with deadly rage 
Sons against sons in foulest fight, 

And youth to murder hoary age, 
In nature's and in reason's spite. 

The cottage now she sings in flames, 

Now the injur'd maiden dying, 
And now the burning baby's screams 

To its mother's bosom flying: 

The Coming of Discord 

Ah! luckless mother, vain you shed 
Thy tears or blood thy babe to save, 

For lo! poor soul, thy baby's dead, 
And now thy breast must be its grave! 

Thy breast of life, where, as it slept, 
Thy song-sooth'd cherub oft would start; 

Then heav'd its little sighs, and wept — 
Sad sighs that rack'd thy boding heart. 

The thought too deep Ierne stung — 
She started frantic from her seat, 

Her silver harp deep thrilling rung, 
Neglected, falling at her feet. 

Nor silver harp Ierne cheers, 
Nor the bright starry-studded skies ; 

The light of Heaven's unseen through tears — 
The sweetest sound's unheard through sighs. 

The withered shamrock from her breast, 
Scorch'd with her burning sighs, she threw, 

And the dark, deadly yew she pressed, 
Cold dripping with unhallow'd dew. 

"Here, here," she cries, "unseen I'll dwell, 
Here hopeless lay my tearful head, 

And fairies nightly in this cell 
Shall strew my dew-cold leafy bed." 

Then down she sinks with grief oppress'd 
Her saffron sleeve thrown o'er her face, 

And soft-winged sleep lights on her breast, 
And soothes its heavings into peace. 

But ah! too soon, fell Discord's cries, 
Borne on an eastern breeze's wings, 

Rude sweep her harp, that downward lies, 
And moan amongst its trembling strings. 

Scared with a sound he did not know, 
Peace-loving sleep dared not to stay, 

But, sighing for Ierne's woe, 
He bent his noiseless flight away. 

Ierne, starting, paused a while: 

"Too true," she cries, "ye powers above! 
Dread Discord comes from that fair isle 

Where still I looked for peace and love." 

Thought-rapt she stood in dumb amaze, 
When, on the western mountain's height, 

To sounds seraphic, rose a blaze 
Of mildly-beaming heavenly light. 


Hope and Liberty 

There in the midst, loose-rob'd, was seen 
Sweet Hope, that soothes our ev'ry ill, 

Beck'ning with calm and smiling mien 
Poor, sad Ierne up the hill. 

The woe-begone thus Hope address'd: 
"Lift up thy looks, Ierne, cheerl 

For know we come at heaven's behest 
To soothe thy sorrow, check thy fear. 

"Thy cares, thy dangers soon shall cease, 
Thy days of tears and sighs are gone, 

Thy foulest feuds shall turn to peace — 
Thus shall the will of heav'n be done. 

"Pluck from thy breast that yew away — 
Be steady, cool, collected, calm; 

So shalt thou soon a wreath display 
Of shamrock woven with the palm." 

Words so bland, as dew descending 

Lifts the drooping lily's head, 
Rais'd the fair Ierne bending, 

Fairest flow'r in Nature's bed. 

"My fervent thanks, high heav'n," she cries, 

"Be ever, ever given to thee; 
Thou'st chas'd my sorrow, tears, and sighs — 

Thou'st sent me hope and liberty." 


Your cause is in your own hands. If Ireland is disunited her cause so long remains hope- 
less; if, on ihe contrary, she knows her otun mind and is one in spirit, that cause is 

Gladstone, to John Dillon, J 898. 



When have you demanded that you have not succeeded ? and when have you negotiated 
that you have not been deceived? 


Chapter III 

Robert Emmet not known to have participated in uprising of 1798 — Not be- 
lieved to have taken an oath as a United Irishman — But frequently present at meet- 
ings — T. A. Emmet's work of organization when on circuit as a lawyer — Incident 
at meeting when token of authority and identification discussed — Robert designs 
seal of the United Irishmen — Accepted by Directory — Different seals for North 
and South — British Government offers large reward for seal after arrest of Thomas 
Addis Emmet — Anecdote of author's father during a house search — Robert fre- 
quently employed as confidential agent — Samuel Turner imprisoned in Scotland as 
Government spy — Duel between Thomas Addis Emmet and Arthur O'Connor 
averted by Robert — Cause of quarrel never known — Author in possession of pistols 
to have been used — Robert present during debate on the Union in Irish House of 
Commons — Goes to Continent in 1801 — Goes to Switzerland — Returns to Paris in- 
tending to accompany Thomas Addis to America — Madden on only two letters 
written by Robert said to have been preserved — Three to Marquise de Fontenay 
given — Robert's interviews with Talleyrand and Napoleon — Belief that latter would 
help Ireland — Returns to Ireland to take part in rising of 1803 — Lord Cloncurry 
engaged in conspiracy — Napoleon's intentions change after arranging for invasion 
of England. 

ESPITE circumstances of close relation and interest, it is 
not believed that Robert Emmet had any active connec- 
tion with the uprising of the United Irishmen in 1798, or 
that he ever took the prescribed oath of the organization. 
But on the statement of his friend and relative, Mr. John 
Patten, it is known that he was frequently present at the 
meetings at his brother's house. Mr. Patten told Dr. 
Madden that on one occasion the question was under 
consideration as to the necessity of confiding some token 
or insignia of his office to Mr. T. A. Emmet. The reader must know that in 
the early stages of the movement, before Mr. Emmet became a member of the 
Directory, his special province had been to organize different branches of the 
society, while he was ostensibly on circuit, in the practice of his profession. 
But as the organization became enlarged it was necessary that he should be 
in possession of some token whereby his authority would be recognized. 
Robert Emmet, being present, quickly made a pen and ink design on the fly- 
leaf of a medical book belonging to his father which lay before him, from 
which the reproduction has been made. It would seem to indicate an apparent 



Seal of United Irishmen 

want of balance, such as is often to be seen in the Irish character, as shown 
by a sudden shifting from the serious to the ludicrous, as though the individual 
were lacking in a sense of responsibility. Possibly it may be a natural con- 
sequence, the result of several hundred years of political and private suffer- 
ing, with at times frightful uncertainty as to the future. With this condition 
of affairs it may have become second nature with the Irish people to follow 
a free interpretation of the advice of Horace, "to enjoy the passing moment". 
Having drawn the figure, Robert Emmet immediately placed in front of it 
Paddy with his arms akimbo, as if in position to defend Erin. Afterwards he 
designed the seal, which has also .been reproduced, and which was accepted 
by the Directory for the purpose. The seal for the whole organization was 
designed in the North of Ireland and was different from the one in temporary 
use throughout the South of Ireland by Mr. Emmet. The design is a beautiful 
figure, which was cut in Dublin on an emerald, brought from India some 
years before by Sir John Temple and presented to his cousin, Dr. Robert 
Emmet. The English Government, it is said, obtained an impression and had 
it copied for use as a decoy. After the arrest of Mr. Emmet a large reward 
was offered by the Government for this seal, and the house was several times 
searched, but without success. Mrs. Emmet had it concealed on her person 
during the whole time and even throughout her imprisonment. 

The writer recalls an account given him by his father of one of these 
searches, made a year or more after the arrest of T. A. Emmet. While sleep- 
ing with one of his younger brothers in the nursery, he was suddenly awakened 
by a bright light in the room and became greatly alarmed on seeing a soldier 
standing guard within the door. As soon as the man saw the child was awake, 
with the instinct of a brute, he pointed his musket at him, as if about to shoot. 
The two children naturally got under the bed-clothing as quickly as possible, 
and in their terror did not dare to move, being more dead than alive, until the 
soldiers had left the house and their grandmother could come to them. This 
seal, which has been reset in its present form as a ring, is the possession of 
Lieutenant Robert Temple Emmet, formerly of the United States Army, who 
inherited it from his grandfather, Judge Robert Emmet, the eldest member of 
the family. 

Madden states in his "Lives of the United Irishmen": 

Whatever was the nature of the plans into which some of the imprisoned lead- 
ers entered, who were confined in Newgate and Kilmainham, when the faith of gov- 
ernment was broken with them, Robert Emmet certainly was cognizant of them, 
and had been employed as a messenger and confidential agent on some occasions, 
when the affairs in hand were deemed of great importance. I have been informed 
that he visited his brother at Fort George, in 1800. On the occasion of this visit 
there were serious differences among the State prisoners, especially between Arthur 
O'Connor and Thomas Addis Emmet. There were two parties in Fort George, and 
the divisions were, if not caused, certainly kept up by secret communications to the 
Government of everything that went on in the prison, that must have been made 
by some one of their own body. It was not known, however, that the traitor to his 
fellow-prisoners was a northern gentleman, of great fame for his blustering patriot- 
ism in the North in 1797 and early part of 1798, Mr. Samuel Turner of Newry. 

Seal of the United Irishmen for the south of 
Ireland, designed by Robert Emmet 

Robert Averts Duel 


During the whole period of his imprisonment at Fort George, Mr. Samuel Turner 
corresponded with Mr. Pitt, and it will be seen by the memoirs and correspondence 
of Lord Castlereagh, that after his liberation in 1802 Mr. Samuel Turner, while 
playing in Holland the part of an exile of Erin desperately faithful to his country, 
performed in secret the duties of a spy of the British Government on the United 
Irishmen who sojourned in Hamburgh or passed through that place. It will be 
seen also by the "Memoirs of Lord Cornwallis," vol. iii., p. 319, that Mr. Turner 
had a pension of £300 a year for his secret service. Perhaps the old policy of 
dividing and governing was carried into effect at Fort George, and the principal 
leaders of the imprisoned members of the Society of United Irishmen were "min- 
istered to by good espials," and the services of Samuel Turner were brought into 
requisition there, to set Emmet and O'Connor by the ears. About the same time 
as the visit of Robert to his brother, Mr. Patten received a letter from T. A. 
Emmet desiring him to bring a certain case of duelling pistols with him to Fort 
George when he was coming there; and accordingly the pistols were brought by 
Mr. Patten. But happily the necessity for their use was obviated by the previous 
successful efforts of Robert Emmet to allay the angry feelings that were then sub- 
sisting between the parties above referred to. Robert Emmet had a singular talent 
for composing differences and making people who spoke harshly, and thought un- 
kindly of one another, acquainted with each other's good qualities, and thereby 
causing them to come to terms of accommodation. 

The cause of the first quarrel between Mr. O'Connor and Mr. Emmet will 
probably never be known. The latter went to his grave with his suspicions 
unabated that he was watched and spied upon at Fort George by Castlereagh's 
order for obtaining some evidence to convict him of treason, and Dr. Mac- 
neven was of the same opinion. It was a fortunate circumstance that all others 
who could have given him trouble proved true to him, while he himself was so 
circumspect in his bearing that it was not possible to convict him on false 

The pistols brought by Mr. Patten were never needed, and the writer has 
them in his possession. It has been a source of great regret that an uncle of 
the writer had the old-fashioned flint-lock taken off these pistols and replaced 
by a hammer for percussion caps, which in turn has now become obsolete. The 
increased interest which would have attached to them had they been preserved 
in their original condition was never appreciated. 

When Mr. Patten parted with his brother-in-law at Fort George in 1800 
they never met again, and Mr. Emmet gave him a seal from his watch-fob 
shaped like a Celtic harp, which had been designed by Robert Emmet, and for 
a time was used by him. In his ninety-eighth year Mr. Patten gave this seal 
to Dr. Madden, and in 1880 the Doctor presented it to the writer with the 
seal Robert Emmet gave to a priest while on his way to execution. Both of 
these are still in the possession of the writer. 

Before Robert Emmet visited the Continent he passed two months with his 
brother, who was confined in Fort George, Scotland. He then returned to 
Dublin, and was present, as stated, throughout the debate in the Irish House 
of Commons on the proposed Union, and was also present at the last meeting 
of the Parliament, June, 1800, when the illegal and infamous Union was de- 
clared to have become established "by law". 


Effects of Plunket 's Speech 

During these stormy debates, says Lord Cloncurry, while the high priests 
of the Constitution, the orators, and the lawyers proclaimed with vehemence in the 
temple of the laws, that resistance was an obligation and insurrection a duty, a young 
man in the gallery listened, in solemn silence, to what was going on, and made a 
secret vow that he would one day effect the delivery of his country. 

Until recently Lord Cloncurry was the only authority quoted as to Robert 
Emmet having been present on this occasion, for the writer supposed that 
after leaving Fort George he had passed directly over to the Continent* If 
Emmet was present the position assumed by one man doubtless exercised a 
great influence in shaping Emmet's subsequent course; and especially so, as 
this man had been a friend of the family, one whom Robert Emmet from his 
earliest childhood treated with the greatest respect, and who was probably alone 
responsible for the secret vow, it is held he took after hearing Lord Plunket's 
views expressed with such eloquence and force. In "Cloncurry and His Times" 
it is reported : 

Plunket, the subsequent Chancellor, and sundry other massive intellects, pro- 
claimed resistance to be a duty. "For my part", said Plunket, "I will resist it to 
the last gasp of my existence, and with the last drop of my blood; and when I feel 
the hour of my dissolution approaching, I will, like Hannibal, take my children to 
the altar, and swear them to eternal hostility against the invaders of my country's 
freedom. I warn you do not dare to lay your hands on the constitution. I tell you 
that if circumstanced as you are, you pass this Act, it will be a nullity, and no man 
in Ireland will be bound to obey it". 

Cloncurry's statement is no doubt correct, as the Countess d'Haussonville 
in her Life of Robert Emmet wrote : 

Among those who received young Emmet with kindness when he first entered so- 
ciety was Lord Cloncurry, of all the noblemen in Ireland the most sincerely devoted to 
the cause of his country. He was one of the writers for "The Press", and supported 
that paper with his fortune and influence, and he was at a later period a member of the 
Executive Directory of the United Irishmen. He became most intimate then with 
Thomas Addis Emmet and his brother. 

"I little thought", says he in his Memoirs, "when I saw at my house that intel- 
ligent, enthusiastic and animated lad, that six years after he would organize a new 
insurrection and in punishment for his imprudence lay his head on the scaffold." 

Cloncurry was doubtless a warm friend of the Emmet family, and was an 
active member of the United Irishmen, in favor of Parliamentary reform and 
Catholic Emancipation, and he became a member of the organization at the 
same time with his friend, Mr. Emmet. But at the time Thomas Addis Emmet 
was at the head of the Executive Committee he was not a member and had 
already ceased to take any part in the movement, as he was opposed to all 
revolutionary measures or connection with France. I quote from the d'Hausson- 
ville work rather than direct from the Memoirs of Lord Cloncurry, as he re- 
sided a long time in Paris, where he was well known to all in the social circles 
of that city. 

*Robert Emmet, after his visit to Scotland, would probably have remained quiet had he not been 
informed soon after his arrival that a warrant had been issued for his immediate arrest as a supposed 
bearer of instructions from his brother to the unknown leaders yet in Dublin; for some reason, how- 
ever, he was given time to leave. 

Robert in Paris 


The statement that Robert Emmet spent some time in Dublin before going 
on to the Continent is also confirmed by the report of William Wickham, the 
chief Irish Secretary, made for the Viceroy of Ireland in December, 1803, 
and given in Wickham's memoirs : 

Early in the year 1801 Mr. Emmet went 'over to the Continent with a 
mission to the French Government from the Executive Directory of the United 
Irishmen here. 

There seems to be a discrepancy as to the exact date, for the writer has seen 
it stated that a letter is on record from Leonard M'Nally (showing he was in the 
pay of the Government) to Secretary Cooke, dated September 19th, 1880, in 
which he writes: 

Emmet Junior gone on business to France — probably to supersede Lewins. He was 
accompanied by a Mr. Maloche Delany of the County Kildare, now in custody on the 
suspicion of being concerned in the last insurrection. 

Delany had been formerly an officer in the Austrian service, and was 
deeply engaged in the Rebellion of 1798. They travelled through England 
and embarked at Yarmouth for Hamburg, Emmet (against whom there was 
no charge), under his own name, and Delany under the name of Bowers. 

They resided some time at Hamburg, until at last they obtained passports 
from General Augereau, commanding the French army on the Lower Rhine, 
and proceeded to Paris, where, in the course of the year 1801, they com- 
municated with the French Government. What was the particular object of 
these communications is not known, but whatever it was they were put an end 
to by the Peace which was soon after concluded, whereupon Emmet left Paris 
and came to Brussels to meet his brother, Thomas Addis Emmet, who had 
been discharged from Fort George. 

After a few weeks in Paris and on the conclusion of his mission from the 
Irish Executive to the French Government, he went to Switzerland, where he 
spent the summer, finally returning to Paris and settling down ,to the demands 
of social life among his many friends, until his brother's expected release from 
prison, intending to accompany him and his family to the United States. Be- 
yond these facts little is known of his life there for some two years. 

The Countess d'Haussonville states : 

It was in the autumn of 1802, when the growing bitterness and irritation in the 
relations between England and France made the rupture of the Peace of Amiens 
easy to foresee, that we find Robert in Paris, where he met his brother again . . . 
He passed two months in Paris; and then it was that he had an opportunity of ob- 
taining a glance at that brilliant and light-hearted society, which having passed 
through the dark and stormy days of the French Revolution, awoke with joy to 
the marvels of life and civilization. 

This statement is evidently an error, as the first letter, given on a subse- 
quent page, written by Emmet to the Marquise de Fontenay, and dated October 
6th, 1801, shows that he was in Paris nearly a year before he set out for 
Dublin, in the summer of 1802. 

We are even deprived of his correspondence, for very few of his letters are 


Unpublished Letters 

known to exist. He doubtless wrote to his family while abroad, but his 
letters were either not preserved or they passed into the possession of the 
English Government when the family papers were seized. The writer, after 
a diligent search during the greater portion of a lifetime, has only been able 
to obtain from his hand a book of manuscript notes taken during a course of 
physics at college, of which a sheet will be reproduced, and several books 
containing marginal notes. 

In his Life of Robert Emmet, Dr. Madden gives but two letters written by 
him. These were written the night before his execution, and were thought to 
have been all of his writing extant. In the fifth decade of the last century a 
distant connection of the family, now dead, but at that time living in Paris, 
had in his possession a number of letters written by Thomas Addis Emmet, and 
some by his brother, Robert, to the Marquise de Fontenay. The Marquise 
and her husband had fled to Ireland during the French Revolution, and had 
become friends of the Emmet family. In the letters written by Mrs. Elizabeth 
Emmet to her son in Fort George she refers to this family under the dates of 
April 10th and December 18th, 1800. 

The possessor of these letters at that time wrote an article on them to some 
English paper for the sole purpose apparently of publishing the letters of 
Robert Emmet. The following abstract of it was reprinted in one of our New 
York newspapers : 

Unpublished Letters of Robert Emmett. 

The following curious and highly interesting relics of the devoted and unfortunate 
Robert Emmet have been placed at our disposal for publication. They consist, as may 
be seen, of some letters of Robert Emmet never before published. The letters were 
addressed to members of a noble family, who had once sought and found in Ireland 
refuge from revolutionary persecution. Our correspondent says: 

"The relations of the noble French exiles of '93 are proud to connect their names 
once more with those of the exiles of '98 and the hero of 1803, and to acknowledge 
with gratitude services received in misfortunes. Besides these papers the translator 
had a large collection of letters written by different members of the family and by 
Thomas Addis Emmet. In compliance, however, with the wish of a near relative of 
the latter distinguished patriot, and now living in Paris, he has only given a few 
extracts from those touching on historical events. As may be seen by the style, 
the letters are translated from the French, that being the language in which these 
noble victims of revolution and oppression corresponded." 

The following are the letters, written by Robert Emmet, while the "extracts 
from those touching on historical events", seem to have been lost with the 
originals : 


Paris, Rue D'Amboise No. 9, 
October 6th, 1801. O. S. 
I write to you, my dear Madame, according to promise, although I cannot yet 
inform you exactly of the time of my departure. I even feared that the arrival of 
the gentleman of whom I spoke to you might force me to remain here a week at 
least. I have just learned that my father has put up Casino for sale for £2,000 sterl- 
ing, and that he expects to dispose of it immediately. I need not tell you how grate- 

To the Marquise de Fontenay 


ful this news was to me. I have at last the hope of having us all united, and of 
enjoying the only happiness which now remains to us, — that of looking back on the 
past in the society of friends who esteem us, with full conviction of the purity of 
our motives. 

I beg you will remember me to M. de Fontenay, and tell how anxious I am to 
see him. With kind regards to Mr. and Mrs. Bellow, believe me, my dear Madame, 
with sincere attachment, your young friend — 

Robert Emmet, 
robert emmet to madame la marquise de fontenay. 

Paris, Dec. 19th, 1801. 

I should have written much sooner, my dear Madame, if I had been able to 
satisfy you on the two things you inquired about. The Lord Cornwallis, now at 
Amiens, is the same who was in Ireland; the time he is to remain there is uncertain; 
a month has been spoken of, but his stay is not fixed, you should lose no time if 
you have anything to send to him. For my part, it is with very great pleasure that 
I communicate to you the news which has just reached me this evening. Two of 

the prisoners of Fort St. George, Tennent and , have been already set at liberty, 

and the others are expected to be immediately liberated. I feel also glad to inform 
you that I had some time ago formed the resolution of not soliciting the interference 
of this Government, but of simply asking whether they had made any stipulation 
for us or not. This I did, and having received an evasive answer, I left the place 
without making any demand, telling them at the same time, that we merited their 
intervention at least as much as the patriots of Naples. I just learned by a letter 
from London, that the principal motive that influenced the British Government in 
making the peace, was the declaration of Lord Cornwallis, that if ten thousand men 
landed in Ireland the country would be infallibly lost. I have also been informed 
by a gentleman coming from London, that it is the intention of the British Govern- 
ment to proclaim a general amnesty, and to provide a system of conciliation in 
Ireland. So that, if we have not found friends to acknowledge or appreciate our 
services, we found enemies at least capable of estimating our importance. 

I am in want of nothing, my dear Madame. If I were, I am quite convinced of 
the friendly interest you take in me; apart from the affectionate manner in which 
you wrote to me; but in this respect, the liberality of my father has left me in want 
of nothing. 

I shall write home without delay, as much to learn the opinion of my friends 
on the subject of this news, as to speak of the estate you mention; if I have any- 
thing more positive I shall let you know at once. 

Farewell, dear Madame, kindest regards to M. de Fontenay. 

R. Em met. 

P. S. — It is said in the papers that Lord Cornwallis and the other members are 
going to spend some time at Morfortuine, at Joseph Bonaparte's, until the opening 
of Congress, so you will have time sufficient to execute your projects. 

To Madame Gabrielle de Fontenay, chez Madame de Ruray, 

a Ponce pres Mountoine par Vendome, Loire et Cher. 


Saturday, April 24th, 1802. 
I was prevented from writing to you, dearest Madame, by a sore eye, from which 
I suffered for the last two months. I was obliged to consult a physician, in the 
absence of my friend Lawless, who left Paris for some time. I am, however, now 
nearly well. 

The news contained in your letter gave me great pain, and I feel deeply for all 
you had to suffer in a country which is no longer for you what it once was; and 


Owner of Emmet Letters 

I sympathise the more with you from the fact that I believe I am myself on the 
point of making a sacrifice by returning to Ireland, which though it is by no means 
so great a one as yours is, will nevertheless be a very painful one to me. The letter 
which I enclose in this will probably give you the same information which I received 
this morning. My brother is determined to make America his residence when he 
obtains his liberty, and he is anxious, if my ideas agree with his, that I should 
accompany him. The rest of my family will be obliged to remain in Ireland, so 
that just when I supposed that the peace would enable us all to be united, I have 
left for alternative but to choose between those who are dear to me in this world 
and decide on which I must abandon. If I only thought of myself, if I only took 
into consideration the sorrows that are before me in Ireland, and the advantages I 
would find in the society of my brother, I would joyfully share his fate; but on the 
other hand, I find that my father and mother have left me perfectly free to make my 
choice, and have made the sacrifice of their own wishes, and that sacrifice shows 
me that I must not allow myself to be carried away by personal motives. 

I have therefore determined on returning to Ireland, provided I can do so with- 
out contracting any engagement that might compromise my honour. No one better 
than you, dear Madame, knows how much it has cost me the resolution of returning 
to a country where, in the presence of all that must awaken the souvenirs of the 
past, I must forget everything — that I had hopes, friends, tender ties, perhaps. I am 
not, however, certain that this can be done, and I doubt it myself. I am not, in any 
case, to leave, until time will show us more clearly the intention of the British 
Government; but this uncertainty is still more painful. 

You see that I open my mind fully to you, but I do so because I am aware 
that the interest that you take in us is fully equal to that we take in your welfare, 
and those of M. de Fontenay. Farewell, dear Madame. 

I remain sincerely, your friend, 

R. Emmet. 

P. S. — The letters which I enclose in this were brought by Mr. Barnes, of 
Dublin, and I believe they contain a letter of introduction for himself. I was forced 
to take off the envelope to put them in with mine. I see by the English papers 
that the prisoners of Fort George are to be liberated, but I doubt more and 
more that I can return to my native country. My address is 298 Rue de la Loi- 
Madame Gabrielle de Fontenay. 

Years after, when the writer first learned of the existence of these papers, 
he made every effort to obtain them, but without success, as the former owner 
had died, and it is to be regretted that copies of these letters were not made, 
or that the owner was not permitted to publish them when he desired doing so. 
With the hope that these papers may yet be traced the writer will state that the 
possessor of these papers was probably a son of William Lawless, a noted 
surgeon of Dublin, who entered the French army after 1798, was made a gen- 
eral and never returned to Ireland. He was a near kinsman of Lord Cloncurry, 
and also of the Emmet family through the Colvilles. General Lawless had 
been a close friend from boyhood of Dr. Robert Emmet's family. 

The young lawyer whom Mr. Emmet assisted to settle in St. Louis, and to 
whom a letter from Mr. Emmet is given in the first volume, was probably a son 
of General Lawless and a brother of the owner of the Emmet papers in Paris. 

Notwithstanding the fact that Robert Emmet had at that time little hope 
of returning within a reasonable period to Ireland, as stated in his letter to 

United Irishmen and Emmet's Rebellion 

Madame de Fontenay, he shortly after announced his intention of doing so 
without delay. In the interval it is known that both Robert and his brother 
had an interview with the agent who, the writer believes, was sent from Ire- 
land at the suggestion of Pitt. It is known also, that as a representative of the 
United Irishmen, Robert obtained an interview with Napoleon, and he received 
a written assurance of Bonaparte's intention to secure the independence of 
Ireland. Webb, in his biography, states that Emmet also saw Talleyrand, and 
was strongly impressed with the insincerity of Napoleon, believing that if he 
did interfere in the affairs of Ireland it would be merely to advance his own 
designs. Robert Emmet, however, received from these interviews the im- 
pression that Napoleon would probably invade England in the following 

Lord Cloncurry, in his "Personal Recollections", records : 

When I left Ireland in 1797 Robert Emmet was a mere boy, but full of talent, 
enthusiasm and kind feeling. Both brothers dined with me in Paris the day before 
Robert returned to Ireland for the last time previous to his fatal outbreak; and 
although that catastrophe was not then thought of (so far as was known to his 
friends) I remember the most urgent entreaties being vainly used by his friends 
to dissuade him from a visit, which all felt to be full of danger to him, and the sad 
consummation of which so fully justified those gloomy forebodings. 

It is stated by the Countess d'Haussonville in the translation of her Memoir : 

Robert Emmet was not the author and instigator of the Conspiracy in 1803, 
although his name remains connected with that heroic and unhappy attempt. He 
was in France when he learned that a rising was in preparation, and consented to 
take a part in the conspiracy. There exists relative to this crisis in the different 
narratives published a certain contradiction. According to Madden, Robert Emmet 
had received before his departure the approbation of the chiefs of the United Irish- 
men then in Paris. In fact Macneven gave him a proclamation calling on the Irish 
people to revolt; and we find in a letter of Thomas Emmet, speaking of his intended 
departure for America, these express words: — "If the rumours of war be confirmed 
our projects will be completely changed; there will be again something to attempt 
in Ireland". The letters to the First Consul seem also to attest that Thomas Addis 
Emmet had by no means renounced the hope of an approaching revolution in Ire- 
land with assistance from the French. It is even said that Lord Cloncurry was 
engaged in the conspiracy, and, as a proof, the fact is relied on of a depot of arms 
having been discovered in his country house at Lyons after the failure of the 
Insurrection of 1803. Lord Cloncurry relates, on the contrary, that the day before 
Robert left Paris he dined with him and Thomas Addis Emmet. They examined 
together the chances of success, and everything being well considered, not finding 
them sufficient, they made, he says, vain efforts to dissuade the young enthusiast 
from engaging in such a perilous undertaking. It is difficult to get at the truth 
between these two versions; the history of the denial of St. Peter is always that of 
unsuccessful affairs — every one then pretends that he had opposed what perhaps 
he had strenuously encouraged. 

Whatever Lord Cloncurry and Thomas Addis Emmet may have thought, the 
moment for armed resistance in reality had ceased to be for Ireland. When a nation 
has failed in the grave and perilous enterprise of revolution there are always strong 
reasons against beginning again and trying another struggle. ... In fine, if we 
were here called on to appreciate the conduct of the brothers we might say that 

30 Robert Emmet Sees Napoleon 

one was irreproachable, and that the other, although certainly well deserving of 
interest, is not exempt from blame. . . . 

Robert Emmet before starting for Ireland had a last interview with the First 
Consul. He received from him the assurance that hostilities would begin in the 
month of May, and that the landing of French troops would take place in the month 
of August. Everything was calculated in order to make the rising in Ireland 
coincide with the expedition to England. The negotiation with the First Consul 
was limited to this. Robert Emmet exhibited an invincible repugnance to go farther, 
and to induce the French to land in Ireland. . . . Whoever has lived in times 
of revolutions must have perceived, on the contrary, the part that unexpected events 
play in this world. At a certain moment, without any apparent cause, the wheel 
turns one way — it might just as well have turned in a contrary direction. Such was 
the opinion of the First Consul. With his marvelous instinct and his profound 
experience, he knew that the direction of the greatest events often depends on the 
chance of the most insignificant circumstances. "On what depends the fate of 
empires I" said he, at St. Helena, "if in place of the expedition of Egypt, I had made 
that of Ireland: if some trifling obstacle had not prevented my expedition of 
Boulogne, where would England be to-day?" 

/ have watched over the cradle of liberty ; God forbid that I should ever see its hearse. 

Theobald Wolfe Tone. 


Parlor at Casino, as it was in 1880. The tapestry paper is the same as when 
Dr. Emmet's family resided there 

[Reynolds' Footprints of Emmet] 

William III would have granted religious freedom to Ireland but for the persistent oppo- 
sition offered by the Irish Parliament, composed exclusively of the members of the 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh. 

Chapter IV 

Robert Emmet's movements at end of 1802 and beginning of 1803— His mother's 
death— Receives legacy of £3,000 ($15,000) under his father's will— Narrow escape 
from Major Sirr — Anne Devlin refuses to turn informer — Tortured — Imprisoned in 
Kilmainham — Madden's tribute to her — Her grave in Glasnevin, monument and 
epitaph — State prisoners at Kilmainham memorialize Viceroy, Lord Hardwicke, 
against Dr. Trevor, Superintendent — Specify shocking treatment of Anne Devlin — 
Anne Campbell, grandniece of Michael Dwyer, deported to America— Dwyer, after 
long resistance in Wicklow, surrenders — Deported to Botany Bay, Tasmania — Dies, 
head of Police— Robert Emmet's associates — Several British secret agents among 
them — Men in Ireland in high position cognizant of Emmet's intentions — John 
Philpot Curran not averse to physical force. 

E have seen from Mrs. Emmet's last letter to her son, 
Thomas, that Robert remained for a short time at 
"Casino", and was still there in December, at the time 
of his father's death. Shortly after this event Mrs. 
Emmet closed "Casino" and changed her residence, as we 
have seen, to Bloomfield, another suburb of Dublin, where 
she died a few months later. At this time it is likely 
Robert Emmet began his operations in town, as he re- 
ceived in April, 1803, fifteen thousand dollars, left him in 
his father's will, which he expended on the movement. 

After his undertaking had failed, and he was abroad with a price on his 
head, he often used "Casino" as a refuge before his arrest at Harold's Cross. 

In the basement room of "Casino", to the left of the entrance and at the 
front of the house, he had constructed an underground passage extending to a 
summer house some fifty yards distant, and by this tunnel he frequently suc- 
ceeded in avoiding arrest and in making his escape. The sides of this base- 
ment room were wainscoted with narrow planks, and on one side he had a 
secret door carefully concealed by the joining of the boards, as seen by the 
writer in 1880. 

One morning, just at dawn, Major Sirr, "the Town Major" and the terror 
of Dublin, surrounded the house with his men and effected an entrance so 
suddenly that Mr. Emmet had a narrow escape. Sirr had accurate information, 
and on finding Emmet's bed warm, he resorted to intimidation to learn his 
place of concealment, when he found Anne Devlin, the caretaker in her room 



Sirr's Methods 

at the top of the house. She, however, refused to give any information con- 
cerning her master. Finally, Sirr had his men remove the oxen from a passing 
"tip-cart" and placing a rope around the girl's neck, he tied the other end to 
the extremity of the tongue or pole. Then his men got into the back of the 
cart, thus tilting it up, and suspending her as from a gallows. Several times 
she was hoisted into the air, and when the men thought she was dead, they 
jumped out, letting the body fall to the ground. Each time, however, she 
revived, and with the first breath regained, freely expressed her opinion of 
their moral capacity, and in return was immediately strung up again. Thinking 
her dead, after exhausting their patience, they marched off, leaving her body 
lying in the road. Fortunately for her the noose had been adjusted by an 
unskillful hand. She recovered, and it is a remarkable circumstance that this 
poor woman was again subjected to a similar hanging after Robert Emmet's 
arrest, in the effort to force her, while imprisoned, to testify against him. 
But she recovered from the cruelty to which she was subjected and lived for 
many years after. 

The tradition was held among the older members of the family that Anne 
Devlin was hung from the tongue of an ox-cart on the road in front of 
"Casino". The second time, however, was in front of the house on Butter- 
field Lane, as Dr. Madden states in his "Lives of the United Irishmen", and 
where Robert Emmet and several others passed two nights after the uprising 
in Dublin. Fortunately, Emmet received information that "Casino" was to be 
searched, and instead of seeking refuge there, he at once went to Mrs. Palmer, 
at Harold's Cross, where he remained until found by Major Sirr. As Dr. 
Madden obtained his information from Anne Devlin, his version of the inci- 
dent must be correct. Dr. Madden also states, after she recovered she was 
arrested and imprisoned in Kilmainham, and was confined there for some 
years. In consequence of the relationship to Michael Dwyer, who was her 
uncle, her father and all the other members of her family were imprisoned 
and subjected to the greatest cruelty and privation, until they all died with the 
exception of a daughter and a younger son. The mother died shortly after 
being liberated. 

From page 107 of "Pedro Redivivus" is taken No. 15, "Case of Anne 
Devlin,* State Prisoner, Daughter of Bryan Devlin and sister of James Devlin" : 

As to the unfortunate State Prisoner, I paid her the most constant and tender atten- 
tion, provided her with medical aid, and every kind of food she desired while she was 
indisposed, and sent her upon a jaunting car to Lucan Spa for the benefit of the water 
and for air and exercise. Dr. Trevor's statement, p. 21. 

•After this work had b«en finished and ready for the printer, the writer came into possession 
of a manuscript copy of Mr. St. John Mason's three works, giving an account of his imprisonment in 
Kilmainham jail, and the sufferings there of himself and fellow-prisoners. After an effort of some 
ten years he at length succeeded in getting the matter before the Parliament, and the result of the 
investigation made by the committee and published by that body revealed the existence of condi- 
tions to which for years the prisoners were subjected, much of which could never have been sus- 
pected. From the limited investigation made by the writer, he became satisfied that for one hundred 
years at least previous to this investigation ordered by Parliament, there had been no change for the 
better in the treatment of all prisoners. Mr. J. F. Fuller had a copy of these works reproduced in 
manuscript for the writer; this is the only known copy, and the same to which Dr. Madden had access. 
The most valuable is too lengthy for reproduction here, but in the Appendix, Note XIII, the 
shortest will be found. 

Statement of Anne Devlin 


Dr. Trevor's testimony, sworn to by him before the Parliament committee, 
was proved to have been false throughout. 
The following is Anne Devlin's statement: 

I was arrested in August, 1803, by Mr. Charles of Rathfarnham, in company 

with my father, mother, three brothers and four sisters, and brought to Rathfarnham 
about ten o'clock in the night. The men were all bound severally with cords. When ar- 
rested, I saw all my family assaulted and abused by the soldiers in the crudest manner. I 
was wounded in several places in the arm, in consequence of throwing it up to save my 
head from repeated blows of their swords ; they also broke open my box and robbed me of 
my clothes, for which Justice Bell promised me I should be paid, but I never received 
a farthing. We were all, in the night which was wet and stormy, compelled to walk 
through a river near Rathfarnham, and next morning between three and four o'clock 
were brought to the Castle, where I was kept the whole day in wet clothes. I remained 
in confinement for about ten days in the town, and was then sent to Kilmainham Prison 
to the care of a Dr. Trevor, who arrived there shortly after me and ordered me to be 
put into a cell and locked up, which was done accordingly. 

Dr. Trevor often examined me about Mr. Robert Emmet, whose servant I had un- 
fortunately been, and said I should go to court and swear against him on his trial, which 
I always refused to do. On the day of his trial, Dunn, the gaoler, desired me to prepare to 
go, that there was a coach at the door, and that if I did not go quickly the guard would 
compel me; all of which, I am certain, was by Dr. Trevor's orders. I said I would not 
go, let him threaten as he pleased. When he found I would not go, he went to court, 
and his wife, Mrs. Dunn, brought me out of the cell to the kitchen of the gaol, where I 
remained about two hours, when Dr. Trevor, who had returned from court, came sud- 
denly into the kitchen, and said : "Bad luck to you, Anne Devlin", shaking his cane at 
me, "bad luck to you, you rebelly bitch, I hope you may be hanged, I never saw but one 
woman hanged in all my life, and I hope I shall see you hanged, and if there was nobody 
to hang you, I should hang you myself. And, now for your comfort, your Pet is to be 
hanged to-morrow", with other expressions too infamous to be repeated. 

He then ordered me to be put amongst the felons immediately. I was put there, and 
said he : "I will put you under the care of one who will soon murder you". I remained 
there about three months, and received no subsistence for about one month, except the 
county allowance, which left me in a miserable state, as my whole family were in the 
same place, without bed or covering in a wet cell. 

Some time after, Dr. Trevor sent one of the keepers, John McSally, who treated me 
very severely, which he afterwards confessed he was desired to do by Dr. Trevor. He, 
McSally, cursed me very bitterly and desired me to hasten down stairs, that there were 
a number of gentlemen below, who would take me in a coach, which was at the door. 
When I went down I was told it was Dr. Trevor who wanted me. I then was turning 
away, but Mr. and Mrs. Dunn prevailed upon me to go into the parlor, where Dr. Trevor 
was waiting for me, and wished to ask a few questions. At last I went into the parlor 
with Dunn. Trevor questioned me about Mr. Emmet's acquaintance, and said I should 
be obliged to tell. I told him I never should answer any questions upon the subject. 
After much abuse and infamous language, he at last said : "Great a devil as you are, I 
will permit you to have the benefit of your clergy before you are hanged, for you are to be 
hanged in less than five days, at the front of the gaol. A court-martial sat at the Castle 
and passed sentence on you to be hanged". I asked him for what? He answered: "As 
a warning to all womankind not to keep a secret". He then sent me back again. This 
was between twelve and one o'clock at night. 

I was kept either in the felon's prison, or in a prison outside the gaol, having been 
occasionally removed from one to the other until March, 1804. During which time I was 
constantly subjected to the insults of the unfortunate female prisoners, and the abuse of 
e other prisoners, and to the threats of Dr. Trevor and his turnkeys. Mrs. Dunn, 


Trevor's Cruelty 

whose husband, John Dunn, was then gaoler, seeing the ill-usage I got from the felons 
particularly, one day that one of the female prisoners took up a knife and attempted to 
kill me, interfered with her husband so as to have me removed to another apartment ; 
but when Trevor came the next day he was enraged at my removal and ordered Dunn to 
put me where I was before. I fell on my knees and begged Dr. Trevor would save my 
life by keeping me from the persons who attempted to murder me. He solemnly swore 
that if I went on my head after being on my knees I should go, and it was a place too 
good for me. Dunn then told him that should I be sent there he would not be responsible 
for the consequences that might happen, upon which the Doctor thought proper to insist 
on my being sent back. I remained among the State prisoners until about the month of 
September, 1804, when Dr. Trevor sent me back again among the felons, continuing his 
usual threats to me. I was kept in that wretched state, among those felons and also in 
the old gaol of Kilmainham, until about March, 1805, when one of the turnkeys, named 
Henry Wier, came to my cell. I was at dinner, he dragged me from it. William Simpson 
was gaoler at that time, and George Dunn, the present gaoler, had a carriage at the door. 
He put me into it, but would not tell me where they intended to take me. They brought 
me to the Tower. The keeper of it, Mr. Hanlon, received me with a wrong name given 
by Simpson and Dunn, and said it was Dr. Trevor's orders that it should be so. 

Trevor came to the Tower the next day and ordered the keeper of it to keep me 
closely confined, and not suffer any person to see me. I heard Trevor give this order, 
though he did not appear to me, but I well knew his voice. In one or two days after- 
wards I saw him passing out of the Tower. I called him, he did not seem to hear me 
until I screamed out, calling him by his name. He then turned his head and tauntingly 
said : "he wondered how he had found me out, as he knew nothing of my being sent 
there", notwithstanding the strict orders he gave Mr. Hanlon, and that my removal was 
managed by his own instruments — Wier, Simpson and Dunn. 

My mother, who had been liberated after a confinement of seven months, waited on 
Dr. Trevor and requested to know where he had sent me ; he told her he did not know, 
but supposed I had been sent to Naas Gaol, and finding I was not, my mother again 
waited on Dr. Trevor to request him to let her know where it was he had me sent, 
saying — "that it was cruel to let her go to Naas to seek me", he then pledged his 
honour that he did not know where I was. My health was at length in so bad a state 
that it was represented to Mr. Secretary Long, who immediately set me at liberty after 
a confinement of two years and a half. 

The above is but a poor and imperfect statement of the cruelties I suffered, and I 
solemnly avow that all the bad treatment I met with after I was sent to Kilmainham 
prison was owing to Doctor Trevor. Anne Devlin. 

From this we see the name of Anne Devlin has justly been rendered his- 
torical by her integrity and devotion to Robert Emmet, and to his family 
during these days of sorrow and adversity, when friends were few indeed. 

Dr. Madden, in his "Life of Robert Emmet", writes: 

The extraordinary sufferings endured and the courage and fidelity displayed by this 
young woman have few parallels, even in the history of those times which tried people's 
souls and called forth the best, occasionally, as well as the basest of human feelings. 
She was tortured, frightfully maltreated, her person goaded and pricked with bayonets, 
hung up by the neck, and was only spared to be exposed to temptations, to be subjected to 
new and worse horrors than any she had undergone, to suffer solitary confinement, to be 
daily tormented with threats of further privation, 'till her health broke down and her 
mind was shattered, and after years of suffering in the same prison, where others of her 
family were confined without any communication with her, she was turned adrift on the 
world, without a house to return to or friends or relatives to succour or to shelter her. 

Anne Devlin's Monument 


And yet this noble creature preserved through all her suffering and through forty subse- 
quent years the same devoted feelings of attachment to that being and his memory which 
she had exhibited under the torture, in her solitary cell in Kilmainham gaol, in her com- 
munications with the terrorists and petty tyrants of the Castle and the gaol. 

The fidelity and attachment of this menial servant to a beloved master, proof against 
all fears, superior to all threats and temptations, will not be forgotten. The day will 
come when the name of Anne Devlin, the poor, neglected creature who, when I knew 
her, was dragging out a miserable existence, struggling with infirmity and poverty, will 
be spoken of with feelings of kindness not unmixed with admiration. 

By a most fortunate circumstance the writer came into possession of a 
portrait of Anne Devlin, and it is a, great satisfaction that he has been instru- 
mental to a degree in having a likeness preserved of her.* 

Dr. Madden, at his own expense, placed a monument over this noble 
woman's grave in Glasnevin. On it he had sculptured a most appropriate em- 
blem in the figure of an Irish wolf dog, now extinct, but which in the days of 
old was considered the most noble of animals. The following epitaph is in- 
scribed upon it: 

To the memory of Anne Devlin, (Campbell) 
The faithful servant of Robert Emmet, 
Who possessed some rare and noble qualities; 
Who lived in obscurity and poverty, & so died 
The 18th September 1851 
Aged 70 years. 

The writer received from the lips of Dr. Madden an even more detailed 
account of the history and suffering of this martyr to the barbaric rule of 
the English Government in Ireland. But he made no mention of the fact, 
learned by the writer, since his death, that after discovering her whereabouts 
he made the days of her old age pass in comparative comfort, through means 
contributed from his own scanty resources. This was the greater charity, for 
he had then become burdened with debt in consequence of the unprofitable 
publication of his work on "The Lives of the United Irishmen". 

The time has come when the memory of Anne Devlin is honored by the 
Irish people, and in close connection should be remembered the name of the 
good Samaritan, Richard R. Madden, from whose hands this poor woman re- 
ceived her only earthly reward. After Anne Devlin's release from prison she 
began to struggle for existence unaided, without seeking assistance. It was 
only after her death and the publication of Dr. Madden's work that those who 
would have gladly aided her, learned, for the first time, of the sad history of 
her old age. 

Within very recent years a suitable monument has been erected in Glasnevin, 
by some Irish Society, to the memory of Anne Devlin, in the place of the one 
by Dr. Madden. 

Anne Devlin was taken from Butterfield-lane to Kilmainham Gaol. 

*This portrait of Anne Devlin was obtained through the kindness of the Hon. Patrick Egan, the 
recent United States Minister to Chili, who during a visit to Dublin some years ago obtained the one 
in possession of Dr. Madden. True to the custom of her day, her chief effort at adornment, as shown 
by her likeness, was expended on her headdress. 


"The Price of Mr. Robert's Blood" 

Dr. Madden states : 

No sooner was she brought before Major Sirr, than he, in the most civil and 
coaxing manner, endeavoured to prevail on her to give information respecting Robert 
Emmet's place of concealment. The question continually put to her was, "Well, 
Anne, all we want to know is, where did he go to from Butterfield-lane?" He said 
he would undertake to obtain for her the sum (he did not call it reward) of £500, 
which he added "was a fine fortune for a young woman", only to tell against 
persons who were not her relations; that all the others of them had confessed the 
truth — which was not true — and that they were sent home liberated, which was also 
a lie. 

The author [Dr. Madden] said to her with becoming gravity, "You took the 
money, of course". The look the woman gave was one that would have made an 
admirable subject for a painter — a regard in which wonder, indignation, and mis- 
giving of the seriousness of the person who addressed her, were blended — "Me take 
the money — the price of Mr. Robert's blood! No; I spurned the rascal's offer." 

The major, went on coaxing and trying to persuade her to confess. He said 
everything had been told to him by one of her associates. Nay, what's more, he 
repeated word for word what she had said to Mr. Robert the night of the 23rd, 
when he came back to Butterfield-lane — "Bad welcome to you", &c. One of the 
persons present with him then must have undoubtedly been an informer. After 
she had been some time in Kilmainham, Mr. Emmet was arrested and sent to that 
prison. Dr. Trevor had frequently talked to her about him; but she never "let on" 
that she had any acquaintance with him. At this time she was kept in solitary 
confinement for refusing to give information. One day the doctor came and spoke 
to her in a very good-natured way, and said she must have some indulgence, she 
must be permitted to take exercise in the yard. The turnkey was ordered to take 
her to the yard, and he accordingly did so; but when the yard-door was open, who 
should she see walking very fast up and down the yard but Mr. Robert. She 
thought she would have dropped. She saw the faces of persons watching her, at a 
grated window that looked in on the yard, and her only dread was that Mr. Robert 
on recognizing her would speak to her; but she kept her face away and walked up 
and down on the other side; and when they had crossed one another several times 
at last they met at the end. She took care, when his eyes met hers to have a frown 
on her face, and her finger raised to her lips. He passed on as if he had never seen 
her, but he knew her well; and the half smile that came over his face and passed 
off in a moment could hardly have been observed except by one who knew every 
turn of his countenance. The doctor's plot failed; she was taken back to her cell, 
and there was no more taking of air or exercise then for her. 

She was in Kilmainham, a close prisoner, when Robert Emmet was executed. 
She was kept locked up in a solitary cell, and indeed always with a few exceptions 
was kept so during her confinement the first year. The day after his execution she 
was taken from gaol through Thomas Street to the Castle to be examined there. 

The gaoler had given orders to stop the coach at the scaffold where Robert 
Emmet was executed. It was stopped there, and she was forced to look at his 
blood, which was still plain enough to be seen sprinkled over the deal boards. 

At the latter end of her confinement, some gentlemen belonging to the Castle 
had come to the gaol and saw her in her cell. She told them her sad story and it 
was reported by them to the Lord Lieutenant. From that time her treatment was 
altogether different; . . . she was then crippled in her limbs, more dead than 
alive, hardly able to move hand or foot. 

From St. John Mason's "Prison Abuses in Ireland, &c", is taken a recital 
of the prisoners' sufferings and those of Anne Devlin: 



Memorial of State Prisoners 

Pedro Redivivus 
No. 4 

Memorial after investigation 

Memorial of the State prisoners of Kilmainham praying for the removal of Dr. 
Trevor and his associates. Presented to His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, one 
month after the investigation in July, 1804; Mr. Alexander Marsden, then under Secre- 
tary &c, having been seated in the same coach with His Excellency. 

Having stated the inefficiency of the investigation, the prisoners proceeded 
thus : — ■ 

The source of all our afflicting treatment is glaringly to be traced to a person, 
who acts as superintendent of this prison, a Dr. Trevor, of whose inhuman, hardened 
and malignant disposition we want words to convey the deep impression which has 
been forced upon us. The man executes his office in a manner at once mean and 
malicious. He pleads for all our suffering orders from Government; of which 
indeed he represents himself a member, always speaking in the plural We. He 
receives our complaints with contumelious laughter and has insultingly answered 
a complaint against an attendant by an invitation to a pugilistic decision with him; 
he insults with words, looks, taunts and threats, us and our friends; with the zeal 
and ignorance of an inquisitor he examines and detains our books; he orders whom 
he chuses into irons, and to the felons' side of the prison, taking care to observe 
that in each instance of such treatment should be cautionary terror to all. His 
treatment of all, but particularly of one unfortunate State prisoner [Anne Devlin] 
a female, is shocking to humanity and exceeds credulity. He drives, through ex- 
asperation, the mind to madness, of which instances have already occurred; he is 
surrounded and in every respect has our attendance managed by persons of fero- 
cious manners and acknowledged barbarity; and so hardened by him in prejudices 
against us as most frequently to lose sight of common caution, in the unrestrained 
malice of their hearts, and bitter declarations against us; in exultation at the 
certainty of our destruction, and in open avowal of their wishes and intentions to 
partake in it. Of such persons, we particularly allude to one George Dunn, the 
principal attendant, and to a Mrs. Dunn, who has the sole management of our 
food, their malice seeming more marked than that of others and exceeding all 
restraint. The former (a mean and prostituted tool of Dr. Trevor) has announced 
and boasted to us, that he was on a former occasion employed at Mullingar as an 
instrument for the intended assassination of prisoners committed to his custody, 
and with the imprecations of the woman, our ears are constantly assailed. To such 
a situation are we reduced, that life is left without value and literally becomes a 
burden to us ; nor is there one of us who from many concurring circumstances can not 
upon oath declare a firm belief of an intention to deprive us of it by underhand 
means; an apprehension and feeling indelibly impressed upon our minds by the 
fiend-like treatment and spirit of those who surround us. 

We, therefore, once more throw ourselves on the humanity of your Excellency, 
for relief to our distress and danger, praying most humbly and earnestly for our 
own peace of mind and that of all our friends, that this Dr. Trevor and his associates 
may be removed all direction of us. 

John Patten Henry Hughes 

John C. Hickson Wm. H. Hamilton 

Nicholas Gray. John Palmer 

James Tandy Wm. McDermott 

Philip Long Daniel Dolan 

St. John Mason Daniel Brophy 

Denis Cassin 

Kilmainham Gaol, 

2 August, 1804. 


Anne Devlin's Daughter 

These men were all gentlemen, some of them leaders in the Robert Emmet 
movement, and others, like Mr. Mason, were simply arrested on suspicion and 
imprisoned for years without any charges being brought against them. 

At length Mr. Pitt died; it was a joyous day for Ireland. The prisons were thrown 
open, where many an honest person had lain since the month of July, 1803. 

Anne Devlin died in September, 1851. Late in the winter of 1851 and 1852, 
a harmless, half-witted middle-aged Irish woman, named Ann Campbell, was 
admitted to that portion of the Emigrant Refuge Hospital, then under the 
professional care of the writer. This woman, like many others at the time, had 
her passage paid by the Irish authorities in Dublin and was sent to this country 
as a pauper. She was not directly under my care, but was in charge of one 
of my assistants. 

She was a harmless creature and gave no trouble, except from a propensity 
to swallow all the medicine she could, belonging to the other patients, and 
without regard as to the dose, as she always emptied the vial or bottle. Not 
seeing her for several days I inquired where she was and was told she had 
died several days before from poisoning, as she had got hold, during the 
night, of some lotion intended only for external use. I then learned for the 
first time that she was the daughter of Anne Devlin, who after her mother's 
death, there being no one to look after her, had been sent to the "Poor House" 
and from there to New York. She had been buried in Potter's Field on Ward's 
Island and I could learn nothing more. This poor waif had always recognized 
me as the "head doctor", and whenever we met she had greeted me with a 
peculiar smile which afterward I recall as possibly implying we should have 
something in common. She must have known who I was from my name, 
which had doubtless become known to her through her mother. I can under- 
stand why she did not tell me who she was, as a feeling was quite common 
among the Irish people which would have prompted her to "to keep her place", 
unless I made the first advance. She was the last of her branch of the family, 
all of whom died under the care and cruelty of the British Government in Kil- 
mainham jail. The great-uncle, Michael Dwyer, with a few followers kept up 
for years a condition of warfare in the Mountains of Wicklow, but at length his 
own terms had to be accepted, and he was sent to Botany Bay with thousands 
of others. He there became a prominent man at the head of the Australian 
Police, and was respected by every one. 

Madden states : — 

Robert Emmet, on his arrival in Dublin, in October, 1802, was soon in com- 
munication with several of the leaders who had taken an active part in the former 
rebellion. He was likewise in communication with some very influential persons, 
who were cognizant of all the proceedings of the leaders, and who promoted their 
views, and directed their movements, behind the curtain. 

The persons of respectability, and those of influence among the middle classes 
in Dublin and the adjoining counties, who were associated with Robert Emmet in 
his attempt, were the following: 

Robert Emmet's Associates 


Thomas Russell, formerly lieutenant of the 64th regiment of foot; John Allen, 
of the firm of Allen and Hickson, woolen drapers, of Dame-street, Dublin; Philip 
Long, a general merchant, residing at No. 4, Crow-street; Henry William Hamilton 
(married to Russell's niece), of Enniskillen, barrister-at-law; William Dowdall, of 
Mullingar (natural son of Hussey Burgh, formerly secretary to the Dublin Whig 

Club); M. Byrne, of Wicklow; Colonel Lumm, of the county Kildare; Carthy, 

a gentlemen farmer, of Kildare; Malachy Delany, the son of a landed proprietor, 
county Wicklow; the Messrs. Perrot, farmers, county Kildare; Thomas Wylde, 
cotton manufacturer, Cork-street; Thomas Lenahan, a farmer, of Crew-hill, county 
of Kildare; John Hevey, a tobacconist, of Thomas-street; Denis Lambert Redmond, 

a coal factor, of Dublin; Branagan, of Irishtown, timber merchant; Joseph 

Alliburn, of Kilmacud, Windy-harbour, a small landholder; Thomas Frayne, a farmer, 
of Boven, county of Kildare; Nicholas Gray, of Wexford — had been Harvey's aide- 
de-camp at the battle of Ross; John Stockdale, printer, Abbey-street; and John 
Madden, Donnybrook. There were, moreover, several persons of respectability, 
some of distinction, who were cognizant of his plans and supposed to be favourably 
disposed toward them, but who took no prominent part in their execution. Among 
these were the Earl of Wycombe (a little later Marquis of Lansdowne), a brother 
of the Knight of Glynn, John Keogh, Esq., of Mount Jerome. I do not add to this 
list the late Lord Cloncurry, though he certainly was cognizant of Emmet's plans 
and objects, inasmuch as he has stated to me, that he did not think them likely to 
succeed and had expressed that opinion to Emmet. 

In a footnote has been added : 

To this list might be added William Todd Jones, a barrister and writer and a 
member of the Irish Parliament. A sketch of his career will be found in "Secret 
Service Under Pitt". 

The persons in the humble ranks, who were looked upon as confidential agents by 
Robert Emmet were the following: — W. P. M'Cabe; James Hope, a weaver, a 
native of Temple-patrick, who had been engaged in the former rebellion; Michael 
Quigley, a master bricklayer of Rathcoffy, in the county of Kildare; Henry Howley, 
a master carpenter, who had been engaged, in the former rebellion; Felix Rourke, of 
Rathcoole, a clerk in a brewery in Dublin, who had been engaged in the former 
rebellion; Nicholas Stafford, a baker, of James Street; Bernard Duggan, a working 
cotton manufacturer, of the county of Tyrone, who had been engaged in the former 
rebellion ; Michael Dwyer, the well-known Wicklow outlaw ; a Mr. Malachy Dwyer 
(who in 1813, had a secret service money pension of £52 a year). 

It will be shown that there were some in the above list who were rewarded 
by the English government for their services as spies. There were others again, 
some of whom were instrumental in bringing Emmet over from France, and 
who hoped to be benefited in case the movement was successful, but who 
kept entirely in the background, contributing nothing of their means to aid the 
cause, and were therefore unsuspected. 

Thomas Sherlock wrote an article entitled "Robert Emmet, the Story of 
His Life and Death" for "Young Ireland", which was reprinted in pamphlet 
form in 1878. Mr. Sherlock accurately states the situation as follows : 

In an interview with James Hope, early in 1803, Emmet distinctly stated that he 
had been invited over to Ireland by "some of the first men in the land". There 


Unsung Patriots 

appears nothing improbable about the assertion if we reflect that the Union had 
been doing its mischievous work for nearly two years ( and that there still remained 
in the country a remnant of the high-spirited Irish gentry, who had officered the 
Volunteers and had supported the patriot party in the extinguished Parlia- 
ment. But most of these "first men*' remained prudently in the background all 
through — kept free from the fearful risks incidental to the project, and as far as can 
be ascertained gave neither money nor exertion towards its furtherance. The Earl 
of Wycombe, afterwards Marquis of Lansdowne, and Mr. Fitzgerald, brother of 
the Knight of Glynn, would appear at least to have been aware of Emmet's design, 
for they visited him at the lodgings where he was lying in secret. John Keogh of 
Mount Jerome, too — O'Connell's predecessor in the leadership of the Catholics — 
there is a good reason for believing was in Emmet's confidence. How far John 
Philpot Curran was concerned in the project, or whether he was made aware of 
any definite scheme for the overthrow of the English power in Ireland, there is no 
evidence forthcoming. But that he had no moral objection to an insurrectionary 
effort is put beyond all doubt by the record of a conversation which took place at 
John Keogh's dinner table towards the close of 1802. Emmet spoke energetically 
in favour of the probabilities of success which should attend a rising the next year. 
Keogh, ever cautious, rejoined that the matter was one of facts and figures, and 
asked how many counties could be relied on to rise. 

Emmet answered that nineteen could, and turning to Curran inquired "Would 
you say that an attempt should not be made with less?" "No," was the decisive 
reply of Curran; "if there were two counties that could be thoroughly depended on, 
I would think about it". 

While the writer was preparing this chapter he saw by accident an article 
in an Irish journal by a writer unknown to him, "J. Kelly". The article was 
of interest and a plea for a national biography, possibly with Alfred Webb's 
work as the foundation. After giving different instances where no record 
has ever been made of the countless number who have lost their lives in the 
service of their country, he wrote: 

The 1803 episode furnishes another instance. Robert Emmet so completely 
absorbs the popular mind that the other brave men who suffered with him are not 
remembered; yet John Mcintosh, Thomas Keenan, Henry Howley, Denis Lambert 
Redmond, Owen Kirwan, John Hayes, Thomas Donnelly, Nicholas Tyrrell, Michael 
Kelly, John Killen, John McCann, Felix Rourke, John Begg, Thomas Maxwell 
Roche, Edward Kearney and James Byrne, deserve to have their memories cherished. 
Madden relates that Owen Kirwan, who was a tailor, and kept a second-hand clothes 
shop in Plunkett Street, was physically, as well as morally, a fine type of man, and 
his wife was a very comely woman. She visited him in the jail the day before his 
execution, and urged him to be faithful to the end, notwithstanding the efforts made 
to induce him to turn traitor. The poor fellow assured her that there was no fear 
but that he would go to his death an honest man, and, said he: "Take this coat and 
sell it in the shop; there is no use in having it destroyed; it will get bread for the 
children". And he appeared the next day on the scaffold in Thomas Street in his 
shirt sleeves. 

The writer would gladly place on record, if it were in his power, the name 
of every individual who took part with Robert Emmet. He would embody the 
names of all with those already obtained, with the hope that at some future day 
the special service of each might become known, but in every case, to a limited 

Penalty of Failure 


extent only could justice be done. It is believed a like instance has never 
occurred in Ireland or elsewhere, where so great a number were ever wantonly 
murdered after the outbreak had failed, by those connected with the Govern- 
ment, without the slightest pretext beyond a recognition of their nationality 
and apparently an effort to exterminate the race. 

The formidable aspect of Ireland, as an independent State, appears indeed, to have a 
strong and fatal impression on the councils of England at an early period. 

T. A. Emmet. 

Grattan and Flood in this case 'were but ttvo skilful actors indulging in oratorial horse- 
play at the death-bed of the murdered hopes of a people. 

James Connolly. 

Chapter V 

Irish Secretary Wickham's report to Viceroy, December, 1803, shows Government was 
aware from beginning of Emmet's preparations— Pitt encourages movement with 
ulterior objects— Robert is left unmolested after return from France, November, 
1802— Stated he went into tanning business with Patten, and person named "Noms" — 
This Noms, or Norris, suspected of being Government spy— Robert's father's death 
in December furnishes means for preparations — David A. Quaid's statement about 
the will — Details of preparations — Takes no personal part, but receives daily re- 
ports — Great secrecy baffles Government agents and even fellow-conspirators — 
Knowledge of chemistry employed in work — Invention of what afterwards became 
known as Congreve rocket — Pikes manufactured in large quantities — Author be- 
lieves pikes should have been sole weapon of insurgents — Explosion in depot, July 16, 
begins confusion — July 23 finds everything in disorder — Treason and Government 
agents by false reports break all combinations — But Robert decides to take a risk 
with forces in hand — No discipline — Murder of Lord Kilwarden — General rout on 
appearance of the military. 

ACDONAGH states in his work, "The Viceroy's Post 
Bag," that there was found among the Hardwicke papers 
an account of the "Emmet Outbreak" prepared by the 
chief Irish Secretary, William Wickham, in December, 
1803. Besides what is given here, the greater part of 
Wickham's report can be found also in the "Memoirs 
and Correspondence of Viscount Castlereagh". A suffi- 
cient part of the early portion at least has been put in 
evidence to show that certain of the Irish Government 
had some knowledge of Emmet's movement from the beginning.* This was 
obtained early enough to substantiate the charge that its occurrence could 
have been prevented without difficulty, and it should never have been allowed 
to reach the point where the life of anyone was put in jeopardy. But the 
Government desired to bring about the uprising, and while following a 
policy of non-interference, did everything in its power to aid those who were 
thus misled and lost their lives, murdered according to a misconstruction of 
the law. It cannot be doubted that Pitt deliberately determined to punish the 
Irish people for their opposition to the proposed Union, urged by him between 

*Dr. Madden mentions a letter found among Major Sirr's papers from Henry Haslett of Belfast, 
Tone's early and trusted friend, to Robert Hunter of Dublin, a suspected spy sent as a prisoner to 
Fort George, dated April 20th, 1803, by which it is shown that the authorities had full information con- 
cerning the outbreak three months before the explosion in Patrick Street. 


Wickham's Report 


England and Ireland; and to justify its establishment, resorted to the most 
discreditable measures of oppression, thus obtaining a pretext to check the 
continued turbulency and dissatisfaction of his own making, then existing 
among the Irish people. 
Wickham's report states : 

He [Robert Emmet] returned to this country in November, 1802, where he remained 
unmolested, as he had done before, there being no charge against him, the circumstance 
of his having been despatched on this treasonable mission having only been discovered 
since the insurrection. 

This, of course, was Secretary Wickham's version, intended for the public, 
on his being blamed for not knowing that Robert Emmet was at work ; and while 
he had probably known of Emmet's course day by day and had been instru- 
mental in sending the agent to Paris to mislead and get Emmet to return to 
Ireland, he could not take the public into his confidence. 

However, while there existed no special known reason for Emmet's sudden 
departure from Paris, since his father was in his usual condition of health 
and his brother had as yet made no definite plans for going to America, as is 
shown by his letter addressed to Madame Gabrielle de Fontenay, the reason 
given for his return to Ireland might have been the necessity for establishing 
himself in some business. 

MacDonagh, taking the clue from Wickham's narrative, was the first to 
call attention to the fact that Emmet, having been expelled from Trinity 
College (the authorities ignored his resignation, although made before the 
college investigation began), was debarred from entering any of the profes- 
sions. From necessity, therefore, sooner or later, he had to turn to trade 
for his support. 

Wickham states in his report: 

When Emmet came over in November he applied himself, together with Patten, a 
nephew of Mr. Colville, the Governor of the Bank, to the tanning business, which they 
were to learn from a notoriously disaffected but very ingenious man of the name of 
Noms, whom they took into a sort of partnership, Patten furnishing the money. 

The narrative also states: 

Should their venture fail, they decided to emigrate to the United States and begin 
business there as tanners. 

If there is any truth in the statement of Wickham, the author has no hesita- 
tion in making the charge that Noms was a Government spy and the man who 
was sent over to Paris to induce Robert Emmet to return to Ireland to take 
charge of an expected uprising, which on his arrival he found already organ- 
ized, as stated at his trial. The connection of Robert Emmet with the tanning 
business was for the first time made known by the publication of the Hardwicke 
papers ; and the same is true in regard to the name of Noms, unless he repre- 
sented some one associated with Robert Emmet under an assumed name. 
Madden makes no mention of the name, which fact of itself throws doubt on 
Wickham's statement. Madden was an intimate friend of John Patten while 


Robert Emmet's Legacy 

he was writing his work, and afterwards until Patten's death, and from him 
he obtained an intimate knowledge of every detail connected with the life of 
Robert Emmet, who had been a companion and friend of his early manhood. 
As Patten is said to have been one of the tanners and to have supplied the 
money for the enterprise, assuming that there is any truth in the statement, 
there was certainly no reason why Dr. Madden should have had no knowl- 
edge of the connection. Had any one bearing the name of Noms been con- 
nected with Robert Emmet at this time he certainly would have been known 
also to Miles Byrne, who makes no mention of the name in his memoirs. 

Noms is therefore a fictitious name mentioned by Wickham, to allow some 
Government spy to escape from the country after he had rendered the service 
for which he was employed, and who was known to Robert Emmet and his 
associates under another surname. 

The death of his father in December, together with his mother's change 
of residence and the shutting up of "Casino" caused Robert to make other 
arrangements, as he did not accompany her and his sister, Mrs. Holmes, with 
the children of his brother to their smaller but more convenient residence in 
a more distant suburb of Dublin. 

Robert Emmet had doubtless returned to Ireland with the expectation of 
conducting a revolutionary movement, and the only check to his progress was 
probably the want of money. During the period of apparent inactivity pre- 
vious to his father's death, while he was living at "Casino", he doubtless 
was making an effort to supply this deficiency, which barred his progress. Since 
he had finally to supply the means, it is evident that in this he met with no 
success, and it is possible that but for an unexpected event the revolution 
might have been abandoned, at least for the time. Dr. Emmet and his wife 
had received their death blow on the arrest and imprisonment of their son 
Thomas Addis ; but the sudden death of the father was unexpected. As if 
Providence was in sympathy, Robert Emmet was at once furnished with the 
means by the terms of his father's will. The presentation of the contents 
of Dr. Emmet's will by Mr. Quaid in his sketph of Robert Emmet, has created 
a new interest with the writer and all relating to the younger son will be quoted. 

Mr. Quaid states : 

Dr. Emmet's will concludes with a bequest of the remainder of his fortune to his 
sons, Thomas Addis Emmet and Robert Emmet, share and share alike. 

Afterwards Dr. Emmet varied the will by the undated codicil before referred to. 
I quote it rather fully owing to its giving particulars which cannot be questioned of 
the moneys which were to have been received by Robert Emmet out of his father's 
estate from his brother-in-law, the executor and trustee, Robert Holmes. 

The codicil is in Dr. Emmet's handwriting and commences by stating that, "Whereas, 
at the time of making and perfecting the within, I had £2,000 in hand, or securities to the 
amount, ready to be handed over to my son, Robert, to fix him in any line of business 
might have appeared eligible, but not having been since given him, I hereby establish the 
same, or so much thereof, as I shall not pay to him during my life as a just debt and 
claim upon my assets over and above the £2,000 within bequeathed to him . . . now I 
hereby appoint that said annuity shall, during the life of my said wife, be paid to her in 
lieu and stead of the interest money on £2,000 within bequeathed to my son, Robert, but 

House on Butterfield Lane, leased by [Robert Ellis], Robert Emmet, 1803. 

Quigley and Stafford 


not payable to him until after her death, and which consequently I now will and appoint 
to be paid to him immediately after mine . . . and my son, Robert, will, immediately 
after my decease, have £2,000 to apply as he may think best, with what residue of the 
£2,000 which I now owe him as shall at my death remain unpaid, wherefore, I hereby 
appoint the above regulation written by myself as a codicil to my within will, &c. . . . " 
Some time after the 28th December, 1802, the date upon which the probate was issued to 
Mr. Holmes, he must have made Robert Emmet a payment on foot of the two legacies 
coming to him, one of £2,000, and the the other, a balance of the £2,000, to have been paid 
him by his father. . . . It is quite possible that the realization of the assets had not 
been completed and that Robert Emmet, therefore, might not have received the entire 
amount coming to him. The sale of "Casino" does not appear to have been fully com- 
pleted until after Emmet's death, and even after payment of the legacies, there probably 
was a residue divisible between Robert Emmet and his brother. That residue could not 
have been ascertained until long after Emmet's death. Emmet, however, who was, after 
his father's death entitled to a sum of between £3,000 and £4,000, expended all the money 
he received from Holmes in the Revolutionary movement. He staked everything on the 
fateful issue — his life and fortune. 

The Dublin Evening Post of 24th September, 1803, states that Emmet 'received at 
the death of his father £2,500, and had expended of that sum £1,400 to purchase the 
arms found.' 

The Dublin "Evening Post" was at this time subsidised by Government 
advertisements, and it is impossible to believe with certainty anything it states 
about Emmet, writing, as it did, in the interest of Government. Mr. Quaid, 
however, states that there must have been a larger additional sum due Robert 
Emmet than it is generally thought he received. In addition, a Mr. Long of 
Dublin, a merchant, became a faithful friend of Robert Emmet to the end, 
and at this time advanced him £1,400. 

Robert Emmet, shortly after his father's death, procured two buildings, in 
which to carry on his work, and selected two men to take charge of them and 
to execute his directions, together with eight men as laborers. But only the 
two foremen knew that he had any connection with the work. Emmet thus 
adopted a different plan of organization in having no oath of membership, 
but in coming into personal contact with a few persons whom he trusted with 
the carrying out of his directions, in collecting arms and making the needed 
preparation. He never visited his different depots until just before the out- 
break, but each day's work was reported to him at night by Michael Quigley 
and Nicholas Stafford at his lodging house in Butterfield-lane, in the suburb 
at Rathfarnham and just outside of Dublin, across the canal bridge at Harold's 
Cross, on the south side of Dublin. He had lived until April at Harold's Cross, 
close to the bridge, in a house shown by the map on the east side of the street, 
when he leased the house in Butterfield-lane, at a greater distance out of 

Quigley and Stafford were well fitted to their positions and could turn 
their hands to anything. The two lieutenants he thought could be trusted, but 
they knew nothing of his plans, nor was he known in the different parts except 
to a few separate leaders, in command of men who were ignorant of the 
chief leader and of any detail save that Dublin was to be attacked when they 


Initial Operations 

were called out and armed. Robert Emmet has often been the subject of 
satire and ridicule for having selected his immediate associates from the most 
humble walks of life. He therein showed his wonderful sagacity and good 
judgment by having only these men about him while there was work to be 
done, as they were patriotic and never betrayed each other, had no plans, and 
only expected to work under direction. Yet Emmet made every arrangement 
to secure the services of others to command the men when needed, after the 
taking of Dublin Castle by surprise, which he expected to have been able to 
do with those about him, as but few were needed to strike the first blow. 

It is stated in Wickham's narrative (according to MacDonagh) that such 
was the secrecy with which Emmet conducted these initial operations of his 
plot that not even his chief fellow-conspirators knew exactly the situation 
of the depots. Emmet himself, on receiving the fifteen thousand dollars left 
him in his father's will, so completely disappeared from his social circle at 
the beginning of April, that the secret agents of the Executive were unable 
to discover what had become of him, or to determine whether he was in Dublin, 
or organizing in the provinces, or had left Ireland altogether. He took a 
lonely country house in Butterfield-lane, Rathfarnham, just outside of the 
city. Here he lived in absolute seclusion as "Robert Ellis", with the faith- 
ful servant, Anne Devlin, niece of Michael Dwyer, and there he was 
visited at night by his principal agents. He does not seem often to have in- 
spected his depots in Patrick Street and Marshall-lane. Of the eight men 
employed in the manufactory of the warlike stores, only Quigley and Stafford 
were aware that he was at the head of the movement, and knew where he was to 
be found. To them he gave the necessary money for the purchase of materials 
and for the payment of five shillings a day to the mechanics employed in the 
depots. From them he received regular reports as to the progress of the 

After he had completed his arrangements, he had five special depots es- 
tablished, with several smaller places for storing arms in different parts of 
the city. The chief one was in Marshall-lane, where the greater number of 
the pikes were made and stored in secret receptacles, with all the fire-arms, 
and so ingeniously were some of these places contrived that even at a recent 
date it has been thought doubtful whether these have all been discovered, 
except in the houses which have been pulled down. 

In Patrick Street were made gun-powder and other explosives for use in 
the rockets and hand grenades, constructed by filling empty bottles with some 
explosive mixture and bullets or scrap iron. 

At some point now unknown to the writer he had a store-house in a large 
timber-yard in Irishtown, on the eastern side of the city, and thus was able 
to obtain without exciting suspicion all the timber needed for making the 
pikes, which were transferred for storage in different localities by being 
secreted in large beams, hollowed out for the purpose. Across the Liffey to 
the north, between Hay-market and King-street, was a large open place where 
all the hay and straw traffic and cattle "on the hoof" were sold. On the west 


The unchanged entrance to Emmet's Depot in riarshal Lane 


B Entrance to Robot Emmet's principal depot, shown by the position of the second lamp on the left 

Depots of Arms 


side, near King Street, Emmet had possession of a cellar, in which a large num- 
ber of pikes were stored. It is very likely that the greater number of persons 
living in this neighborhood, as well as the people from the country who dealt 
there, knew of this depot and sympathized with the movement, as neither its 
existence nor that of the one at Irishtown, was ever made known to the Gov- 
ernment, while the depot in Patrick Street was filled with spies. In a cellar 
on the northwest corner of Wine-tavern Street and Cock Hill or John Street, 
and diagonally across from Christ Church, there was a large number of pikes 
in store. 

There has existed some confusion as to the exact position of this chief 
depot, which Miles Byrne always designated as the depot at Thomas Street, 
while other writers without personal knowledge, have followed Madden and 
located it in Marshall-sea-lane. Mr. Fuller, in writing to the author, has 
pointed out the cause of the confusion, and from the data furnished me by 
Mr. John Reynolds (the author of "Footprints of Emmet"), and all other 
known on the subject, I have worked out a portion of an ordnance map of 
the City of Dublin, so that there can remain no doubt in the future. 

Mr. Fuller writes (March 20th, 1914) : 

First of all you will note that the lane which Dr. Madden and others have 
called Marshall-sea-lane is really Marshall-lane from the Bridge-foot entrance 
and Marshall-sea-lane from the other end. The depot was at 138 Thomas-street. 
No. 138 has been rebuilt and therefore of no interest. But the old gateway and wall 
in the lane are probably as they existed in Robert Emmet's time, and I am having 
a photo taken. On Reynold's picture [taken from Bridge-foot-street and not Thomas], 
which I return, I have marked showing the location of this old gateway close by the 
lamp in the middle of the lane on the left side of the lane. 

According to the ordnance map, the statement that the entrance to the 
depot from Thomas-street was between 138 and 139, is incorrect ; it still 
exists between 136 and 137, and at that time was the entrance to the White 
Bull Inn, kept by Mrs. Dillon. From the inn there was a gateway into the 
yard of the depot, and into Marshall-lane. The passageway from Thomas 
Street entry, between 143 and 144, and extending to Marshall-sea-lane, was 
not more than ten feet in width, and had no entrance into the buildings on 
either side. Marshall-lane only extended from Bridge-foot-street to Croker- 

The depot at Irishtown was of interest from its situation at the beginning 
of one of the breakwater piers, which extended out to' deep water on each side 
to form a shelter from the sea. At low tide these piers reached to a great 
distance across the exposed sand, and at the extreme end of the pier off Irish- 
town there was a small fortification commanding the inner entrance and called 
the "Pidgeon House" Fort. Branagan, who kept the lumber yard close at 
hand, was to have seized this fort with his men on the evening of the out- 
break. It would have been low tide, and not yet dark, and while the sand was 
covered with people digging clams those in the little fort could have been 
easily surprised. 

The Congreve Rocket 

Robert Emmet's knowledge of chemistry enabled him to make his ex- 
plosive mixtures and gunpowder. He possessed a remarkable mechanical 
skill, and was so ingenious that seemingly he was never at a loss for a device, 
while with his skill in drawing he readily demonstrated to his able assistants 
what he wanted done. He thus was enabled to have formed many receptacles 
for hiding the pikes and other munitions of war. These pikes he had formed 
with a hinge in the middle of the staff, so that when folded they could be 
carried through the street under the long coats worn by the men. 

Under his direction Quigley put up at night, with the assistance of Stafford 
and without the knowledge of the men, a false back-wall from the floor to the 
ceiling, thus forming a large storage-room on each story of one of the depots, 
with the entrance so perfectly concealed that its existence was never known 
or suspected by the police. He had made about fifteen thousand pikes, which 
he was able to distribute to different parts of the city in magazines, with sev- 
eral hundred pistols, some rockets, gunpowder and explosive mixtures in logs, 
which were to be exploded by fuses. Robert Emmet's inventive skill and his 
knowledge of chemistry enabled him to devise and to perfect, as a munition 
of war, the present so-called Congreve rocket, which he was able to do by 
testing it at night in the country. No munition of war ever invented, with the 
exception of the grape and canister, could cause so much havoc with a body 
of men at short range as this rocket. The writer has looked into this matter 
and he is positively of the opinion that the English Government decided that 
under no circumstances should the name of Robert Emmet be associated with 
the rocket as the inventor. Congreve was taken in hand and kept employed 
nominally in manufacturing it, until his name became permanently asso- 
ciated with it. 

Dr. Madden also investigated the matter at a period when he was able to 
obtain all the information needed, and was of the opinion that Congreve had 
never heard of the arm until the English Government began to give him credit 
as the inventor. 

The writer has often wished that Robert Emmet had never heard or 
thought of it until invented by Congreve, as he believes Emmet's knowledge 
of chemistry, which led to the perfecting of this rocket, and to the production 
of other explosives, increased the risk of detection, so that the cause of failure 
was finally due to an explosion and his fondness for chemistry. 

Robert Emmet might have been successful, notwithstanding the fact that 
he was surrounded by spies in the employ of the Government, had he simply 
confined the organization to those he could trust and to the making of at least 
fifty thousand pikes. He could have trusted to the leaders in the country to 
form a commissariat in different sections. If so organized the country people 
could have begun the work as soon as the first move was made in Dublin, and 
if successful in seizing the city, he could have quietly waited until assistance 
arrived from France, or until he was able to decide at his leisure as to his next 
move, for the Government was helpless to have made any defence in the 

The Pike as an Effective Weapon 


The experience of 1798 demonstrated what could be done with the pike in 
the hands of determined men. For days, and until the Irish had to divide up 
and scatter in quest of food, with the destruction of all form of military dis- 
cipline in consequence, they were successful. The uneducated and undis- 
ciplined Irish peasant, with courage and a strong arm, drove the best-drilled 
troops in the world, as the English infantry were, before them as chaff, and 
the cavalry, after the first engagement, never made a second charge against 
the Irish. After they had drawn the English fire, the pikemen were upon 
them, routing them with great slaughter before they could reload, the artillery 
showing themselves as unable as the infantry to stand the charge of the Irish 
pikemen. In a few days the Irish were in possession of more arms and 
ammunition than they could take care of, and with a little system it would 
have been possible to have furnished everything needed for the outfit of any 
body of men. 

Here we reach the turning-point in Robert Emmet's life, up to which 
time he had been the master of the situation. The English knew nothing of 
his whereabouts, and had no proof that he was in any way implicated with the 
movement of the existence of which they had full knowledge, but only sus- 
pected that he was the leader. 

Had the Government been able to arrest Emmet on positive proof of any 
act of treason, the arrest would have been made months before. If the arrest 
had taken place, the few individuals who really had any hand in the work, 
would have quietly disappeared ; nor would there have been any evidence of 
preparation, as the pikes and other munitions of war would not have been 
found. So little evidence really existed that had Emmet been arrested he 
would have probably been discharged in a short time, since he could not have 
been held in absence of any proof. 

But after the explosion Robert Emmet left Rathfarnham and lived in the 
Marshall-sea-lane depot. He was no longer his own master, as he was now 
forced to visit all the depots and take personal charge in order to hurry the 
preparation for the outbreak, which was set to take place within a few days, 
although the preparations for it were at least a month behindhand. The delay 
had been unwillingly agreed to by Emmet, but he had yielded to the judgment of 
the majority. During his last visit to Paris, before his father's death, he had 
an interview with Bonaparte, and was in frequent communication with Talley- 
rand, yet he had less faith in aid from France than had his brother or any of 
the other leaders. He, however, agreed to the delay until the French were 
ready to invade England, or land a force in Ireland. Undoubtedly, Johnstone, 
the rocket-maker and spy, obtained a knowledge of the cause of delay and 
communicated it to the Government, so that the supposed accidental explosion 
is now believed to have been a deliberate act to force the issue. 

The morning of the 23rd of July found Emmet and the leaders, in whom 
he confided, not of one mind ; there was division in their councils, confusion 
in the depots, consternation among the citizens who were cognizant of what 
was going on, and treachery, tracking Robert Emmet's footsteps, dogging him 



The Rising Precipitated 

from place to place, unseen, unsuspected, but perfidy nevertheless, embodied in 
the form of patriotism, employed in deluding its victim, making the most of 
its foul means of betraying its unwary victims, and counting already on the 
ultimate reward of its treachery. Portion after portion of each plan of Robert 
Emmet was defeated, as he imagined, by accident, or ignorance, or neglect, on 
the part of his agents ; but it never occurred to him that he was betrayed, that 
every design of his was frustrated, every project neutralized, as effectually as 
if an enemy had stolen into the camp of an opponent, seduced the sentinels, 
corrupted the guards, discovered the actual resources of the party, bewrayed 
the plans, disconcerted the projects, and then left the adversary to be forced 
into the field, and discomfited there. 

Various consultations were held on the 23rd, at the depot in Thomas-street, 
at Mr. Long's in Crow-street, and Mr. Allen's in College-Green, and great 
diversity of opinion prevailed with respect to the propriety of an immediate 
rising, or a postponement of the attempt. Emmet and Allen were in 
favor of the former, and, indeed, in the posture of their affairs, no other course 
was left, except the total abandonment of their project, which it is only sur- 
prising had not been determined on. The Wicklow men. under Dwyer, on 
whom great dependence was placed, had not arrived : the man who bore the 
order to him from Emmet neglected his duty and remained at Rathfarnham. 
The Kildare men came in, and were informed, evidently by a traitor, that 
Emmet had postponed his attempt, and they went back at five o'clock in the 
afternoon. The Wexford men came in and, to the number of 200 or 300, 
remained in town the early part of the night to take the part assigned to them, 
but they received no orders. A large body of men were assembled at the 
Broadstone, ready to act when the rocket signal agreed upon should be given, 
but no such signal was made. 

It is evident that Emmet to the last counted on large bodies of men being at 
his disposal, and that he was deceived. At eight o'clock in the evening he had 
eighty men, nominally under his command, collected in the depot in Marshall- 
sea-lane. In the neighborhood several of the leaders were assembled at Mr. He- 
vey's house, 41 Thomas Court, and refreshments were not wanting, while mes- 
sengers were passing backward and forward between his house and the depot. 

At a public house in Thomas-street kept by John Rourke, there were 
crowds of country people drinking and smoking, in the highest spirits, crack- 
ing jokes, and bantering one another, as if the business they were about to 
enter on was a party of pleasure. Felix Rourke kept constantly going between 
this house and his brother's, dressed in plain clothes ; at no time was he dressed 
in the rebel uniform, as was sworn by the approvers on his trial. About nine 
o'clock, when Robert Emmet was beginning to reflect on the failure of all 
his preparations, the holding back of the people on whom he mainly reckoned, 
Michael Quigley rushed into the depot, and gave an alarm which turned out 
to be a false one.* 

•This was the first but not the only act of Quigley, which caused some of the most reflecting and 
trustworthy of his associates to suspect his fidelity. Notice the confirmation of the statement of one 
of Emmet's associates, as to the false alarm at the depot the evening of the 23rd July, in Mr. Marsden's 
account of the insurrection. 



He said : "We are all lost, the army is coming on us". Then it was that 
Robert Emmet was determined to meet death in the street, rather than wait to 
be cooped up with his followers in his den, and massacred there or captured and 
reserved for the scaffold. He put on his uniform, gave his orders to distribute 
the arms, and, after sending up a single rocket, sailed into Thomas-street 
with about eighty men, who were joined there, perhaps, by as many more, 
before they were abreast of Vicar-street. The design of Emmet was to 
attack the castle. The greater part of the gentlemen leaders were not with 
Robert Emmet; several remained at Hevey's, others were at the house of 
John Palmer, in Cutpurse-row, and elsewhere, in the immediate vicinity of 
the scene of action — waiting, I presume, to see if there was any prospect of 
success, or any occasion for their services that was likely to make the sacrifice 
of their lives of any advantage to their cause. 

The motley assemblage of armed men, a great number of whom were, if 
not intoxicated, under the evident excitement of drink, marched along Thomas- 
street without discipline, with their ill-fated leader at their head, who was 
endeavoring to maintain order, with the assistance of Stafford, a man who 
appears to have remained close to him throughout this scene, and faithful 
to him to the last. Between the front ranks and the rear there was a consid- 
erable distance, and it was in vain that Stafford and others called on them 
repeatedly and sometimes with imprecation to close their ranks, or they would 
be cut to pieces by the army. They were in this state at about half past nine, 
when Robert Emmet, with the main body, was close to the old market-house. 
The stragglers in the rear soon commenced acts of pillage and assassination. 

Emmet halted his party at the market-house with the view of restoring 
order, but tumult and insubordination prevailed. During his ineffectual efforts, 
word was brought that Lord Kilwarden was murdered ; he retraced his steps, 
proceeded towards the scene of the barbarous outrage, and in the course of 
a few minutes returned to his party : from that moment he gave up all hope 
of effecting any national object. He saw that his attempt had merged into a 
work of pillage and murder. He and a few of the leaders who were about 
him abandoned their project and their followers. A detachment of the mili- 
tary made its appearance at the corner of Cutpurse-row, and commenced firing 
on the insurgents, who immediately fled in all directions. The rout was 
general in less than an hour from the time they sallied forth from the depot. 

What did the Volunteers? 

They mustered and paraded 
Until their laurels faded, 

This did the Volunteers. 

Hotu died the Volunteers? 

The death that's fit for slaves, 
They slunk into their graves, 

Thus died the Volunteers. 

James Hope. 

Arrah, Paddies, my hearties, have done <wid your parties, 

Let min of all creeds and pro fissions agree; 
If Orange and Green min, no longer ivere seen, min, 

Och naboclishl Ho<w aisy ould Erin 'd be free! 

James Hope. 

Chapter VI 

James Hope's account of preparations for 1803 — Robert Emmet not originator — 
Preparations begun in Dublin to second effort in England under Colonel Despard — 
Robert sent from Paris in consequence of reports received — Exiles in Paris duped — 
False reports of assistance from France — Napoleon's vacillation — Persons con- 
nected with Talleyrand warn Irish in Paris that Napoleon is negotiating with Eng- 
lish Government — Thomas Russell of opinion that conspiracy is the work of the 
enemy — Emmet satisfied if failure would not compromise Catholic cause — Emmet's 
"Plan" — Wicklow contingent under Dwyer fails to connect through neglect of 
messenger — Men in depots faithful — Only three or four turn when lives are in 
danger — Bernard Duggan confirms Hope's statements to Madden — Emmet receives 
information from alleged friends in Castle — Later believed to have been duping 
him — Letter of Wyndham to Lord Grenville in London — Government unprepared 
militarily — Failure ascribed to fortuitous circumstances — English hold French in 
contempt, never more than in Pitt's time — Original promoters of conspiracy prob- 
ably always remain doubtful — By some believed work of reactionaries — Madden's 

ROM the following paper in Robert Emmet's handwriting, 
found in the Marshall-lane depot, we are able to see that 
after the explosion, and before the outbreak, he had begun 
to realize some of the difficulties before him in conse- 
quence of the want of proper assistance from the leaders 
who had already begun to desert him. 

I have little time to look at the thousand difficulties which 
still lie between me and the completion of my wishes; that 
those difficulties will likewise disappear I have evident, and 
I trust, rational hopes; but if it is not to be the case, I thank 
God for having gifted me with a sanguine disposition. I run from reflection; and if 
my hopes are without foundation— if a precipice is opening under my feet from which 
duty will not suffer me to run back, I am grateful for that sanguine disposition 
which leads me to the brink and throws me down while my eyes are still raised to 
the visions of happiness that my fancy formed in the air. 

Robert Emmet began his active preparations in March, and in Madden's 
judgment the most authentic account of Emmet's movements was obtained 
from James Hope, who was in constant attendance until he was sent North a 
few days before the outbreak. Hope wrote : 


James Hope's Account 


The following account is designed to give you an idea of Robert Emmet's busi- 
ness in 1803, from the commencement to its close and discovery: 

Mr. Emmet was not, as has been supposed, the originator of the preparations of 
1803. These had been begun in Dublin, to second an effort in England, expected 
by some Irishmen, under Colonel Despard. This information found its way from 
Ireland to the British Government, through the imprudence of Dowdall in Dublin, 
who was Colonel Despard's agent — namely, that some preparation had been begun 
there to second the Colonel's effort. Information of Dowdall's proceedings, on the 
other hand, had reached the refugees in Paris, by whom Robert Emmet was sent to 
Dublin to ascertain the state of things then. He fell into the hands of men by whom 
he was advised to go on with the necessary preparations for an effectual rising, with 
a solemn promise of every assistance in money and advice. Mr. Emmet came over 
first, Hamilton next came, and Quigley about the same time. Hamilton was sent 
back to Paris to bring over Russell, who came over immediately, and I soon was 
placed in close communication with him. Mr. Emmet, soon after his arrival, had 
lodgings at Harold's-cross, in the house in which he was ultimately taken after 
having quitted Butterfield-lane. Both Emmet and Russell were strongly opposed 
to the party called "foreign aid men", and I had been so from the beginning. 

Situated as the Irish exiles were in Paris, they were easily duped into a fresh 
struggle, by the information they received from some of the higher order in Ireland, 
who had some suspicion of what was going on, but no precise knowledge of the 

Some persons in connection with Talleyrand, in 1802, gave the Irish refugees to 
understand Buonaparte was in treaty with the British Government to banish them 
from France, their residence there not being considered favourable to Buonaparte's im- 
perial views. A fabricated letter came to the North dated from Paris, about this 
time, purporting to be from a captain of a French lugger, off the Giant's Causeway, 
having 10,000 stand of arms on board for the service of the United Irishmen. The 
letter was in bad English; the paper, however, was English manufacture — it was 
fabricated by our enemies. The fire of 1798 was not quite extinguished — it smoul- 
dered, and was ready to break out anew. There were persons of distinction in the 
confidence of our leaders, who kept up communication with them in exile, and were 
in league with the oligarchy at home, which Russell and Emmet, from the purity 
of their intentions, never suspected. 

At my first interview with Mr. Emmet, on his arrival from France, he told me 
that "some of the first men of the land had invited him over"; he asked me my 
opinion, "was I for an appeal to arms"? I replied "I was". After some further 
conversation, he said, "his plan was formed". 

On my second interview with Mr. Emmet, he told me he would require my 
constant assistance, and said that two stores were taken, and workmen had been 
selected. Mr. Emmet engaged in this attempt in consequence of promises, from the 
upper ranks, of assistance to make the preparation general over the island. When 
money failed, however, treachery in the upper ranks began to appear, as in all former 
struggles. No money was forthcoming, and Mr. Emmet had no alternative but to 
shut the stores and discharge the men, which must be attended with the worst 
consequences; or go to work with what resources he had, which, if properly directed, 
were fully sufficient to take the city and Castle of Dublin. 

On making a remark to Mr. Emmet respecting the defection of Colonel Plunket, 
he said : "There were many who professed to serve a cause with life and fortune, 
but if called on to redeem their pledge, would contrive to do it with the lives and 
fortunes of others. 

"For my part", said he, "my fortune is now committed; the promises of many 
whose fortunes are considerable are committed likewise, but their means have not 
been as yet forthcoming. If I am defeated by their conduct, the fault is not mine. 


Catholic Cause not Compromised 

Even my defeat will not save the system which I oppose; but the time will come 
when its greatest advocates cannot live under the weight of its iniquity; until which 
time my reasons for the present attempt will not be fully understood except by the 
few who serve and may surfer with me. The elements of dissolution are gathering 
around the system by which these two islands are governed and the Pitt system will 
accelerate its fall". 

Having been Mr. Emmet's constant attendant for some months, on our way from 
the depot in Dublin to his house in Butterfield-lane many conversations of this 
kind have passed, and many things that I learned from him are sealed up by his last 
request. In conversing on the state of the country, I expressed an opinion to Mr. 
Emmet on the subject of the rights of the people in relation to the soil, which until 
they were recognized, it would be in vain to expect the North would be unanimous. 
On expressing this opinion at some length to Mr. Emmet, his answer was: "I would 
rather die than live to witness the calamities which that course would bring on 
helpless families; let that be the work of others — it shall never be mine. Corruption 
must exhaust its means before equity can establish even its most reasonable claims". 

Russell and Hamilton were of Mr. Emmet's opinion on that subject. "This 
conspiracy," said Russell, "is the work of the enemy; we are now in the vortex — 
if we can swim ashore let it not be through innocent blood; if the people are true 
to themselves, we have an overwhelming force; if otherwise, we fall, and our lives 
will be a sufficient sacrifice". "One grand point", said Mr. Emmet, "at least will be 
gained. No leading Catholic is committed — we are all Protestants— and their cause 
will not be compromised". Shortly after the preceding conversation, I was ordered 
to go with Russell to the North a week before the outbreak, and on the following 
morning Russell and I left Mr. Emmet's house before day. When I left Dublin.* 
Arthur Devlin was appointed in my place to attend Mr. Emmet. There was a gentle- 
man from Cork, and also one from the county Meath in Mr. Emmet's company the 
day before we left him.t 

Mr. Emmet's great object was to attack the castle and make hostages of the 
viceroy and officers of Government, but the Kildare men were the only men who 
were at hand; there was a party of Wexford men under Michael Byrne, now in 
France at Ringsend, or the neighborhood of it. Mr. Emmet relied too much on the 
North when he sent Russell there. The man who was to supply my place, and 
entrusted with the arrangements between the people of Dublin and those who were 
expected from Wicklow, was sent to communicate with Dwyer, but that man re- 
mained at Rathfarnham, and his doing so caused all the plans to fail, for instead of 
the organized party which was expected, a body of stragglers only appeared in 
Thomas-street, who killed Lord Kilwarden and a clergyman, named Wolfe (whom 
they should only have detained as prisoners); and Mr. Emmet seeing nothing but 
disorder, and having no communication with any regular body, some of whom 
remained all night under arms, he with a few friends returned to Rathfarnham, and 
the people shifted for themselves. 

"This was the one fatal mistake made by Robert Emmet, on which rested his failure. Had he 
retained Hope at his side to the last, he would have been informed by the only man he could then 
trust, that he had been betrayed and not a direction given by him had been carried out. This he 
would have learned from Hope in time to have quietly dismissed all his followers and have found a 
place of safety until a better opportunity presented. 

f'Hope says the only two persons of distinction he saw at Emmet's were Mr. Fitzgerald, the brother 
of the Knight of Glynn, and a nobleman, Lord Wycombe the son of the Marquis of Lansdowne, who 
subsequently, in the county of Meath, offered him, through his steward, the means of leaving the coun- 
try, which Hope declined to accept. John Henry, Earl of Wycombe, born 1765, succeeded to the title 
of Marquis of Lansdowne, May the 7th. 1805. His lordship married the widow of Duke Gifford, Esq., of 
Castle Jordan, county of Meath, in 1805; died without issue 15th November, 1809, and was succeeded 
by his half-brother, Lord Henry Petty, the present marquis. The Earl of Wycombe, in 1803, was thirty- 
nine years of age. There is no doubt that he was cognizant of Robert Emmet's _ plans in 1803, and 
privy to his preparations for insurrection while they were carrying on at the depot in Thomas-street. 
He was of very decided republican principles, and so was known to be in 1803 to my informant, Mr. J. 
Patten, the brother-in-law of Thomas Addis Emmet. James Hope, who worked in the depot in Thomas- 
street, and was one of the trusty and trusted friends of Robert Emmet, told me he saw Lord Wycombe 
there with Mr. Emmet, and also the brother of the Knight of Glynn." (Given in a footnote by Madden.) 


From an oil portrait in the possession of F. J. Bigger, Befast 



The reason he went to Rathfarnham was that he had despatched the messenger 
[Arthur Devlin] to Dwyer in the Wicklow mountains, and expected him by daylight, 
but Dwyer got no intelligence until he heard of the defeat, or rather miscarriage of 
Emmet's attempts on Dublin. Arthur Devlin was a relative of Dwyer and went 
with him to Botany Bay. Another man, a cousin of his, named Michael Dwyer, 
had been likewise sent on a message to Dwyer, and he also neglected his orders; 
he pretended to go, and stopped near Dublin. 

In the several depots there were no less, to my knowledge, than forty men em- 
ployed, only three or four of whom became traitors, and that not till their own lives 
were in danger. The men behaved with the greatest prudence, none seeming to wish 
to know more than concerned their own department; each man's duty was kept 
separate and secret from the other. I was first attached to the rocket depot in 
Patrick-street, and then had to superintend the ammunition in its making up and 
delivery, and the transporting arms and gunpowder to the country. I was in the 
habit of calling on Mr. Emmet when I wanted instructions through the day, and 
reporting progress at night. 

Bernard Duggan, an outdoor emissary, chiefly employed in carrying 
communications, also made a statement to Dr. Madden. As he had been fully 
trusted by Robert Emmet and had been one of the superintendents of a 
depot, his account is no less valuable than that given by James Hope, but is 
necessarily a corroboration of the other from the point of view of one in a 
more limited field. However, Duggan makes one statement which may be of 
more value tban would appear to the casual reader, and he is the only one 
within the knowledge of the writer who makes any reference to the subject, 
being at the same time ignorant of its importance. His statement is : 

To my knowledge, Mr. Emmet had secret friends connected with the Government, 
who gave him intelligence of all the movements about the castle. Mr. Emmet, during 
the preparations making in the depot, had a house in Butterfield-lane, near Rath- 
farnham; the officers of the counties and several gentlemen often had interviews with 
him there, but none of those connected in the depots, unless occasionally to carry a 
message to him, went there. Mr. Emmet went often to the head depot — both by day 
and by night the writer was often called to attend him, to act as a body guard 
through the streets, walking on the other side of the way as he went along, and 
occasionally some men of the former were ready at a moment's notice to defend Mr. Emmet. 

Can this mean anything else than a corroboration of the suspicion often 
expressed in a general manner that the movement was gotten up by the agents 
of the Government, who, as spies, were always about Emmet, giving him from 
time to time deceptive and unimportant information ; but at a moment's notice 
ready to accompany him on his visit to the depots, under the pretence of protect- 
ing his person, while they thus had the opportunity of seeing what was going 
on? It becomes a question as to how many of these officers of the counties 
he had constantly about him were spies, as their promises to him were not 
verified in the organization they claimed had been effected throughout the 

The following letter is of interest as relating to the first intelligence 
received in London of the outbreak under Robert Emmet in Dublin. To have 
reached London in three days was remarkable, as frequently it required 
almost as long to cross the Irish channel in a sailing-vessel. This letter is 


Government Unprepared 

from "Historical Manuscripts of J. B. Fortesque, Esq., preserved at Drop- 
more", Vol. VII, London, 1910. The letter was written by W. Wyndham to 
Lord Grenville: 

July 27-28, 1803. House of Commons. 

The plot thickens, or rather the piece opens with an incident as dreadful and 
alarming as can well be conceived. A messenger has arrived, a few hours since, 
from Dublin, bringing an account of an insurrection having broken out, the extent 
of which is not distinctly known, and which Ministers do not seem disposed to state 
even to the extent to which they do know it; but of which the first effects have been 
the murder of the Chief Justice [Lord Kilwarden], who is said to have been pulled 
out of his carriage and torn to pieces by the mob; and of the foreman of the grand 
jury, a Mr. Clark, who is reported to have been killed as he was carrying up an ad- 
dress to the Castle. From some circumstances, too, mentioned to me by Corry 
it would seem that this was only part of a rising which was to take place at once 
in various parts of the kingdom. It is not at all clear that when the messenger came 
away the insurrection, even in Dublin, was got under. In fact I should rather con- 
clude, from what I first heard from persons not connected with Government, and 
afterwards from the language of some who were, that, at the time of the letters 
being sent off, the issue of the contest remained still in suspense. A more frightful 
picture of the state of things in that part of [the] empire can not well be conceived, 
because even if the present insurrection should be suppressed, what must be the 
condition of a country in which such an insurrection could ever have broke out? 
The papers, of course, of this evening will be full of the news, but I thought I 
would send you the present hasty account, formed from the best intelligence which 
I have hitherto been able to collect. 

I wish I could balance this in any degree by accounts of the activity of our 
preparations here; but, on the contrary, everything that I hear shows that the con- 
duct of the Ministers in the execution of their measures is quite of a piece with 
the feebleness and dilatoriness which they have shown in bringing them forward. 
If I may rely upon Thelusson, who is now come to town, a camp of 1,300 men in his 
neighbourhood had for their whole ammunition 600 ball cartridges; and about the 
same number with others. I am afraid, too, that the whole of this general training 
will take the shape which you observed with you, of a separation of the town and 
village aristocracies from the lower orders of the people. The only cure that I can 
see is what we were talking about, of forming more efficient corps out of the re- 

Whether or not a greater or less number of the Irish officials knew before 
the explosion in Patrick-street of the preparation going on for Robert Emmet's 
movement, it has never been denied that the Government was caught entirely 
unprepared and without the proper means for defence. It became known after- 
wards there was not in the arsenal a ball to fit any of the cannon and several 
hours passed before the arrival of a sufficient number of soldiers and cavalry 
could be collected to clear the streets of Dublin. Fifty years afterwards "The 
Nation" showed what the conditions were and stated : 

Government escaped by a sort of miracle, by a series of accidents and mistakes 
no human sagacity could have foreseen, and no skill repair. Surrounded as Emmet 
was with spies and betrayed at every step, he could have taken the city with the 
few men who remained true to him had he been able to act promptly and with the 
aid of several leaders. Robert Emmet fully recognized with all the treachery about 
him that his failure had been due to fortuitous circumstances. For it is stated he 
was heard to say: "Had I another week (for additional preparation) had I one 

Origin of Insurrection 


thousand pounds, had I one thousand men, I would have feared nothing. There 
was redundancy enough in any one part to have made up in completeness for defi- 
ciency in the rest. But there was failure in all; plan, preparation and men." 

The English officials in Ireland have always regarded the Irish people with 
the greatest degree of contempt, and at no time did this feeling exist to a 
greater extent than during Pitt's administration. The writer, after a fair 
investigation, has not the slightest doubt that both Pitt and the chief Irish 
Secretary were fully informed of the Emmet movement from the beginning, 
and that they, as already stated, were in all probability the instigators ; under 
the circumstances, owing to their over-confident sense of superiority and 
security, no preparation was made to meet the issue. 

We must again consider the question as to the origin of the Emmet move- 
ment, and for the profit of the reader it is better the views of Dr. Madden 
should be quoted than that the writer should express his version based to a 
great extent on Dr. Madden's labors (3d series, page 483) : 

There is another matter of more important consideration, than any other con- 
nected with his [Robert Emmet's] enterprise — the question of the origin in Ireland 
of those preparations for insurrection which Robert Emmet was sent over from 
France, by some of the United Irish leaders there, to inquire into the nature of. 
Did these preparations originate with the friends or the enemies of their cause? 
Were they commenced or suggested by parties of the old ascendency faction, who 
finding their consequence diminished, their power restrained, their former means 
cut off of maintaining a position in society, independently of industrious pursuits 
or their own legitimate resources, had become weary of a return, or an approach 
even to a return, of an administration of government of mild and constitutional 
character; and who were desirous of a pretext for going back to the old regime of 
"sword law" under which they flourished, and of which for the time being they had 
been recognized as useful and necessary agents? Some of these parties, when the 
reign of terror ceased, were unable to settle down to the honest occupations which 
they had relinquished for military pursuits in 1797 and 1798, violating the laws and 
expiating their crimes on the scaffold or in penal settlements. . . . But others, 
whose circumstances were less desperate and who were not driven by indigence or their 
headstrong passions to the commission of similar crimes, feeling their insignificance 
in tranquil times, remembered their importance in troubled ones, and not only 
longed for their return, but contrived in secret to effect it. 

This is a very important question, and I feel bound to state that the result of 
my inquiries leads me to the conclusion that such was the origin of those views 
which were communicated, in 1802, to certain of the leaders of the United Irishmen 
in Paris. I have already shown that the authorities were not ignorant of the prepara- 
tions that were making in Dublin for an insurrection in the summer of 1803. 

The full extent of them they probably did not know at the commencement, but 
the general object, and the principal parties engaged in them, there is little doubt 
they were acquainted with. Lord Hardwicke was incapable of lending his counten- 
ance or sanction to the originating of the designs of the parties I have alluded to; 
but when they were so far matured and successful as to render the existence of a 
dangerous conspiracy no longer doubtful, when it was represented to Secretaries 
Wickham and Marsden that the best way of defeating it (they having a clue to its 
object and the means of disconcerting its plans) was to allow it to proceed and to 
expend itself without detriment to the Government, but with certain ruin to its own 
agents. There is reason to believe the course of action suggested was submitted 
to, and sanctioned by that evil influence in the councils of the British Government 


Emmet Misled 

of two former secretaries of Irish viceroys, Lord Castlereagh and Pelham, then 
members of the English ministry — but that course, though successfully acted on, 
was attended with the most imminent danger to the State. The Parliamentary record 
of the despatches between the Government and the General can leave little doubt 
of the fact. These matters are still subjects for grave inquiry, and they have a very 
important bearing on the judgment that is to be formed of the plans and projects 
of Robert Emmet, and of his character in relation to them. 

Young Emmet loved his country with all the fervour of an enthusiast, and like 
others no less ill-fated, "not wisely but too well". Had he succeeded, the world 
would have said he loved it both well and wisely. However, he loved it, his devotion 
was a passion that had taken entire possession of his soul, that blinded him to the 
impediments that stood in the way of the accomplishment of his designs. He pos-. 
sessed his object, as if he believed the champions of liberty fought, at all hazards, 
at all times, under the protection of a sacred tutelary power, while those of depotism, 
less highly favoured, however they might seem to prosper for a time, were doomed 
eventually to fall, and to contribute to their defeat by their own efforts to avert their 
doom. To use the glowing language attributed to Emmet, in explanation of his 
opinions — "Liberty was the child of oppression, and the birth of the offspring was 
the death of the parent; while tyranny, like the poetical desert bird, was consumed 
in flames ignited by itself, and its whole existence was spent in providing the means 
of self-destruction".* , 

Had Dr. Madden lived to the present day he would have had no doubt as 
to Robert Emmet having been the author of this quotation. 

Dr. Madden after entering at length into a consideration of the legal and 
moral right to engage in rebellion and as to how far the justification rested 
on the result, continues the subject: 

In Emmet's case it is evident that he was the victim of deception — that he was 
deluded, misled, and sacrificed by designing men, whose machinations, his youth, 
his inexperience, his confiding nature, were unfit to cope with. Meshed as he was 
in the toils of villainy, what possibility of success was there for his plans had they 
been carried into execution in the capital? 

Had the representations made to him of extensive co-operation been realised, 
were these plans of his adequate to the accomplishment of his object? Could that 
object have been attained, without the shedding of much blood? Had his plans been 
carried into successful operation in the capital, the probability is that Kildare, Wick- 
low, Wexford, Carlow and Kilkenny would have immediately risen and that in one 
week from the outbreak six counties at least would have been in rebellion. His plans 
necessarily depended for success on the realisation of the assurances he received 
of co-operation in the provinces. They were perhaps adequate to the proposed 
object, provided treachery was not stalking behind each attempt to put them in 
operation, and treading in his footsteps at every movement in advance. The men of 
'"98" were six years organizing the country; the more they organized, the more they 
were betrayed; where they were organized least, in the County of Wexford, there 
their cause was best served.t Robert Emmet evidently traced the failure in 1798 

'"Robert Emmet and his Contemporaries", Dublin and London Magazine, 1825. 

+The case is not fairly stated here by Dr. Madden. As the people of this country were unwilling 
to take any part with the United Irishmen, and were favorably influenced by their priests, who were 
then almost to a man loyal to the English Government, having been deluded by a false promise (the 
term lying being more appropriate) made by Pitt, promising for their neutrality that Catholic Emancipa- 
tion would be granted in the near future. As these people took no part in the rebellion, the North 
Cork yeomanry, under the command of the braggart Lord Kingsborough, were billeted on every house 
with free license to force the people to an outbreak, in order that the "Union" might be brought about. 
Every commandment of the Decalogue was openly violated, after every public and private house, and 
all the Catholic Churches and rectories had been burned; after men, women and children had been 
shot down, often as if for diversion and with no restraint; after the neople had been robbed of every- 
thing which could be carried off; and after an officer of high rank, had openly boasted that with the 

Causes of Failure 


to this system of widespread and long-pursued organization. He let the people 
alone, he counted on them whenever they were wanted and all his organization was 
of his plans in the capital, and all his preparations consisted in providing weapons, 
ammunition and warlike contrivances for his adherents. Four months were spent 
in the preparations of the men of 1803; six years were spent in those of the men of 
1798. The latter counted half-a-million of enrolled members, the former counted 
on the rising of the people whenever they should be called on. 

Dr. Madden places himself on record as follows : 

All I have said or have to say on this subject may be summed up in a few words: 

The means at the disposal of Robert Emmet were not adequate to the object 
he expected to accomplish. 

The time appointed for its accomplishment was inopportune. 

A people recently crushed by its opponents was not in a condition to renew a 
struggle that had been utterly defeated and abandoned in despair. 

aid of the bayonet, he believed not a female, old or young, had escaped their attention, the husbands, 
fathers and brothers, under the command of their clergymen arose en masse. So desperate was the 
onset of the people that the military force was literally exterminated, for it was claimed not an indi- 
vidual escaped death who deserved the vengeance of an outraged people. 

It tvas tyranny of the grossest kind that in 1798 stirred up the people to revolt. The laws 
then enforced in Ireland Tvere unjust in themselves, and unjustly administered. 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh. 

Nothing has yet been demonstrated to dim the glory or sully the name of the men and 
ivomen of the tvorking class, ivho carried the dangerous secret of Emmet's conspiracy 
and guarded it so ivell and faithfully to the end. 

James Connolly. 

Chapter VII 

Miles Byrne and his "Memoirs" — His escape after '98 — Returns to join Robert 
Emmet in 1803 — Escapes to France after failure in carrying news — Byrne's narra- 
tive — His description of Norris the tanner — Byrne's first meeting with Robert — 
Napoleon's indecision ascribed to his uncertainty about effect of Union on Irish 
people — Emmet justifies insurrection on ground of Ireland's deprivation of right 
of self-government — Believes self-interest would compel France to help Ireland — 
Byrne believes Wicklow survivors of '98 would be ready — Subsequent meetings — 
Miss Biddy Palmer intermediary — Byrne consulted about pikes — Arrangements for 
distribution — Also for pistols and blunderbusses of special model — A Scotch patriot, 
Macintosh, settled in Dublin, lends assistance — Jointed pikes for facility of conceal- 
ment — Darby Byrne, '98 man, then English soldier, joins Emmet and makes car- 
tridges — Another named Johnstone, in East India Company's service, works at rocket- 
making — Gunsmith makes rocket-cases — Details of rocket-making — Other missiles 
fabricated — Byrne speaks highly of James Hope, weaver, as organizer — Also of 
Michael Doyle, forced to enlist after Vinegar Hill and who served in Egypt under 
Abercrombie. — On discharge introduced to Emmet. — Made organizer and renders 
good service. — Thomas Cloney's meeting with Emmet. 

EALOUSLY patriotic, General Miles Byrne entered Ire- 
land's service while yet a boy, and so long as he could 
render any aid, he did so with a tenacity of purpose sel- 
dom exhibited at any age. 

His "Memoirs", only recently translated from the 
Paris edition of 1861, remained unknown during many 
years of his life, in consequence of his want of apprecia- 
tion of the value of his own services to the Irish 

Byrne identified himself with the first move made in connection with the 
Rebellion of 1798, and after serving to the last, escaped with difficulty to 
France. He joined Robert Emmet at the beginning of his undertaking, and 
after the failure he was selected by Emmet to make his escape to France, and 
convey a confidential communication in person to his brother, Thomas Addis 
Emmet, as to his plans and all other details, such as could not be entrusted to 
writing. Of all the men associated with Emmet, Byrne, as a personal friend, 
and one who had been so closely identified with every move, was the best 
fitted for the mission. In his diary T. A. Emmet mentions receiving this com- 
munication from a messenger who had crossed from Ireland in an open boat. 



Byrne's Narrative 


This is not entirely accurate, as Byrne escaped from Dublin as a steward in an 
American vessel, which being overhauled in the channel by a part of the French 
fleet, and the object of his crossing being made known, Byrne was sent ashore 
and up the river to Bordeaux, for his case to be passed upon by the authorities. 

Mr. Byrne possessed the entire confidence of both Robert Emmet and his 
brother. As has been said, no individual connected with the movements 
of 1798 and 1803 was more familiar with all details than Byrne, and accord- 
ing to the family tradition, in the discharge of his mission from Robert Emmet 
he made a report in writing. This he afterwards, it is supposed, incorporated 
in his "Memoir". The public could not be adequately served, or justice ren- 
dered to Robert Emmet, without incorporating fully, notwithstanding its 
length, the whole of Byrne's statement into this work. It contains information 
which can be obtained nowhere else, and which is so interwoven with the narra- 
tive, that the rendering of a paraphrase would be an injustice. His written 
report for Mr. Emmet was probably the incentive to writing the Memoir, and 
for accuracy in detail it is better that it should be given as written by himself. 

Byrne's Narrative of the Robert Emmet Movement in 180.3 

It was about this time that I became acquainted with a Mr. Norris, a young 
man of very pleasing manners, who had been set up in a tannery concern at Dol- 
phin's Barn, by Mr. John Patten, the brother-in-law of Thomas Addis Emmet. Of 
course, Mr. Norris and I had many conversations about that truly patriotic Irish 
family; I telling him the kind and disinterested part Mr. T. A. Emmet took to 
obtain justice for the Ballyellis yeomanry, disbanded and disarmed by their chief, 
Sir John Jervis White, previous to the insurrection on the pretext and suspicion of 
their being United Irishmen. On this Mr. Norris asked me if I should not like to 
know the youngest brother, Robert Emmet, who had just returned from France, 
having parted with his brother Thomas at Paris. I need not say how delighted I 
was at the prospect of being introduced to a young patriot of whom I had heard 
already so much that I was quite prepossessed in his favour and longed much to see 
him. Next day we met at Mr. Norris's, who after introducing us to each other, left 
us and went away on his own business. Mr. Emmet soon told me his plans. He 
said he wished to be acquainted with all those who had escaped in the war of '98, 
and who continued still to enjoy the confidence of the people: that he had been en- 
quiring since his return, and even at Paris. He was pleased to add that he had 
heard my name mentioned amongst them, etc. He entered into many details of 
what Ireland had to expect from France in the way of assistance, now that that 
country was so energetically governed by the first Consul Buonaparte; but Buona- 
parte feared that the Irish people might be changed, and careless about 
their independence, in consequence of the union with England. It 
became obvious, therefore, that this impression should be removed as soon as 
possible. Mr. R. Emmet told me the station his brother held in Paris, and that 
the different members of the Government there frequently consulted him. All of 
them were of opinion that a demonstration should be made by the Irish patriots to 
prove that they were as ready as ever to shake off the English yoke. To which Mr. 
Thomas Addis Emmet replied : it would be cruel to commit the poor Irish people 
again, and to drive them into another rebellion before they received assistance from 
France; but at the same time he could assure the French Government that a secret 
organization was then going on throughout Ireland, but more particularly in the 
city of Dublin, where large depots of arms, and of every kind of ammunition, were 


Miss Biddy Palmer 

preparing with the greatest secrecy, as none but the tried men of 1798 were entrusted 
with the management of those stores and depots. 

After giving me this explanation Mr. Robert Emmet added : "If the brave 
and unfortunate Lord Edward Fitzgerald and his associates felt themselves justified 
in seeking to redress Ireland's grievances by taking the field, what must not be our 
justification, now that not a vestige of self-government exists, in consequence of the 
accursed Union. Until this most barbarous act or transaction took place, from time 
to time, in spite of corruption, useful local laws were enacted for Ireland. Now 
seven-eighths of the population have no right to send a member of their body to 
represent them, even in a foreign Parliament, and the other eighth-part of the popu- 
lation are the tools and task-masters, acting for the cruel English Government and 
its Irish ascendancy — a monster still worse, if possible, than foreign tyranny". 

Mr. Emmet mentioned again the promises obtained from the chief of the French 
Government, given to himself, his brother, and other leaders, that in the event of a 
French army landing in Ireland, it should be considered as an auxiliary one and re- 
ceived on the same principle as General Rochambeau and his army were received by 
the American people, when fighting for their independence. He added : "That 
though no one could abhor more than he did the means by which the First Consul 
came to be at the head of the French nation, still he was convinced, that this great 
military chief would find it his interest to deal fairly by the Irish nation, as the best 
and surest way to obtain his ends with England : he therefore thought the country 
should be organized and prepared for those great events, which were now inevitable. 
That, as for himself, he was resolved to risk his life, and to take the little fortune 
he possessed, for the accomplishment of those preparations so necessary for the re- 
demption of our unfortunate country from the hands of a cruel enemy". 

Mr. Emmet's powerful, persuasive language, and sound reason, all coming from 
the heart, left it impossible for any Irishman, impressed with a desire for his 
country's independence, to make any objection to his plans (particularly as Ireland's 
great opportunity seemed now to have arrived for her freedom) t save to bide the 
proper time, and wait for French aid. For my own part, I had no objections to 
make. I merely observed that I trusted the poor county of Wexford, and the other 
parts which suffered in 1798, would be spared until Dublin was ready to begin and 
take the lead in the struggle; that for the accomplishment of this enterprise there 
were more than three hundred brave county of Wexford fellows who escaped in '98 
and who took refuge in Dublin and the environs, on whom we could count when the 
time for action arrived, and that with the aid of those tried men, and with the brave 
Kildare men and Dublin citizens, I trusted success was certain. 

We settled in this first interview how we were to meet, without inconvenience 
to me, as I was a good deal occupied in the office and timber-yard. At the bottom 
of this yard there was a small garden, and instead of enquiring for me at the office, 
Mr. Emmet, when he called, walked into this garden, where I immediately joined 
him. If I happened to be out on business, he went to Mr. John Palmer's New Roaa, 
on the Pottle, where he left any message he might have for me with Miss Biddy 
Palmer, in whom he placed implicit confidence; and indeed no one was ever more 
worthy of such trust than this young lady, who had suffered severely in 1798 by her 
father's imprisonment and the ruin of his affairs, her brother's exile, and death on 
the Continent. Still she bore up under all her misfortunes like a heroine of the olden 
times, and was a comfort and a consolation to her family and friends. I did not in- 
troduce my brother to Mr. Emmet, but he knew who he was, and when he called in 
my absence Mr. Kennedy merely told him that I was out, and the time when I 
should be returned. Nothing more was to pass between them. When I came back and 
heard that Mr. Emmet had called, I went to Miss Palmer's where I either met him, 
or got the message he left for me with this young lady. As to the secrecy to be 
observed on the vast preparations now making, Mr. Emmet said he was satisfied we 

The Pike Handles 


had nothing to dread, as none but those who were already well known to have suf- 
fered in the cause of Ireland would be employed, and consequently every confidence 
was placed in them. For this reason, no test, no oath was taken by any one during 
those preparations and organization, which was to extend throughout the country. 

At our next meeting Mr. Emmet told me of the house he had taken in the lane 
near Thomas Street, where he intended to establish a large depot of ammunition, 
firearms of every description, pikes, etc., from which the Kildare men would be 
armed to take the city. He also told me of his intention to take a house in 
Patrick Street, as a depot, where war stores of various kinds would be prepared, 
and from which stores the counties of Wexford and Wicklow men would be sup- 
plied when the time for action arrived. Mr. Emmet wished to know, on account 
of the experience I must have had in the insurrection of '98, my opinion about pike 
handles. I advised him to have them made of red deal, as it would be tedious and 
difficult to procure the quantity necessary of ash wood. I told him that by choos- 
ing boards three inches thick, without knots, and eight or nine feet long, a deep cut 
in the centre and five flat cuts in each board would produce twelve handles. He, 
being satisfied with this explanation, gave me an order to have seven or eight 
thousand got ready as soon as possible. A trustworthy man of the name of Ned 
Condon, to whom he introduced me, came regularly to the timber-yard, dressed as 
a carman, and took away those boards to the depot in the lane in Thomas Street. 

Mr. Emmet then devised what were called the hollow beams, for the purpose 
of conveying with safety the pikes when mounted at the Thomas Street depot, to 
the smaller one through the town. A piece of timber eighteen inches square, ten 
feet long, had its outside slabs sawed off about an inch and a half thick; then one 
foot long of each end of this beam was cut off, and on those two blocks three of the 
slabs were nailed or spiked firmly, whilst the fourth slab, serving as the lid, was 
screwed on. When mud was carelessly spattered on the joints, no one could think 
that the beam was hollow, though eight feet long of it was a complete case in 
which the mounted pikes were packed. 

After we had settled all things respecting the pike handles, Mr. Emmet 
told me he should want a number of pocket pistols, the barrels of which must only 
be four inches long, and the calibre to admit a soldier's musket cartridge. He also 
said he would want a vast number of short blunderbusses; he asked me if I knew a 
gunsmith to whom v ve could apply with safety to furnish those articles; I answered 
that I happened to know one in whom I could place the greatest confidence, and 
whose curiosity would never lead him to inquire whether the fire-arms were destined 

for smugglers or privateers. We then agreed that I should get Mr. M. , the 

gunsmith, to make a pair of pistols and a blunderbuss of the kind we described, and 
when finished he was to leave them with me. As I kept the key of the oat-bin in 
the stable, I locked these arms there till Mr. Emmet called. When he examined 
them and heard the low price, he was delighted to know that such articles could be 
made so cheap with locks and barrels perfect, and though the workmanship might 
have been better, and the polish higher, still they were all that could be required for 
the use to which they were destined. 

Mr. Emmet being quite satisfied, desired me to order one hundred pair of the 
pocket pistols, and three hundred of the blunderbusses; the barrels of the latter to 
be of the same iron or metal as the pistols, which would cost less than brass ones; 
and seeing the promptitude with which those first fire-arms were made and deliv- 
ered, he bid me tell Mr. M. the gunsmith, to continue getting the blunderbusses 

made, and to say that any money he wanted should be advanced to him; but this 
worthy man would accept none till his merchandise was safely delivered. These de- 
tails may not interest the reader, but they will show, that when one individual, out 
of the many engaged in this enterprise, could contribute as I did, that the plan was 
extensive and carefully carried on, so as to offer every chance of success. 


Patrick Street Depot 

As Mr. Emmet on coming to town from Harold's Cross, passed by our house, 
we met almost every day, and every day he had something new to tell me about 
the preparations, which, he said, were progressing rapidly, thanks, he added, to the 
exertions of those true patriots who did not fear to identify themselves with him, 
if they could redeem their country and throw off the foreign yoke. 

One morning he called earlier than usual, to tell me that there was then a house 
to let in Patrick Street, which was sufficiently extensive for the depot and military 
stores which we wanted; that he was going into town to try to get a person to go 
at once and secure it, but lest he should fail, he bid me be on the look out for some 
one; that a married man would be preferable. In a few minutes after he left me, 
Mr. Macintosh, a worthy Scotch patriot, who had been settled in Dublin for some 
years, and who was married to an Irishwoman, a Miss Keenan, called to buy timber. 
I told him that Mr. Emmet wanted some one of our friends to take a lease of a 
house in Patrick Street. He immediately volunteered to go about it. 

A short explanation is necessary to show why Scotchmen were concerned in 
our preparations. Previous to his leaving France, Mr. Robert Emmet became ac- 
quainted with a young Scotchman, of the name of Campbell, who resided in a town of 
Normandy on the sea coast; this young man had it in his power not only to render 
a service to Mr. Emmet in getting him a passage, but he gave him introductions and 
a clew to the Scotch patriots of the Muir standing, and consequently to all of them 
residing in Ireland. Macintosh being amongst the latter, rejoiced to have it in his 
power to contribute to the freedom of Ireland. But alas! his fate differed widely 
from that of young Campbell; the latter, by the interest of Thomas Addis Emmet 
with the first Consul and the French Government, got the rank of officer in the 
Irish legion on its formation in 1803. Though these grades were to be exclusively 
for Irishmen, or their sons born in France, recompensing Campbell in this manner 
showed the respect paid to the memory of poor Robert Emmet, and the high con- 
sideration his brother enjoyed in France. 

Mr. Emmet gave the money necessary to Macintosh, who went immediately 
and took the house in Patrick Street, paid six months in advance, got the lease in 
his own name, and then set to work to make the changes in the house according to 
Mr. Emmet's instructions. About this time Michael Quigley, who had gone to 
France after the peace of Amiens, returned to Dublin: he being a skilful bricklayer, 
and Macintosh an ingenious carpenter, they contrived and made secret closets from 
the ground floor to the garret which could never be suspected or discovered except 
by those who were in the secret. These secret closets were large enough to hold 
pikes, fire-arms and ammunition for ten thousand men. 

This depot was to the northeast of St. Patrick's Cathedral, on the opposite 
side of the street, as is shown by the map made from the city ordnance map of 
1803. It is there shown that the plot of ground hired at that time, with a 
yard, covered the greater portion of the present lots Nos. 25, 26 and 271 
Patrick Street. All now seen on the street of these three houses was built 
over about the middle of the last century, and the only portion of the old 
structure is the large gate-way opening into the narrow alley extending under 
No. 26, to the large yard in the rear. The map also shows the shanty of 
boards in the yard put up by Macintosh, the carpenter, who rented the premises 
in his own name. In this out-house all the chemical work was done, and in 
it the explosion took place, as has been stated elsewhere. At the side of this 
building, in the yard, opened the gateway into Hanover Alley. 

We will now continue Mr. Byrne's narrative : 


Construction of Arms 


Mr. Emmet prayed me to get six hundred jointed pike handles prepared by a 
turner, one-half to be three feet long, the other half two feet and a-half long; on 
the end of this last was to be placed a small carbine bayonet, or a small pike head, 
not exceeding six inches in length. This handle extended and stretched out was 
six feet long; when doubled up, it was only three feet long, which made it easy to 
be carried and concealed under a greatcoat. These handles were on the principle 
of a parasol handle that doubled up, joined together by a small hinge. A tube six 
inches long covered the joint, pressed forward three inches and then was stopped 
by a pin. A small spring started up behind to keep it on the joint equal on both 
sides. Thus it became quite solid, and easier managed than a soldier's musket and 
bayonet. With this weapon and a blunderbuss slung with a belt from a man's 
shoulder, he had great advantage in close quarters with the enemy, as it was much 
easier to charge the blunderbuss than the musket. 

Mr. Emmet had several square beams, twelve feet long, sent to the depot at Thomas 
Street, which he intended to have got bored with a small pump auger, not in the 
centre but nearer one side, and the hole was to be perforated to within one foot 
of the end, and then filled with powder till it came to a foot from the mouth. The 
hole was then stopped with a plug a foot long, of the same diameter, well spiked 
to prevent it from coming out. A touch-hole was to be perforated in the middle of 
the beam on the side which the bore approached the nearest, and a pivot set on each 
end on which common car wheels were placed and turned. Two cases five feet 
long each, filled with small stones and combustibles were to be placed at the top of 
the beam. The explosion of this machine placed as an obstacle before the enemy 
must have a terrible effect. 

Scientific experiments of various kinds were to be tried at the depot at Patrick 
Street. In consequence of the continual passage there, it was thought advisable not 
to employ too many at this depot, lest their going in and out from so populous a 
street might cause suspicions. The two Keenans, Macintosh's brothers-in-law, were 
to be among those who were to be employed and entrusted with the secret. A 
man of the name of Darby Byrne, who had been condemned to be shot after the 
insurrection of the county of Wexford, saved himself by enlisting into the English 
service. He was discharged after the peace of Amiens, and being afraid to return 
to his own home amongst the Orangemen of his neighbourhood, he applied to me to 
see if I could get him anything to do. He had no trade; he said he had sometimes 
been employed making ball cartridges. He was sober and well behaved, and as a 
proof that the contact with the mercenary soldiers did not affect his morals he had 
money which he had saved in the service. Mr. Emmet was quite pleased to have 
such a worthy person placed as an inmate at the depot. 

There was a man who went by the name of Johnstone who had spent several 
years in the East India service, where he had frequently been employed in 
preparing fire-works. Perhaps this man with Robert Emmet .were the real in- 
ventors of those rockets, latterly universally known under the appellation of Con- 
greve rockets — be that as it may, I think it only right to relate here all I know of 

the matter. At Mr. Emmet's request I called on Mr. M. the gunsmith, and 

showed him a strong piece of paper shaped in a certain way, which was to serve as 
a model to have tubes twenty inches long, two and a-half inches diameter, cut out 
of strong sheet iron; as soldering would be liable to melt with the fire, they were 
to be clasped and well hammered on the joints, which would render them quite 
solid. The sloped shape at one end formed a point like an arrow. The gunsmith 
soon brought me a tube made after the model with which both Mr. Emmet and John- 
stone were well pleased. Consequently I had to tell him to have several hundreds 
of the same description made as soon as possible. 

Johnstone set to work mixing the ingredients to fill those tubes, composed of 
powder, nitre, sulphur, etc., and when this stuff was prepared, it had the appearance 


Hope's Reliability 

of wet mortar. But everything was done according to Mr. Emmet's instructions; 
he consulted a scientific work respecting the way such materials should be pre- 
pared, and even the way the tubes were to be filled, the size of each portion to be 
put in at a time, the weight of the hammer, the plug to drive it down, the number of 
strokes to be given before another portion was put in. 

An iron needle was placed in the centre of the tube around which the mortar 
was tempered, and when the needle was drawn out, the hole was then filled with 
powder. Thus prepared, they were to be fastened with strong wire to a slight pole 
about eight feet long at one end; and from the other end a cord prepared as a fuse 
would convey the fire to the mouth of the tube. A small trestle four feet high was 
provided on which the pole was to rest to be poised and sent off in the direction of 
the enemy. Hand grenades and other such missiles were getting ready as rapidly 
as could be expected, as well as the pikes, at the Thomas Street depot. Besides the 
two depots, four houses were procured in different parts of the town, the most con- 
venient to have pikes and arms deposited safely in them. It may be seen by these 
arrangements, that ample means could be counted on for arming the citizens who 
intended taking a part in the struggle. It is necessary also to mention the manner 
they were organized for this event. I shall endeavour to explain here as briefly as 
possible. In the first place, chiefs who could mix with the people without causing 
suspicion were generally chosen in preference to men holding a higher station, 
though the latter were equally devoted and ready to risk their lives and fortunes. 
A man of the name of James Hope, who had been advantageously known to Sam 
Neilson, and many other Northern patriots of 1798, by trade a linen weaver, took 
a ground floor on the Coombe; his loom and the web which was mounted on it 
could be seen from the street. This man was without exception the best person 
that could be entrusted with the organization of his own class in the Liberty of 
Dublin, from which class the fighting men were expected to come. Hope was sober, 
prudent and unassuming; he spoke and reasoned justly. He soon made acquaintance 
with the persons of his own trade who had acquired reputation as good, honest 
patriots, and to them he communicated the general plan. He promised them nothing 
which he could not prove to them would be realized when the time for action arrived. 
Those brave fellows set to work to assist him and, in less than two months after, 
James Hope reported that five thousand were organized and ready. Another man 
whose brilliant conduct during the insurrection I have already mentioned in the 
beginning of these memoirs, was Matthew Doyle, who lived near Arklow. After 
the battle of Vinegar Hill he had the misfortune to be taken prisoner by the Eng- 
lish. He had no alternative between enlisting as a mercenary soldier or being shot. 
He was in the prime of life and was very intelligent. His regiment made part of 
Sir Ralph Abercrombie's army in Egypt. Though quitting his wife, and all that was 
dear to him, Doyle did not despond, nor relinquish the hope of being one day able 
to serve again his own country. He therefore began to study military tactics in 
the most assiduous manner, and he soon succeeded in acquiring great knowledge 
of the subject. This, with his gentlemanlike conduct could not fail to attract the 
notice of the officers of his regiment. They had him named sergeant; it was all 
they could obtain for an Irish rebel chief, though he had displayed both skill and 
bravery fighting against the French in Egypt. 

The regiment Doyle belonged to being disbanded at the peace of Amiens, he was 
discharged; but as he could not venture to return to his home, amongst the vindic- 
tive Orangemen of Arklow, he stopped in Dublin, in hopes of finding some honourable 
occupation. I mentioned Doyle's situation to Mr. Emmet and all the particulars 
about the active way he had been employed by some of the principal heads of the 
United Irishmen in organizing that system in the years 1797 and 1798. "Oh! he is 
just the man we want", he replied; "let me be introduced to him immediately". 
Doyle soon became what he had been formerly, a safe agent and an indefatigable 

Thomas Cloney 


organizer, preparing his countrymen residing in Dublin and its vicinity ; as well as 
the citizens, to hold themselves in readiness to take arms when called on. His 
military experience added weight to the influence he had amongst the men of '98, 
who recollected him as an intrepid leader. Mr. Emmet considered Doyle a great 
acquisition, and he received him most kindly and frankly, taking pains to initiate 
him into the preparations then going on, and telling him all his hopes and plans; 
all in such powerful and eloquent langauge, that poor Doyle felt highly honoured 
and flattered; but he could not conceive how so young a man could possess such 
uncommon intellect. 

He was not the only one who admired Robert Emmet's extraordinary persuasive 
talent. I shall relate another instance of it. A Mr. Butler, a county of Wexford 
gentleman residing in Dublin, invited me one Sunday to a dinner party he was 
giving at George Nowlan's Hotel, at Maynooth, in honour of the brave Thomas 
Cloney, who had just returned from England, where he had been exiled after his 
trial and imprisonment in 1798. Mr. Cloney and I took a walk after dinner. Of 
course our first conversation turned on the failure of the insurrection and its dis- 
astrous consequences in the county of Wexford, his own long sufferings, etc. 
After which he asked me if I had heard that young Emmet, the brother of Thomas 
Addis Emmet, was then organizing the country, to be ready to rise when a French 
army should land. I replied that I had; he then asked me if I knew any one who was 
acquainted with young Emmet. I told him I did. He then expressed a desire to 
be introduced to Mr. Emmet ; in order to dissuade him from his rash scheme. I 
promised to let him know next day, when he could have the interview he desired. 
Being joined by the rest of the company, we all returned to Dublin by the canal 

Mr. Cloney, not wishing to be committed to people he did not know, called on 
me early in the morning to ascertain the name of the person through whose means 
an interview with Robert Emmet was to be procured to him. I told him, that on 
that head he need have no apprehension, for I was that person; that I had seen 
Mr. Emmet the night before, after I had come to town; and that he seemed delighted 
at the prospect of becoming acquainted with so true a patriot as Mr. Cloney. He 
fixed with me to have a rendezvous at Harold's Cross Green, about dusk. Mr. Cloney 
returned in the evening, and we walked out to the Green at Harold's Cross. I soon 
perceived at some distance Robert Emmet, walking along and musing, and tapping 
the ground with his little cane in his accustomed way. After I introduced them, I 
retired to a distance and walked up and down, as they did, for three-quarters of an 

I can never forget the impression this meeting made on me at the time — to see 
two heroic patriots, equally devoted to poor Ireland, discussing the best means of 
obtaining her freedom. The contrast in the appearance of the two was very great. 
Emmet, slight and under the middle size; Cloney, almost gigantic, being six feet, 
three or four inches high and well proportioned. When their long conversation was 
ended, they came and joined me. On taking leave of us, Mr. Emmet said in a 
familiar manner to me, "Miles, I shall call on you in the morning". He then left 
us and went to his lodgings, and we returned to town. On the way, Mr. Cloney 
asked me why I did not tell him the day before at Maynooth, that I was personally 
acquainted with Mr. Emmet, and on such intimate terms with him. I answered : "I 
could not tell you more than I did, until I had permission to do so". "It is very 
true", he replied, "you would have been wrong to have acted otherwise". He then 
exclaimed, "I have heard a great deal about that young man's talents, but certainly 
he far surpasses anything one can imagine. His powers of reasoning and persuasion 
are such that an objection can scarcely be made to any of his plans; which, indeed, 
if judiciously carried on, and put into execution by determined, honest and devoted 
patriots, must succeed, as soon as a French army is landed in any part of the 


Organization of Counties 

country. As soon as the English garrison is ordered off to meet the French, Dublin 
will be easily taken, if the citizens show bravery, and do their duty, as it may be 
expected they will, from the organization which Mr. Emmet tells me is in progress 
through the city. As to the counties, though it is pretty certain they will rise, 
when it is known that the metropolis is in the hands of the people, still he told me, 
a judicious organization is going on in nineteen counties of Ireland, and which I 
was very glad to learn". Arriving in town, Mr. Cloney and I separated, well pleased 
with the way we had spent the evening, and agreeing to meet often on the same 
important business. 

From the time that Ireland can be said to have seriously engaged the attention of the 
British Cabinet, the doctrine of binding Irishmen, not by voluntary attachment, but 
by hopeless debility, has uniformly pervaded its councils, tohile the British Parlia- 
ment . . . has been ready to execute, and even to anticipate the tuorst purposes of 
this vile policy of oppression. 

T. A. Emmet. 

The situation of Ireland ( 1790 ) in respect to strength, opulence, prosperity and happi- 
ness tvas never a subject of exultation or praise to the humane or reflective mind. 

T. A. Emmet. 

Chapter VIII 

Miles Byrne's narrative continued — Emmet's plan of county organization simple 
and easily executed — Means of identification of emissaries arranged — Thomas Rus- 
sell and his nephew-in-law join Emmet — Others join and are housed and fed in 
Butterfield-lane — James Hope and Michael Berney sent through North of Ireland — 
Co-operation promised if Dublin captured — All preparations devoted to that object — 
Brangan of Irishtown gives valuable help in arranging for capture of Pigeon 
House Fort — Experiments with rocket successful — On July 16 Byrne returning 
from funeral finds explosion has occurred at depot in Patrick Street — Surprised 
police did not act — This accident determines earlier action than contemplated — 
Removing arms and ammunition to house of Denis Redmond brings on conflict with 
watchers for smugglers — No interference by military guard nearby — On July 18 
Byrne makes rounds to warn all concerned to be ready — McCabe, public-house 
keeper, caught carrying blunderbuss — Arrested, turns informer — Plans described — 
July 23, great silence prevails on quays both sides of Liffey; no movement of 
troops — Details of disastrous failure — Berney and Byrne take refuge in Mrs. Toole's 
lodging-house all day July 24 — Saved from sheriff and yeomen by her cleverness — 
Byrne passes July 25th and early on 26th opens lumber-yard — Gives relief to Mrs. Mc- 
Cabe — Phil. Long most entitled to praise among leaders — William Dowdall blamed — 
Byrne describes his own escape — Incidents of journey — Meeting with Thomas Addis 
Emmet in Paris — Fulfils his mission — Documents describing events submitted to 

Continuation of Byrne's Narrative. 

R. EMMET'S plan for organization of the counties was simple, 
and easily executed. It consisted in procuring the names and 
places of abode of those brave fellows in each district who 
had acquired the reputation of being good patriots in 1798, 
and who still enjoyed the confidence of the people. As num- 
bers of this class came frequently to Dublin on business, 
where I met those to whom I was personally known, and 
through them got introduced to many others, in a short time 
I was enabled to make out a list of them for three counties, 
viz: Carlow, Wicklow, and Wexford. Mr. Emmet saw these 
men individually, fixed with them the manner they were to 
hear from him without any risk. He defrayed the expenses of those who could not 
afford to stop in town; he told them of all things to advise the people not to pretend 
to be occupied about the war, and never on any account to allow them to plunder 
fire-arms from the enemy, which would only serve to have martial law proclaimed 
in the country. 

Previous to the departure of these countrymen, Mr. Emmet gave to each of them 
three small ivory counters. On one side of one were three peculiar marks engraved, 
or rather branded, for it was with red hot iron they had been marked. Another of 



Residence in Butterfield Lane 

the counters had two marks, and the third had but one. They were recommended 
never to show these counters, except to persons who could produce similar ones. 
A messenger would be sent from the provisional government to report on the situa- 
tion of the counties, and would get the counter with one mark, and when he showed 
it to the men who he was told held the counterpart, they showed him theirs, 
and would then give him all the information in their power about men 
and things. The messenger or bearer of the counter with the two marks 
was to have more extensive instructions than the others; he, in conjunction with the 
patriots of the districts were to devise the safest and best means of procuring arms, 
and he was to be entrusted with the money necessary to defray all the expenses. 
The person who presented the ivory counter bearing the three brands, would come 
directly from the provisional government, with final instructions and orders to begin 
the fight, and for the general rising en masse of the districts organized for that pur- 
pose. Thus it may be seen that Mr. Emmet's plans were going on quietly and pro- 
gressively in many of the counties, as well as in the city of Dublin. The brave and 
gallant Thomas Russell found the preparations in this forward state when he arrived 
from France, accompanied by his niece's husband Mr. Hamilton. Some persons 
thought it was very injudicious to bring over these gentlemen so soon. First, on 
account of the large sum of money that had to be sent to Paris to defray their ex- 
penses there, and the exorbitant price which had to be paid for a vessel to bring 
them, and this at a time when money was so much required to purchase fire-arms; 
in the next place, from the great difficulty and danger which would occur in prepar- 
ing them a safe dwelling to reside in, both being proscribed men. But Russell's 
name and great reputation in the North of Ireland out-weighed all other considera- 
tions. Therefore Robert Emmet had to take a house in Butterfield Lane, to change 
completely his simple mode of living, and to go and reside in that house with 
Russell, Hamilton and Dowdall. The latter got his liberty at the peace of Amiens, 
when his fellow-prisoners at Fort George in Scotland had to expatriate themselves 
for ever. This new establishment became very expensive, though the inmates slept 
on mattresses laid on the floors, and though they lived very plainly. The trusty 
attendants of the family of Michael Dwyer, the brave Wicklow mountain chief, 
added not a little to the expense. Still they were honest and frugal and their ser- 
vice was considered a safeguard and an acquisition, on account of their connection 
with the famous Dwyer. Mr. John Palmer, who had all the provisions bought in 
Dublin, and sent to the country, often complained of the enormous waste and extrava- 
gance going on at "The Palace", as he called the house in Butterfield-lane. But 
the inconvenience and danger of having such numbers of persons frequently as- 
sembled there, was still worse. One day I am sure we were thirty at dinner. The 
fact was, we were all anxious to meet Mr. Russell, and to hear from him, who had 
left Paris so recently, what was to be expected from the French Government. His 
explanation on this point did not afford much satisfaction. Russell, however, ex- 
pressed his own decided opinion that the Irish people should begin at once and free 
themselves. He added that he was sure the North would rise to a man; and he 
dwelt so long on this subject, and appeared so enthusiastic and serious in his belief 
about what he advanced respecting the rising of the North of Ireland, that several 
of those present, particularly Cloney, Phil Long, Gray, Allan, Hughes, etc., consulted 
Mr. Emmet about the necessity of ascertaining how far the citizens of the northern 
districts could be relied on in the present situation of the country; as it had often 
been said of them that their politics had greatly changed since 1798. After some 
discussion they decided that a county of Wexford man of intelligence should be got 
to accompany James Hope in a tour through the North of Ireland, and they also 
decided that the man should be chosen by me. I knew many amongst the brave fel- 
lows who fought beside me in the insurrection, in whom I could place every confi- 
dence, but a mission of this nature required an observing man of discretion and 

Brangan's Patriotism 


sound judgment who would be able to report on all he saw and learned in his tour 
when he returned. Michael Berney, who resided in Dublin after his escape from the 
county of Wexford, consented to accompany Hope. I presented him to Mr. Emmet 
and Russell. They seemed quite pleased with him, and gave him the necessary 
instructions how he was to act at the night meetings, where he would have to attend 
during his mission to the North. Mr. Berney had a large connection and many 
relatives in Dublin; he was first cousin to the unfortunate Denis Redmond, of whom 
I shall have to speak hereafter. Hope and Berney spent fifteen days going through 
the different districts of the North; and their report on returning to Dublin, was 
certainly more favourable than was expected. At every meeting the greatest venera- 
tion and admiration was expressed for the honourable part that Thomas Russell had 
acted in the years '97 and '98, and those present seemed proud to have him once 
more at their head to lead them to victory; and when they were told by Berney and 
Hope that Dublin should be taken, which would be the signal for all Ireland to rise, 
"Oh! then", they cried, "we pledge ourselves not to be the last". Indeed this was 
the general feeling and opinion manifested in the other provinces, as well as in the 
North. Let the capital once be in possession of the citizens, then the counties would 
soon rise, and disarm the few English soldiers dispersed through the country. It 
was in consequence of the certainty of this general belief respecting the metropolis, 
that Robert Emmet employed all the resources in his power for the preparations and 
organization of the city of Dublin. Unfortunately, one of the most active agents, 
Matthew Doyle, fell sick at this time, the beginning of July; he was seized with rheu- 
matic gout and lost the use of his limbs. I often called on him, and it made me 
melancholy to see so fine a fellow rendered useless. He, however, kept up his spirits, 
and he bid me tell Mr. Emmet that he hoped to be recovered ere we should be 
obliged to take the field. 

A determined man, whose eagerness to forward and serve the sacred cause of 
freedom and the independence of his country, and whose daring, resolute designs 
for this purpose could not be surpassed, was Mr. Brangan of Irishtown : he possessed 
all these qualities. He had a wife and several children whom he tenderly loved, 
yet no consideration could prevent him from sharing the dangers of our struggle. 
He requested me to introduce to him some of the counties of Wexford and Wicklow 
men who resided in his neighbourhood, he wished particularly to know those who 
were employed at Mr. Haig's distillery. In a short time he had those intrepid 
refugees organized and ready for action. In consequence, he made a proposal to 
Mr. Emmet to surprise and take the Pigeon House, when the signal from the city 
should be given. Mr. Emmet cheerfully accepted Mr. Brangan's bold offer, and 
promised him to have small depots of arms placed at his disposition as soon as possible. 

Mr. Brangan's conduct and services as an officer of the Irish legion could often 
be cited to prove that he was ever ready to undertake the most perilous missions; 
I could mention many instances myself where he was unhappy because it was the 
turn of the other officers and not his, to be ordered to attack a strong position or 
mount a breach. Though all this could only be known subsequently to Brangan's 
volunteering to take the Pigeon House, it suffices to show that at that period he 
had the love of distinction, as well as the love of country at heart. When Robert 
Emmet appointed him to the command, he immediately bought general's epaulets, 
fully determined to prove that he was worthy of wearing them. Such men are 
precious and wanted at the commencement of every dangerous enterprise. 

Third of July. — Our preparations progressing rapidly in every part of the city; 
with the greatest caution, however, and circumspection; no one meddling with the 
concerns of others, solely occupied with his own part. The Kildare men working 
day and night at the depot in the lane off Thomas Street, mounting pikes, and pre- 
paring other war implements ; houses getting ready to serve as small depots to re- 
ceive them. 

An incident which took place about this time, the beginning of July, will show 


Explosion in Patrick Street 

how much the honest James Hope was thought of both by the leaders and others. One 
day several county of Wexford men came to tell me, with sorrow, that they had met 
James Hope, who told them that he was going to the North with Mr. Russell. I saw 
Mr. Emmet next day at Butterfield Lane when I mentioned to him in Mr. Russell's 
presence how sorry the Wexford men were to learn that Hope would not remain to 
act with them in Dublin. I had scarcely uttered the last word when Mr. Russell said, 
"You may keep him; you certainly take off my right arm, but I shall march myself 
with an imposing force from the North on Dublin". Mr. Emmet smiled, and we began 
to speak of other matters : of those concerning the tubes and rockets getting ready 
at the depot at Patrick Street; he said he wished to try one of them, and he appointed 
me to come out next evening that we might go into the country a little distance, that 
this experiment might not attract any notice. 

Johnstone, who was making the rockets, brought one of them ready prepared, so we 
all went into the fields; that is, Mr. Emmet, Russell, Dowdall, Hamilton, etc. The 
rocket was made fast to a pole with wire, and rested on a trestle ; the match being put 
to it, it went off like a thunderbolt, carrying the pole along with it, and throwing flames 
and fire behind, as it advanced, and when it fell, it went on tearing up the ground till the 
last of the matter with which it was filled was completely consumed. Mr. Emmet and 
Johnstone were quite satisfied with the effect it produced, and they decided that all the 
rockets or tubes should be prepared and filled in the same manner; the cord which was 
placed along the pole to serve as a train or match did not communicate the fire quick 
enough, but that was easily remedied at the depot by preparing others with stronger 
liquid, etc. 

Though Mr. Cloney and others, whose experience in the insurrection of 1798 had 
taught them to appreciate the best and cheapest way of arming the people, in the event 
of a general rising, could not entirely approve Robert Emmet's learned and scientific 
experiments, solely on account of the expense incurred at a moment when money was so 
much wanted to buy fire-arms and ammunition, yet they little thought how the prepara- 
tions of these tubes and rockets would cause the accident and explosion in the depot at 
Patrick Street, which brought on the premature and untimely rising, and thus frustrated 
all Mr. Emmet's vast and well combined plans. Alas ! fate decided against him. 

From the time the depot was established in Patrick Street, I made it a point when- 
ever I went out on business, to return that way, to see that all was right there. On Satur- 
day, the 16th of July, I had been at a funeral in Bishop Street, and in coming back by 
the depot, I saw a number of people assembled before the house. The first person I 
addressed told me that an explosion of some kind of combustible ingredients had taken 
place inside, and three men were desperately wounded and carried off to the hospital. 
Poor Macintosh coming out of the house confirmed all I had heard. His brother-in-law 
young Keenan, Darby Byrne, and Johnstone were taken to the hospital before he arrived. 
The men who escaped and remained in the depot told us that what they thought caused 
the explosion was, Johnstone had been trying a fusee or match, in an inner room, and 
came out into the one where the composition matter for filling the rocket tubes was placed 
in a corner, and that a spark of fire must have been brought on his shoe, which communi- 
cated with the pile in the corner. That the explosion took place the instant he entered 
the room ; the windows were broken, the poor men thrown through them into the street, 
etc. ; this was all they were able to tell us. 

Our situation can be more easily imagined than described. It was dreadful to think 
of three of our men being in the hospital, at the disposition of the Government, whose 
agents, by torture and other means, could extort from them all our plans and secrets. 
Macintosh had the window and the other things deranged by the explosion, put in the 
best order possible, to prevent suspicion. Both he and I wondered that the police had 
not taken possession of the depot, and we feared that they were only waiting for the 
purpose of seeing the persons who would frequent the house, in order to have them 

Action Precipitated 


Mr. Emmet on being apprised of this unfortunate explosion naturally enough con- 
jectured that all his plans and preparations would soon become known to the Govern- 
ment. He resolved, in consequence, to hold a council of the principal leaders then in 
Dublin, at which council it was decided, if not forced to act sooner, that Saturday even- 
ing following, the 23rd July, should be finally fixed for the general attack on the city 
and Castle; and that every means should be taken to apprise the counties to follow the 
example of Dublin. 

Mr. Russell and Hamilton set off for the North, and unluckily James Hope accom- 
panied them. His presence at this critical moment in Dublin would have been invaluable ; 
he was so devoted to the cause, so active, and so well known to all those employed in the 
different depots. He would have been useful beyond measure, carrying the despatches 
and giving the verbal orders of the chiefs; besides, there was no one appointed to replace 
him with the Liberty people, whom he had organized for action. However, the other 
leaders who remained in town had still seven days more before them to prepare for this 
immediate struggle to shake off for ever the yoke of England. 

Mr. Emmet confiding in me to procure a house to replace the depot in Patrick Street, 
from which the arms and ammunition should be instantly removed, if the Government did 
not take possession of it, I consulted Michael Berney, who told me he was sure his 
cousin Denis Redmond would lend a house he was getting repaired, and where he intended 
to reside when he got married; it was on the Coal Quay, and not far from the Castle. 
The situation was the one Mr. Emmet desired so much on account of its proximity to 
the seat of the Government. Young Redmond at once consented, and gave the keys of 
his house to his cousin, and seemed highly flattered at the confidence put in him, and bid 
us tell Mr. Emmet that he might reckon on his aid in every way to forward the cause 
of freedom. It was the more meritorious on the part of this brave fine young fellow, 
who only heard for the first time of Mr. Emmet's plans, when asked to lend his house; 
his cousin did not like he should be initiated sooner, lest he should neglect his business, 
and particularly his marriage. 

Mr. Emmet was quite conscious of the perilous situation of those who would be 
employed in removing the arms and ammunition from the depot to the Coal Quay ; in 
short, he considered it a forlorn hope ; he feared that ere then all was discovered to the 
agents of the Government. I promised him, that notwithstanding all the risk, I would 
undertake the task, and we then agreed on the safest way of carrying it into effect. I 
engaged a sufficient number of men in whom I could confide, to meet me at dusk, dressed 
in their great coats, under which they could easily carry concealed blunderbusses, jointed 
pikes, ammunition, etc. ; we walked two and two, and at a certain distance from one 
another, so as to attract no notice, and after making many journeys in this way during 
the night without meeting any serious obstacle, at the point of day we had every article 
fit for use removed to Redmond's house on the Coal Quay, and those not finished put 
into the secret closets. One barrel or cask of ball cartridges and flints, however, still 
remained, but it was to be brought to Mr. Palmer's on the Pottle, who was to have it 
sent to the country for Dwyer's use in the Wicklow mountains. I desired two men to 
carry the cask between them, but finding it not too heavy, one of them, a stout young 
man of the name of Murphy, preferred taking it on his shoulder. Just as he knocked at 
Mr. Palmer's hall door, he was surrounded by several watchmen who seized the barrel 
and carried it off with them. I only stopped an instant behind to send one of the men to 
the depot at Thomas Street to tell them there how we had succeeded, and when I re- 
sumed my march, I met poor Murphy coming back to tell me what had happened. Fortu- 
nately all the men were not gone away; six or eight of them lodged close by and were 
still with me, so we instantly pursued the watchmen and overtook them near Coulan's 
brewery in New Row. Here a regular combat ensued ; two of the watchmen were carrying 
the cask, and the others guarding them. I told our men by no means to use their fire-arms, 
so the poor watchmen were knocked down with paving stones and the cask retaken and 
carried off this time by two men. But we now had to show the other watchmen, who 


Byrne's Estimate of Emmet 

attempted to follow us, that we were well armed and determined to defend our 
property, calling them robbers, and telling them on their peril to advance a 
step. The fact was, they took us for smugglers. Let that be as it may, it was 
fortunate no shot was fired, as the Coombe Guard House was hard by, and 
the sentry was walking before the door in the broad daylight. Whilst we were 
keeping back the watchmen, Michael Berney had the barrel safely deposited 
with a dairy man whom he knew in New Street, and in the course of the day Arthur 
Devlin, Dwyer's cousin, took it to the country. The messenger whom I sent to 
report our success in getting the stores removed to the Coal Quay, learned on his 
way about the cask of ammunition having been seized: so Mr. Emmet heard the 
good and the bad report at the same time. He instantly sallied out from the 
depot at Thomas Street (where he had spent the night), at the head of several men 
well armed, to come to my assistance, and he had advanced as far as Francis Street, 
when he was told that we had retaken the ammunition cask, and that all was right 
again. He then returned with his men to the depot; fortunately they attracted no 
notice, it was so early in the day, and they were enchanted with his decision and 
courage on this occasion. 

Having spent the whole of Saturday night in the most agitated state that ever 
human being could experience, I stood in the greatest need of repose and sleep, but 
I found it impossible to have either. It being Sunday, and the last Sunday that 
would intervene before the rising, I had to go through the town ami endeavour to 
see the men on whom I counted, at their respective lodgings, to tell them to hold 
themselves in readiness- and well prepared; that the die was cast, the day and the 
hour fixed for the general attack on the city. Had all the leaders who promised to 
be at the posts assigned them been exact and done their duty, or even had they 
come to the depot to assist Mr. Emmet in the first bustle, their presence then would 
have caused more discipline, and in spite of mistakes and accidents, we should 
have taken the Castle; and once in possession of it, the English had not sufficient 
forces to retake it, and make head against the thousand armed citizens who would 
meet in the morning, and the thousands of armed men pouring in from all parts of 
the country. 

Alas! fate decided it otherwise. The ever-to-be-lamented Robert Emmet desired 
that his epitaph should remain uninscribed till better times. His will in that respect 
should be adhered to by every true Irish patriot; and, were I not finishing my 
notes, which commence with the memorable epoch of 1798, in the County of Wexford, 
and finish in Ireland at Dublin, 1803, I might omit making any allusion to Mr. 
Emmet ; but as I glory in my participation with him, I cannot here avoid giving a 
short, simple, accurate sketch of Mr. Emmet's extensive plan for the independence 
of Ireland, and mentioning at the same time the part I took to forward all his views 
— in short, from the day I became acquainted with him until I sailed from Dublin 
and arrived in Paris, to terminate my mission from him to his brother, Mr. Thomas 
Addis Emmet. 

On Monday, the 18th of July, I went to all the public houses usually frequented 
by the working classes that day; there I met many of those I wanted to see, and 
fixed with them the rendezvous for Saturday evening, the 23rd of July; going through 
the city in every direction, I often met my acquaintances who were employed on the 
same business, such as John Allen, Felix Rourke, etc.; the latter dined sometimes 
at my brother's in New Street. I considered him a very discreet, safe man. He 
seemed to have great influence amongst the Kildare men. Of those Kildare men 
I only was in the habit of seeing on business Quigley, Ned Condon, and one or two 
others, but I was well satisfied with regard to their experience and devotion to the 
cause we were engaged in. Poor Matthew Doyle, of whom I have already spoken, 
was still sick, and his absence was much felt; however, all those whom he knew in 
Dublin and its environs, promised to come and join me at the Coal Quay, or in 
Ship Street, and they kept their word like undaunted men. 

Byrne's Duties 


A man of the name of MacCabe kept a public house in Francis Street. He had 
gained a certain reputation for patriotism and bravery in the insurrection of 1798. 
This sufficed to make his house be much frequented by many who had escaped to 
Dublin at that period. One day in the beginning of July I met MacCabe; he told 
me, knowing as he did so many of the brave county of Wexford men, whenever the 
rising took place he would like to act with us. Of course, I replied how happy we 
should be to have such distinguished patriots as him in our ranks. When the day 
was fixed, I reminded MacCabe of our previous conversation, to which he answered 
that by a subsequent arrangement he was to act with John Allen of College Green, 
and other Dublin leaders of his acquaintance; he hoped, however, that we should 
often meet, once our sacred enterprise was crowned with success. MacCabe was 
rather well-looking; he had a frankness of manner, an earnestness about our cause, 
which prepossessed one in his favour. For my own part, I had every confidence in 
him, and if he had not had the misfortune to be arrested at his own door, armed with 
a blunderbuss, endeavouring to get into his house, at the dawn of day, the morning 
after the sad failure in Thomas Street, the Government never would have had his 
services as a vile informer at the Castle of Dublin. 

The hollow beams I have already described were now invaluable; as in them 
the long mounted pikes were conveyed every day through the city to different houses, 
where they were safely deposited. Ammunition and firearms were brought by con- 
fidential persons, concealed under their great coats, late in the evening; in short, 
all that was possible to be done in so short a time was eagerly executed; so that the 
leaders on Saturday morning were satisfied that they could arm the men who 
promised to meet them in the evening with pikes and fire-arms. 

Now the final plan to be executed consisted principally in taking the Castle, 
whilst the Pigeon House, Island Bridge, the Royal Barracks, and the old Custom 
House barracks were to be attacked; and if not surprised and taken, they were to 
be blockaded, and entrenchments thrown up before them. Obstacles of every kind 
were to be created through streets, to prevent the English cavalry from charging. 
The Castle once taken, undaunted men, materials, implements of every description 
would be easily found in all the streets in the city, not only to impede the cavalry, 
but to prevent infantry from passing through them. 

As I was to be one of those persons designed to co-operate with Robert Emmet 
in taking the Castle of Dublin, I shall here relate precisely the part which was 
allotted to me in this daring enterprise. I was to have assembled early in the even- 
ing of Saturday, the 23rd of July, 1803, at the house of Denis Lambert Redmond, on 
the Coal Quay, the Wexford and Wicklow men, to whom I was to distribute pikes, 
arms and ammunition; and then a little before dusk I was to send one of the men 
well known to Mr. Emmet, to tell him that we were at our post, armed and ready to 
follow him; that men were placed in the house in Ship Street, ready to seize on the 
entrance to the Castle on that side, at the same moment the principal gate would be 

Mr. Emmet was to leave the depot at Thomas Street at dusk, with six hackney 
coaches, in each of which six men were to be placed, armed with jointed pikes and 
blunderbusses concealed under their coats. The moment the last of these coaches 
had passed Redmond's house, where we were to be assembled j we were to sally forth 
and follow them quickly into the Castle court yard, and there to seize and disarm 
all the sentries and to replace them instantly with our own men, etc. 

Now, having had a perfect understanding with Robert Emmet on the different 
points entrusted to my care, I waited with patience and fortitude the moment agreed 
on between us for the attack on the Castle, and so early as seven o'clock, the brave 
men who promised me began to arrive at Redmond's house, Coal Quay, and before 
eight o'clock they numbered more than I counted on, because William Darcy and 
many Dublin citizens came to join us here; and I must say that this brave young 
man was of infinite service and comfort to me on this momentous occasion. 


In Hiding 

It was now the time to send the confidential person to the depot at Thomas 
Street; I chose Pat Ford, a County of Wexford man, who had distinguished him- 
self very much in the insurrection of '98, and he being acquainted with Mr. Emmet 
and knowing many of the men employed at the depot, I could not have made a better 
choice. Ford had for instructions, the moment he saw Mr. Emmet and his men in 
the hackney coaches, to precede them as quickly as he could, to let us know that 
they were coming, and as they were to drive in their slow, ordinary way, so as not 
to attract notice, he would thus have easily had time to rejoin us at the Coal Quay; 
and the distance from thence to the Castle being so short, we hoped we should be in 
possession of the seat of government in a very few minutes afterwards. Pat Ford 
must have told Mr. Emmet how we were ready, anxiously waiting his arrival. 

Great silence and quietness prevailed on the quays on both sides of the river, 
and not the least movement of troops was to be perceived at either the old Custom 
House barracks or the Castle. I had three of our men continually passing before 
those places and returning to tell us what they saw, and one of them passed through 
the Castle Yard from Ship Street at a quarter before nine o'clock. 

Our situation became every moment more distressing and perilous. The time 
passed that Mr. Emmet was to have joined us. We naturally conjectured that some- 
thing extraordinary had occurred which prevented him apprising us of the cause of 
the delay, and as to Pat Ford, we feared he was arrested, for otherwise he would 
have come back to us. Under these afflicting surmises I hastened to send another 
trustworthy person who knew also about the depot in the lane off Thomas Street; 
Mr. Terence Kavanagh of Anagh, County of Wexford, was my messenger this time. 
He soon returned with the sad intelligence of the disasters. He went first to the 
depot, and there, outside the door, saw pikes strewed about the street, and from 
thence he went to the market house at Thomas Street, where he saw other proofs 
of the failure, and of the unfortunate events which took place there. By the time 
Kavanagh got back to us we could hear the patrol on the Quay, at the other side, 
which an instant before was so silent. And now the gates of the Castle were closed 
and artillery was brought to defend them. We decided on quitting the house, which 
poor Redmond locked up. We then marched through Nicholas Street, Patrick Street, 
New Street, etc., meeting nothing to impede our march except the watchmen, who 
were easily put aside. We were in hopes every moment to meet Mr. Emmet and 
the Kildare men who left the depot with him; but getting no intelligence whatever 
about the place he had retired to, after marching and countermarching nearly the 
whole night about the streets of the Liberty, we agreed to separate, each to go to 
his own home, or to some friend's house, so as not to be seen in the streets when 
the day appeared. Fearing it might compromise my step-brother, Edward Kennedy, 

I did not go to his house in New Street. I recollected a worthy man, Mr. M , 

who kept limekilns in the Liberty, and who furnished lime to my brother. He 
opened his door when I knocked, and told him how I did not wish to be seen in 
the street at so early an hour in the morning. Michael Berney, my steady com- 
panion, was with me, and we were shown up to a garret loft, from which we could 
get out on the roofs of the neighbouring houses, and thereby have a chance of escaping 
if the premises were searched. We spent all Sunday, the 24th of July, on this loft; 
not wishing further to endanger our hospitable host; when it became dark we quit 
our retreat and went along the Circular Road, to a lane off Sackville Street, to a 
Mrs. Toole's lodgings. She was a widow, and a County of Wexford woman; she had 
her nephew, John Sheridan, and his comrade, Sawyers, boarding and lodging with 
her. This good woman readily consented to let Berney and me pass the night 
in her house. A small closet, with a bed belonging to her nephew, was given up to 
us, whilst he and his comrade slept on a mattress in the outer room. Berney and I 
lay on the bed inside in our clothes. Between ten and eleven o'clock, Sheriff Cash, 
at the head of several armed yeomen, came to Mrs. Toole's to know from her if she 

Generosity of Mr. Long 

had not strangers lodging in her house; she, with great composure, answered: "You 
see, Mr. Sheriff, I have only my nephew and his comrade, both, you know, work for 
your honour", pointing at the same time to where they were lying. Sheriff Cash kept 
a timber yard, and fortunately he knew Mrs. Toole and seemed satisfied that she told 
him the truth; for going away he bid her a very good-night, calling her by her name 
in a friendly manner. I must say that Berney and I heard the last words of the 
Sheriff with delight; our situation being so perilous, having no means left us for 
escape had a search been made by the Orange yeomen; we were only armed with 
the short pocket pistols, which I have already described, of musket calibre, four- 
inch barrels. Indeed, it is only justice to say that Sheriff Cash was really "gallant" 
on this occasion; he left his guards at the door, and did not allow them to enter 
the lady's apartment whilst he was questioning her about the persons she lodged, 

Good Mrs. Toole went early in the morning to apprise my brother of our situa- 
tion; she returned quickly to tell me that the timber yard was, as usual, open, and 
business seemingly going on as before, which delighted me, as I feared my brother 
might be arrested and thrown into prison on account of his place being so much 
frequented by the persons now involved in our unlucky attempt. Berney and I spent 
Monday, the 25th of July, in our closet, anxiously waiting my brother's arrival. When 
he came, at dusk, we both walked out with him; Michael Berney leaving us to go 
to his sister, Mrs. Murphy's, whom Mr. Kennedy had had the precaution to inform 
that she might expect her brother that evening. 

As the names of all persons lodging in each house was ordered by the municipal 
authorities to be pasted up on the outside door, no alternative was left but to remain 
at our dwellings, or be liable to be outlawed. I chose the former, and on Tuesday 
morning, the 26th, I had the yard opened, and I endeavoured to assume a business- 
like air, as if nothing had happened. God only knew my afflicted state, at every 
moment expecting to be arrested, and then not hearing anything of what had be- 
come of dear Robert Emmet, augmented the sadness of my situation beyond de- 
scription. Fortunately, in the midst of my perplexities, the truest and most generous 
of our associates, Mr. Phil Long, sent word to me to meet him at Stephen's Green, 
and after we had spoken over the failure and disaster at Thomas Street, he nobly 
told me that as long as he had the means (and he was then rich), that the brave men 
who should have the misfortune to be arrested and committed to prison should not 
be abandoned ; that the best lawyers should be retained to defend them, etc., and he 
begged me to be the bearer of his intentions on the matter to the respective families 
when any of their members had the misfortune to be imprisoned; but his name was 
not to be mentioned in those transactions. As one could not be too cautious to 
avoid being committed unnecessarily in those dangerous times, Mr. Long arranged 
with me to meet him every morning at a certain hour at Stephen's Green; he did not 
like to call on me, lest he might be followed by a spy, and for the same reason 
he did not wish me call on him at his house in Crow Street. 

Mr. Phil Long thought it would be advisable and politic to give some money 
to Mrs. MacCabe, the wife of the unfortunate man who had been arrested on Sunday 
morning, the 24th, at his own door, armed with a blunderbuss, and brought from 
thence to the Castle, where, no doubt, he had been put to the torture in order to 
extort from him all he knew respecting our organization. I called on Mrs. MacCabe; 
her house in Francis Street being shut up, she was lodging with a friend in the same 
street. When I gave her the ten pound note and told her that the gentleman who 
sent her the money bid me tell her that neither she nor her husband should ever 
want as long as he lived, the unfortunate woman burst into a flood of tears, and it was 
some time before she could answer me, apparently conscious that her husband did 
not merit such kindness. She told me she was not allowed to speak to him, but in 
the presence of two keepers of the Castle; but she thought that even in their presence 


Emmet Declines Escape 

she could say to him that she had kind friends who promised not to neglect her. 
I told Mrs. MacCabe to be careful never to mention any names, and I promised 
to return again to see her. 

Every time Mr. Long and I met, we had to communicate to each other some- 
thing sad respecting persons arrested. Still we hoped that there would be no in- 
formers, as the men in the secret were sober and prudent, and being now put on their 
guard against the spies, which no doubt would be sent amongst them hereafter, 
there was less to be dreaded on that score; and it must be said, to the honour of all 
those concerned, that up to the breaking out at Thomas Street, the Government 
spies were completely baffled in the city, as well as in the country. As to the 
arrest of poor Macintosh, it could only be attributed to his having taken out the 
lease in his own name of the house in Patrick Street, which served as the depot, 
and where the unfortunate explosion took place on Saturday, the 16th of July, and 
which was the cause of the premature rising, and all the misfortunes which followed. 
Thomas Keenan, Macintosh's brother-in-law, was arrested at the same time and 
committed to prison. Poor Denis Redmond might have had a chance of escaping 
only for his own imprudence; indeed, his cousin, Michael Berney, always feared he 
would do something flighty. When we were walking outside Black Pits, on Satur- 
day, the 23rd of July, he discharged his blunderbuss across a hedge, where a horse 
made some noise. He, however, got safe back to his house on the Coal Quay, and 
there, instead of endeavouring to hide the pikes in his own premises, he began to 
throw them over a wall into a court yard belonging to another house; by this act 
of folly all was discovered in the morning. Notwithstanding all this, he escaped 
to Newry, and was on the point of getting a passage on board a vessel, when he 
was arrested and brought back a prisoner to Dublin. In the various other houses 
where pikes and fire-arms had been deposited, they were so carefully concealed that 
they were never discovered ; consequently no one suffered. Had poor Redmond 
concealed in like manner in his own house the pikes left there, he might be alive 
and well to this day, for he was not otherwise implicated than by lending his house 
on the occasion. 

Mr. Phil Long, hearing of those arrested, bid me go at once and retain 
Counsellor Bennet, and tell him at the same time to be good enough to point out, 
or name other lawyers who should be retained immediately to assist him in defend- 
ing the unfortunate prisoners. Mr. Bennet promised to get everything possible 
ready by the time the trials came on. It was now necessary to apprise the poor 
fellows immured in their dungeons, through their families, that everything was doing 
that could be done for their defence. I being charged with this commission, felt 
much indeed that I was not at liberty to mention the name of the worthy man who 
came forward at this awful moment to render such services. In my mind, Phil Long 
was, of all the leaders, the one who was most entitled to the praise and gratitude 
of the people. Other leaders might, perhaps, excel him in the field, but could never 
surpass him in generosity and true patriotism, and in his exertions for the inde- 
pendence of Ireland. 

Several days elapsed after the disasters of Thomas Street, before Robert Emmet 
came back to his former lodgings at Mrs. Palmer's, outside the canal at Harold's 
Cross. Both Mr. John Patten and Mr. Phil Long endeavoured to persuade him of 
the urgent necessity of his going at once to France, to which he replied, that it 
should never be said of him that he had abandoned the brave people implicated 
through his means. He wished much, however, that some fit person were sent im- 
mediately to Paris, to communicate to the French Government, through his brother, 
the situation of things in Ireland. 

The second day after dear Robert Emmet returned from the mountains, I had 
my last melancholy interview with him. He seemed much affected and cast down; 
he, however, began at once to explain to me the causes which prevented him from 

Disastrous Absence of Leaders 

coming to join me at the Coal Quay on Saturday night, the 23rd of July, as had been 
agreed upon between us. "The trustworthy Ned Condon", he said, "was coming 
with six hackney coaches to the depot; walking beside the first coach, an officer 
rode up to him and asked him where he was going with so many coaches. Ned 
Condon replied, 'Sir, I am hard of hearing', getting at the same time nearer to him. 
The officer then repeated the question in a menacing tone; on which Condon dis- 
charged his pistol at him. The coachmen, witnessing this act, escaped with their 
coaches, and Condon seeing them drive off, returned to tell me what had happened 
to him. I then decided that the men who were to be conveyed in the coaches should 
go on foot to the Castle, and whilst preparing for this march, a false alarm was 
given that troops were surrounding the depot, and in consequence, our men there 
began to rush out, too hurriedly, no doubt, to fight in the open street, and by the 
time they got to Thomas Street, disorder and confusion got amongst them. You 
heard, of course, what occurred there, after which an attack on the Castle could not 
be thought of; consequently, the signal rockets were not made use of". 

I could see plainly how he was overwhelmed with sorrow whilst speaking on this sad 
subject. He thought the person to be sent to Paris should be one of those who had a 
perfect knowledge of the organization, and the vast preparations which had been so suc- 
cessfully carried on until the fatal explosion took place at the Patrick Street depot. "As 
you are", he added, "fully in possession of all the circumstances, it will be agreeably felt, 
when it is known that you are the messenger to my brother". I could only promise that 
I should do my utmost to execute the commission entrusted to my care. On which I 
took my last farewell of this magnanimous young man, who during this interview never 
uttered a word of blame against any of those leaders who were assembled at Mr. John 
Hevey's and whose presence with him might have preserved discipline and prevented the 
disasters and false alarm which produced such bad effects on the men in Thomas Street. 
One of these leaders at least was blameable : William Dowdall should have come at 
once to Robert Emmet's assistance at this critical moment, he being his confidant and 
intimate all the time they were at Butterfield Lane. He could have no excuse to offer for 
his conduct on this occasion. I cannot give any opinion as to the others who were at 
Mr. Hevey's, not knowing their engagements with Mr. Emmet, but their absence was 
a cruel loss, for amongst them were the bravest of the brave, who would have made the 
men observe order in their march to the Castle, which would have been surprised and 
taken, the Government being then completely off its guard. Once in possession of it, the 
citizens en masse would have flocked to the standard of independence hoisted on this 
monument, the emblem of Ireland's degradation for centuries and the eminent statesmen 
alluded to in Robert Emmet's speech, would have been hastening to the Castle, there to 
take their seat in the provisional government. A few hours would have sufficed to dis- 
lodge the English garrison of Dublin, which mustered weaker than at any other time, 
and by threatening to set fire to those quarters where resistance was made, the troops 
defending them would have been soon forced to capitulate. Not for centuries had Ireland 
so favourable an opportunity of getting rid of the cruel English yoke ; every one in the 
country disaffected or discontented except the contemptible place-hunters and the Orange- 
men ; and France, the most powerful military nation in the world, then at war with 
England, anxiously waiting for an occasion to attack her in her weak and most vulnerable 
part, Ireland. Under all these considerations, was it to be wondered at, that the men of 
1798, as well as the Irish patriots in general, thought it both wise and prudent to be pre- 
pared with arms and ammunition for those events hourly expected, the landing of a 
French army on the coast of Ireland? Notwithstanding all this, there are many who 
think it would be ridiculous for the Irish under any contingency to be looking for their 
independence. To such lukewarm patriots I would say, it would be more ridiculous and 
absurd to think, that the inhabitants of Ireland will ever cease declaring that they have 
a right to govern themselves, and that they will ever be ready to embrace any favourable 
occasion to get rid of their task masters; and more, that the memory of the ever-to-be- 


Byrne's Mission to Paris 

lamented Robert Emmet will never cease to be revered, down to the latest posterity, and 
his plans will ever be considered and consulted by all those wishing for the independence 
of poor Ireland. 

I was daily waiting in the most cruel anxiety to hear of some means of getting to 
France, thinking my presence at Paris with Thomas Addis Emmet might be of use in 
obtaining relief from the French Government, when one evening the good Phil Long 
sent his nephew, a young lad, Davie Fitzgerald, to tell me that an American vessel would 
be sailing from Dublin direct to Bordeaux in two or three days at furthest. He gave 
me at the same time forty pounds to pay the preparatory expenses; the remainder of one 
hundred pounds, the sum considered absolutely necessary for the journey. 

After overcoming many difficulties, Mr. Byrne finally reached Bordeaux, 
and when a number of formalities had been settled with the police, he was 
allowed to leave for Paris. He thus continues his narrative : 

Next morning, Sunday, I started for Paris. The coach in which I went, set out from 
the opposite side of the river. Hampden Evans' guests of the day before, crossed the 
river, and we breakfasted together and they saw us into the coach and bade us farewell. 
I might have travelled at the expense of the Government, but it was considered more 
respectable for me to pay my own place and expenses, than for Government to be answer- 
able for them. 

Mr. [Hugh] Wilson told me that he wrote to Mr. Thomas Addis Emmet the morning 
I landed in Bordeaux, and that he should now write to him again, to let him know the 
day and hour I should arrive in Paris. Mr. Evans, speaking French well, made the 
journey very pleasant; otherwise it might have been dull enough to be shut up for four 
nights and five days in a coach before we reached Paris. It would have been particularly 
so to me, who thought every minute an hour till my mission was terminated, thinking 
then that assistance would be obtained from the French Government by Mr. Emmet. 

We arrived at the coach-office, Rue Montmartre, at three o'clock, p. m., where we met 
Doctor Macneven and Adjutant-General Dalton; this officer belonged to the staff of the 
minister-of-war, General Berthier, who sent him to receive me at the diligence office. 
His coach being ready, he made the conductor of the diligence get into it, with himself, 
Doctor Macneven and me. Hampden Evans remained to look after his luggage, and 
as I had none, General Dalton ordered his coachman to drive to the Grand Judge 
Regnier's Hotel, Place Vendome, in whose study Mr. Thomas Addis Emmet was waiting 
our arrival. On being asked by the minister if he knew me, Mr. Emmet replied, he had 
never seen me before. The Grand Judge then handed to him a paper containing the im- 
pression of the seal-ring which I had been the bearer of from his brother Robert Emmet, 
and which the commodore commanding the squadron at the mouth of the river at 
Bordeaux thought proper to take from me, and have forwarded to his Government, 
after I had written my name on the back of the paper on which the impression was made. 

As soon as Mr. Emmet had compared this impression with his own seal-ring, he 
crossed the room, took me in his arms and embraced me with affection. The Grand 
Judge witnessing this, seemed quite satisfied. He then told Mr. Emmet that the First 
Consul required from him, as soon as possible, a detailed report on the present state of 
Ireland, and that it would be well if this document were furnished next morning early. A 
carte de surete being then handed to me, we all retired from the Grand Judge's hotel. 
I, a freeman, going with Mr. Emmet to his lodgings, Rue du Cherche-Midi, where he 
presented me to his lady and children. We then went and hired a small cheap room for 
me, Petite Rue de Bac, quite near his house. Doctor Macneven was to dine with us, 
and immediately after dinner we three retired to Mr. Emmet's study, to commence the 
report required by the First Consul : Doctor Macneven writing with great facility, and I 
explaining and answering the best way I could, all their queries about men and things 
in Ireland. A rough draft was soon drawn up: Mr. Emmet having been lately chosen 

Value of Emmet's Plans 


by the Irish refugees in France to represent them with the First Consul, he was the 
more anxious to have this document carefully made out, and as it was to be copied in 
the morning we retired each to bed late at night. 

And now this account of my mission being ended, I must say before concluding this 
chapter, that I shall ever feel proud of the part I took with the lamented Robert Emmet. 
I have often asked myself, how could I have acted otherwise, seeing all his views and plans 
for the independence of my country so much superior to anything ever imagined before 
on the subject? They were only frustrated by accident and the explosion of a depot, 
and as I have always said, whenever Irishmen think of obtaining freedom, Robert 
Emmet's plans will be their best guide. First, take the capital, and then the provinces 
will burst out and raise the same standard immediately. 

But 'tis the soldier's stuord alone 
Can reap the harvest -when 'tis grcwn. 

Thomas Davis. 


The Orangemen boasted a protection greater than even that of the la<w, the connivance 
and concealed support of those tuho mere bound to see it fairly administered. 

T. A. Emmet. 

Chapter IX 

Strange circumstances connected with name of "Noms" in Chief Secretary Wick- 
ham's report — Name believed to be fictitious — Suspicion attached to Norris and John- 
stone — Neither appears as witness on his trial — No proof that Johnstone was injured 
in explosion — Never heard of again— Michael McDaniel, maker of rockets, said by 
Madden to have caused explosion — Emmet sends him on 23rd July with 60 guineas 
to pay for arms, etc., he never returns — Pat Finerty, a carpenter, arrested, turns ap- 
prover — Not called at Emmet's trial — Emmet's statement that numbers of men from 
country refused to fight if armed only with pikes — This considered one cause of 
failure — Uncertainty as to Quigley's fidelity, although second in command — False 
alarm given by him July 23 contributes to confusion — Arrested Nov., 1803, and ex- 
amined before Privy Council — Detained in prison till 1806, possibly for protection — 
Emmet, at last moment realizing betrayal, endeavors to postpone rising — After 
Emmet's departure for Wicklow Mountains, city men hold several streets for two 
hours — Led by James Bannan, deserter from army — Pikemen and soldiers meet — 
Defeat of former — Colonel Brown (British) killed returning to barracks — Women 
respected by Irish rebels — Incident of Rev. Mr. Wolfe's daughter — Untruthful Orange 
account of Kilwarden's death — Search for Emmet — Lady Anne Fitzgerald's letter to 
Viceroy repudiating sheltering Emmet — Viceroy not replying, Lady Anne issues 
hand-bills declaring loyalty — Sends copy to banker Latouche to give to Viceroy — 
Viceroy reports Emmet arrested August 24 at Harold's Cross — Relations between 
Lady Anne and Emmet family — Her nephew, Lord Wycombe, intimate friend of 
Robert Emmet — Emmet urged by Wicklow men to return to city — Refuses, seeing 
attempt futile and unwilling to shed blood uselessly — Whitty's account of his reply 
to Dwyer — Remains a few days with Dwyer — The Dwyers old retainers of Mason 
family — Anne Devlin's reproach on Emmet's return to house in Butterfield Lane — Be- 
lieved they spoke in Irish — Might have escaped to France, but delays to see Miss 
Curran — Anne Devlin assists in arranging meeting — Infatuation causes further delay — At 
Mrs. Palmer's house, Harold's Cross, when captured. 

HERE are at this point several circumstances to which .the 
attention of the reader should be directed. Mr. Chief 
Secretary Wickham, in his narrative prepared for the 
Government after the failure of the Emmet movement, 
states that the name of the man associated with Emmet 
and John Patten was Noms, an unusual surname and, in 
the opinion of the writer, a fictitious one. 

It is not within the range of possibility that the Irish 
Secretary made a mistake in the name, or, supposing a 
mistake, that it would not have been discovered in the manuscript, or in the 
printed account, as soon as it appeared. Yet, this man, as stated by Colonel 


Johnstone Under Suspicion 


Michael Byrne, was known to Robert Emmet and all associated with him, as 
bearing the name of "Norris". Whatever may have been his name, he was 
undoubtedly a spy of the English Government from the beginning of his rela- 
tion with Robert Emmet, and as soon as he had played his part he absolutely 

The writer being accustomed to handling autographs, detected at a glance 
that "Noms" in manuscript could be read "Norris" by omitting to dot the i. 
It was doubtless a trick of the police to be able to claim that Norris was a 
mistake, and that the tanner was known to them only as Norris. 

The man bearing the name of Johnstone, who was closely associated with 
Robert Emmet in the making of the rockets, was a man without a history, 
and must also have been a Government spy ; and this would suggest that the 
explosion was not an accidental one ! 

We have no knowledge as to the circumstances under which Robert Emmet 
and Johnstone first met, as Johnstone, according to his own statement, as 
we learn from Byrne, had recently returned to Ireland, after a long time 
spent in India, and was then entirely without any acquaintance in the country. 
His association with Robert Emmet could only have been formed by Johnstone 
pressing his acquaintance with insinuation at a time when the services of such 
a man were needed, and when, consequently, Emmet would have been off his 
guard. He also was unquestionably a Government spy, none of his associates 
ever having heard of him prior to this time. After the explosion it was 
rumored among the people about the building and entered in the police report 
that a man named Johnstone and several others, injured by the explosion, had 
been taken to the hospital. But there was nothing to prove that any one had 
been injured, which was probably the case, and the reason why Dr. Madden, 
some years after, could find no trace of Johnstone, or any one else, having been 
received in any Dublin hospital at that date as the result of injury in an ex- 
plosion. Johnstone and the others, said to have been injured, were all spies, 
and with the aid of the police quietly disappeared, never to be seen or heard 
of afterwards by any one connected with Robert Emmet's movement. 

Had Johnstone not been a spy, and that for a special purpose, he would 
have appeared as an important witness against Emmet on his trial. Both he 
and Norris were persons of education, and probably also of some respectability, 
and as they were not absolutely needed at the trial, they were allowed to go 
into hiding and were never known. 

Is it probable that an explosion of sufficient force to blow the roof off the 
building could occur any where, even at a time of profound peace, and the 
police not take immediate possession? In this instance the disaster was ap- 
parently unknown to the police for hours after, and time given for the removal 
of arms to a place of safety and the obliteration of all other evidence of the 
work which had been carried on in the place. This circumstance proves that 
the Dublin police knew more in connection with the explosion than Robert 
Emmet did. 

How many of the men about Robert Emmet were Government spies will 


Quigley s False Alarm 

never be known. But the occurrence of the explosion a month before the 
necessary preparations had been completed would seem to have been due to no 
accident, inasmuch as some of the men who were responsible were afterwards 
employed by the Government. 

We are informed by Dr. Madden that: 

Michael M'Daniel, a dyer by trade, who had some chemical knowledge, made the 
rockets. It was by his misconduct the explosion took place in Patrick-street. He was 
arrested in Wicklow, in November, 1803, and sent up from Rathdrum to Dublin. 

In the afternoon of the 23rd, Mr. Emmet sent a sum of sixty guineas to pay for some 
arms, blunderbusses, and pistols, which he had bought in Dame-street, and was in im- 
mediate want of. One of Emmet's confidential men declined going, on account of fatigue; 
and then Michael M'Daniel, the man who was in the Patrick-street depot when the ex- 
plosion took place, when making the fusees of the rockets (and drinking at the same 
time), offered to go for the arms. He took the sixty guineas, and never returned more 
to the depot with the money or arms. Even this contributed to the failure. [This man was 
doubtless a spy.] 

Pat Finerty, who turned approver, was a carpenter. After the business of 1803, he 
was on board the guardship at Plymouth. Subsequently he was employed at Woolwich, 
where I [finally] lost sight of him ; but I suppose he sold the secret of making rockets 
to Congreve. The rockets were first tried near Irishtown by Emmet and some of his 
companions; they went in a horizontal direction a great distance. General Coote was the 
first man who employed them in India — Emmet told me this, and that he had improved 
on them ; and another has improved on Emmet's, and Congreve has improved on both. 
The rockets were of the same nature as those called Congreve rockets, but not so perfect. 
Finerty and Condon were employed a good deal in the making of the rockets, under 
Mr. Emmet's orders. It was after Finerty's arrest that he turned informer. I think that 
he would not inform if he had not been arrested. Finerty was detained in the "stag- 
house" opposite to Kilmainham gaol, a place for housing informers. He was to give 
evidence on Emmet's trial, but was not called. 

Robert Emmet distinctly stated that a large body of men, when they found 
they were to be armed only with pikes, refused to take any part and returned 
to the country. The want of these blunderbusses and pistols caused a serious 
delay and contributed greatly to the failure in making the attack on the 
Castle, and indirectly was the reason why the signal was not given for be- 
ginning the uprising. 

Even the man in whom Robert Emmet had so much confidence as to select 
him to be the second in command, Michael Quigley, was not above suspicion. 
Madden records : 

James Hope and Bernard Duggan, in the preceding statements, refer to the part 
taken by Quigley in the affairs of Robert Emmet, and to some equivocal acts of his in 
relation to them, and finally to his arrest in the County Galway. 

Hope and Duggan, of all others connected with the movement, were above 
suspicion, and their evident honesty of purpose makes it impossible to suppose 
that either of them would have cast suspicion on the course of any one unless 
good cause had existed. But for the false alarm given by Quigley the night 
of July 23rd, the uprising might possibly have been postponed or abandoned, 
as Emmet had already begun to fear he had been betrayed. Madden makes 
the charge: 

Anne Devlin's Indignation 


Michael Quigley had been constantly in the store in Thomas-street. On the 
23rd his conduct was thought extraordinary; he rushed into the depot shortly before 
nine o'clock, and said he had been looking down Dirty-lane and saw the army 
coming; he ran in, exclaiming, "All is lost — the army is coming". Robert Emmet 
said, "If that be the case, we may as well die in the streets as cooped up here". It 
was then he rushed out, and the rout took place. Robert Emmet ran down Patrick- 
street and the Coombe, crying out, "Turn out, turn out"; but no one came out. He 
was attacked by some soldiers on the Coombe, but got off. They stopped at Butter- 
field-lane that night and next day, and at night, about ten o'clock, fled to the moun- 
tains, when they got information that the house was to be searched. Her (Anne's) 
father, who kept a dairy close by, got horses for three of them, and went with them. 

Anne Devlin informed Doctor Madden that: 

On the 23rd of July, at about eleven o'clock at night, Robert Emmet, Nicholas 
Stafford, Michael Quigley, Thomas Wylde, John Mahon, John Hevey, and the two 
Perrotts from Naas, came to the house at Butterfield-lane. She first saw them 
outside of the house, in the yard; she was at that moment sending off a man on 
horseback with ammunition in a sack, and bottles filled with powder. She called 
out, "Who is there?" Robert Emmet answered, "It's me, Anne". She said, "Oh. 
bad welcome to you, is the world lost by you, you cowards that you are, to lead 
people to destruction, and then to leave them". Robert Emmet said, "Don't blame 
me, the fault is not mine". They then came in; Quigley was present, but they did 
not upbraid him. Emmet and the others told her afterwards that Quigley was the 
cause of the failure. 

As soon as he realized all was lost, Emmet was heard to say : "No leading 
Catholic is committed. We are all Protestants, and their cause will not be com 

November 1st, 1803, Quigley and Stafford, who had been arrested about the 
middle of October, were arraigned pro forma, at the court of Oyer and Terminer, 
Green-street. The trial was put off, and on the following day Quigley was brought 
before the privy council, "and it is believed", says "The London Chronicle", has 
given "the fullest and most efficient information. He is said to have stood high in 
the confidence of Emmet". "The London Chronicle" of the 7th of December states, 
that Quigley had again been examined before the privy council, and also a young 
man of the name of Daly, from the County Kilkenny. 

Quigley remained a prisoner in Kilmainham gaol till 1806. 

This was probably necessary for Quigley's protection. 

We have had the statement from Colonel Michael Byrne describing the 
course of Robert Emmet after he had left the depot, until he realized that he 
had been betrayed, and that nothing was to be accomplished. He, therefore, 
to provide for their safety and to prevent bloodshed, refused to give the 
signal which would have brought the country people to Dublin in force. 
Byrne states that Emmet said within his hearing: "I would have given it the 
respectability of insurrection, but I did not wish uselessly to shed blood ; I 
gave no signal for the rest, and they all escaped". 

After he and several of his followers had left Dublin for the Wicklow 
mountains, it is stated by MacDonagh in "The Viceroy's Post Bag", as taken 
from the official report, that : 

The mob broke up into several parties after Emmet had fled, and for two hours held 
complete possession of James Street, Thomas Street, and Francis Street, almost the entire 
route between Dublin Castle, the seat of civil government, and the Royal Hospital, the 


Murder of Kilwarden 

headquarters of the military. Their principal leader was a soldier named James Bannan 
— one of the two deserters who had been in hiding for days in the depot at Marshalsea 
Lane — and in his red coat he was a conspicuous figure in the turbulent scenes that fol- 
lowed. There was a barrack in James Street occupied by 150 men of the 21st Regiment, 
of the Royal North British Fusiliers. The senior officer on duty, suspicious of the move- 
ments of the mob in James Street, but without even the remotest idea that an insurrection 
had broken out, despatched Lieutenant Brady, with a company of the regiment, to fetch 
Colonel Brown from his lodgings on Usher Quay. A body of pikemen rushed suddenly 
upon the soldiers as they were marching through James Street. They soon fled, however, 
flinging away their weapons, before the musketry fire of the "red-coats". Meanwhile, 
Colonel Brown, on his way to the barracks, accompanied by a servant, fell into the hands 
of another party of the rebels, and was piked to death by their leader, Henry Howley, 
the carpenter. 

A private carriage came along Thomas Street, driving in the direction of the Castle. 
In it were two gentlemen and a young lady. It was stopped by the mob. "What do you 
want?" remanded the elder of the gentlemen. "I am Kilwarden, Chief Justice of the 
King's Bench". The Judge — one of the most humane dispensers of the law in a rather 
brutal age — was immediately pulled out of the carriage and piked. He resided at New- 
lands, a few miles outside the city, and, hearing the rumors of an insurrection, decided 
that as a member of the Privy Council his post was at the Castle. The other gentleman, 
the Rev. Richard Wolfe (Kilwarden's nephew), was also cruelly murdered. The young 
lady was the judge's daughter. With the departure of Emmet, the rebellion had fallen 
into the hands of the offscourings of the lowest quarters of Dublin. But the Irish instinct 
of respect for women was alive even in the breasts of this rabble. In all the horrors of 
1798 in Wexford the peasants laid not a hand immodestly upon any women of their 
opponents, while their own wives and daughters and sisters were being outraged by the 
military. "Run away with you, miss, and God save you !" cried the insurgents to Miss 
Wolfe — after they had foully murdered her aged father before her eyes — and the unhappy 
young lady, distraught and hysterical, hastened unmolested to the Castle. 

Within a few months the writer has read in a London paper an article 
written by an Orangeman, giving an account of the Kilwarden murder. With 
the usual disregard of truth shown by these Orangemen, the writer of the 
article stated that Robert Emmet was present and urged on the men to commit 
the murder. That such was not the case has been proved beyond question by 
recent investigation. As usual, the Orangeman offered not a single proof in 
support of his assertion. 

It is fully proved that Robert Emmet was not present at the murder of 
Lord Kilwarden, nor was he in that neighborhood. It was held by many that 
he was already on his way to the country, but this is improbable. 

In social life Kilwarden was well known to Robert Emmet and his family, 
and particularly to his father, whose friend he was in early life. On hearing 
of the murder, Robert Emmet decided to abandon all further effort, hoping 
thereby to save the lives of many whose connection with the movement would 
thus be unknown to the Government. 

The author is unable to recall the source of his information, but he is 
impressed with the fact that from his first learning of Lord Kilwarden's 
murder the incident has been associated with the name of Lord Norbury. His 
father, or some other member of the family, certainly detailed to him the cir- 
cumstances of Lord Kilwarden's death, before he could have informed himself 



by reading, and must at the same time have narrated what was held as a 
family tradition, that Kilwarden was mistaken for Lord Norbury. The writer 
has understood from the beginning that the murder was committed by a man 
whose father, a supposed innocent man, had been tried by Lord Norbury, with 
his packed jury, convicted and immediately hung. The man was looking on 
from the sidewalk, and on being misinformed, or not hearing correctly the 
name of the gentleman who was being removed from the carriage, cried out: 
"He is the man I am looking for", and, seizing a pike from some one, com- 
mitted the murder before any one realized what was being done. Kilwarden 
was not thought to have an enemy, as he was regarded by all as a just and 
merciful judge, and by none more so than the people who had stopped him. 
Lord Norbury, on the contrary, was particularly hated by these people, 
more so than any other man in Dublin, so that he would have been assassinated 
any where and at any time the opportunity presented. 

It was well known the subject of Kilwarden's death was never mentioned 
in Emmet's presence without an expression of horror on his part. Doubtless, 
when sending Miles Byrne, as a special messenger to his brother, Thomas 
Addis, in Paris, he charged him to give the details as they were known to him, 
and thus they became part of a family tradition, shared by Dr. Macneven, who 
was present when Byrne made his report. 

After this work was ready for the printer, the author, learning that Nor- 
bury 's connection with Lord Kilwarden's death was not generally known, 
began an exhaustive search to obtain some corroboration of the family tradi- 
tion. He was so fortunate as to find in "The New England Reporter" (Boston, 
November 2d, 1843), an article taken from the "New York Examiner", en- 
titled "Ireland and Her Persecutors", consisting of a sketch of Lord Norbury, 
William C. Plunket and General Sir E. Pakenham, who, as a member of the 
Irish Parliament was bribed for his vote in favor of "The Union", and was 
killed at the battle of New Orleans, where he was the commander of the 
English army. The article was apparently written as an editorial. It begins 
with a consideration of John Toler, afterwards Lord Norbury : 

He was greatly detested by a majority of his countrymen, but amassed wealth and 
obtained a Peerage for his uncompromising sycophancy and services to the English 
Aristocracy. He had two sons, and contrived to make Peers of both. The eldest, Daniel, 
Lord Norwood, died in 1812. The younger, Hector John, Earl of Norbury, was assassi- 
nated at noonday, none knew by whom ; and so much was the old Lord disliked by the 
Irish, that in 1803 they took the generous Lord Kilwarden's life in the dark, he having 
been taken for Toler by an infuriated multitude, driven to madness by sad misrule. Toler 
was a witty man — a courtier — and as Barrington told him, "he had a hand for every man, 
and a heart for nobody". 

As the English Government required the most cruel, heartless, vindictive lawyer of 
the Irish bar, to dispose of their victims during the revolt of 1798, Toler was made 
Attorney-General that year in July; and as Emmet told him in 1803, could the innocent 
blood he had spilt be collected in one reservoir, his lordship might swim in it. As a 
reward for his active services in completing the sale of the Irish Legislature and domestic 
government to the English Tories he was created Lord Norbury, and made Chief Justice 
of the Common Pleas. 


Peel and Ireland 

In 1S27 he retired with a pension, to be paid for his life, out of the Irish taxation, 
- of $14,000 a year. The Irish Jeffreys kept his seat on the bench till he had passed his 
80th year, refusing to resign, though incompetent to perform his duties, but when Can- 
ning got power was glad to bargain to resign in favor of Plunket for an Earldom and a 
pension. Had Peel remained in power, Lord Norbury would have been protected on the 
bench, right or wrong. He was very covetous and amassed immense wealth, the reward 
of a long life of wholesale villainy and injustice of the most damning dye. Both his 
sons were married, but had no sons. 

Of all men ever connected with the iniquitous persecutions from which 
Ireland has suffered in the name of the British Government, the cold-blooded 
bigot, Sir Robert Peel, will be remembered as the special friend of the Nor- 
burys of his day, and for his indifference or inefficiency in connection with the 
Irish famine, and as the advocate of the exportation of more food from Ireland 
than would have saved the life of over a million of people who died from 
starvation, or the consequences. Nor should he fail to get full credit for the 
Royal Constabulary, which body, in every action during the past seventy years 
of its existence, has proved most worthy of his training. 

It is quite evident from circumstantial evidence that at the time of the 
explosion in Patrick Street, and the beginning of the outbreak, it was known 
to the police that Robert Emmet was the leader, and the house of every relation 
and friend of his in Dublin was searched. Yet at the time of Emmet's 
arrest it suited the purpose of Major Sirr to hold as the leader a man known 
to the Government as Robert Elles or Hewitt, who was arrested at Harold's 
Cross on August 25th. 

In this connection the correspondence given by MacDonagh in "The Vice- 
roy's Post Bag" will be of interest. 

The following is a letter from Lady Anne Fitzgerald to the Lord Lieu- 
tenant : 

"Gloucester Street, July 29th, 1803. 

"My Lord: 

"I hope your Excellency will pardon the liberty of this letter. But finding that some 
persons have thought proper to say that I am aunt to the unfortunate Lord Edward Fitz- 
gerald, and think in consequence I would harbour Mr. Robert Emmet, so, of course, they 
twice searched my house and garden yesterday. Nothing certainly could be more polite 
than the Yeomen were. 

"But your Excellency may easily conceive how dreadfully my feelings must be 
wounded at any person suspecting that I, who am all loyalty, should be capable of 
harbouring any traitor. No, my Lord, were he my nearest and dearest relative, and 
capable of such conduct, he should not find refuge in my house. 

"I beg leave to mention to your Excellency that I am sister to the present Earl of 
Kerry, who had, I believe, the honour of being known to your Excellency, and widow 
of the late Maurice FitzGerald, Knight of Kerry, both well known to be strictly 
loyal subjects. 

"My servants inform me that some deal sticks, which I had for my flowers, were 
taken away, lest they might be used as pike handles. If they will look over my 
garden they will find hundreds of the same affixed to different flowers. I mention 
this only for fear that your Excellency should hear that any pike handles were 

Perturbation of Lady Anne 

"From all that I can judge by the conduct of my servants, they are really sober, 
and in every respect well conducted. They all know my sentiments of loyalty, but 
as in these times there is no being certain of anything, I should be very happy if 
your Excellency should think it proper to order a couple of well-conducted soldiers 
to guard my house, for as an unprotected old woman I can not help feeling most 
acutely that any suspicion should fall on my house. 

"Permit me to subscribe myself, your Excellency's most obedient, very humble 

"Anne FitzGerald." 

As an immediate answer to this communication was not returned by the Viceroy, 
the lady was moved to have handbills printed and distributed publicly, declaring 
her loyalty, and her descent — though she was not the aunt of Lord Edward FitzGerald 
— from an ancient Irish family. "She is incapable," she says, "of suffering her house, 
carriage, or servants to give protection and shelter to Mr. Robert Emmet, or any 
other traitor to his King and country." A copy of this handbill she sent to Mr. 
Latouche, a well-known Dublin banker, with an interesting letter, in which she ex- 
plains the incident that gave rise to the story that Robert Emmet had escaped from 
Dublin in her carriage. These communications were forwarded to the Lord Lieu- 
tenant by Mr. Latouche. Here is the lady's letter: 

"Gloucester Street, July 31st, 1803. 

"My dear Sir: 

"The many ridiculous stories that I hear have been propagated respecting the 
search made at my house on Thursday for Mr. Robert Emmet, and the not having had 
any notice taken of the letter I wrote to the Lord Lieutenant, and sent by the 
Knight, has so wounded my feelings that I could no longer resist from publicly 
avowing my principles of loyalty, and making it known from whom I descended, 
for though certainly my rank is not so high as some have since Thursday been 
pleased to raise it, yet as I have ever been foolishly proud of being of the House of 
Lixnaw, I do not at present wish to forfeit my title to it. 

"The search I thought nothing of, because it is highly proper that every exertion 
should be made to find out so vile a traitor; but I own, I think, when that was twice, 
indeed, I may say, thrice, made in the most minute manner, even to searching the 
clock; and that my servants took their oaths that no man had been in my carriage 
that day, but that unluckily my footman, having had dreadfully sore eyes, and the 
dust very great, thought that as it was only an old carriage the coachmaker had lent 
me, he might shelter himself in it, and draw up the side blinds, that he might not be 
seen, as he knew how angry I should be if he went into it, as had once before hap- 
pened with my own carriage, and I then declared that if ever he did it again I would 
turn him off. 

"What I suppose made them suspect anything of the kind was my having requested 
of Mrs. Spring, on my hearing that Mr. Holmes was taken up, to take the carriage, and 
go to Mrs. Temple's lodgings in Dawson Street, and ask if they had heard anything of 
it.* I know there can be no one whatever more loyal than Mrs. Temple, and her late 
husband [Robert] paid dearly for his loyalty in America, as he lost his fine estate there, 
and Government, in consideration of it, gave a small pension to his widow and daughters. 
I mention this to show that I could not suppose there was any harm in my carriage going 
there, and as I had reason to think that Mr. Holmes repudiated the former Rebellion I 
could not help being shocked. 

"I shall never deny the regard I ever had for Doctor Emmet. I owe him my life, 
and I am convinced he never knew, till long after his son Tom was taken up, that he had 

*Robert Holmes, barrister at law, who was married to Emmet's sister, was arrested on suspicion of 
complicity in the Insurrection, but was released after a confinement of over a week without having been 
brought to trial. The Temples also were relatives of Emmet, as has been shown in Vol. I of this work. 


Lady Anne to Mr. Latouche 

gone the length he did. He in the most solemn manner declared so to me, and in truth, 
condemned it. I never saw Mr. Tom Emmet since he was taken up, nor Mr. Robert 
since two days after the poor Doctor's death, when I went to see his poor wretched 
mother. And surely I who can never forget my own sad loss must feel for any one in a 
similar situation, and perhaps with greater aggravation, for, alas! her sons instead of 
blessings, as they might have been, have by their conduct made themselves incapable of 
being so, and must assuredly bring shame to her. 

"My servants do not even know Mr. Robert Emmet, as they assure me. I am told 
it has been reported that Alderman Carlton said I had told him that both Mr. Tom and 
Mr. Robert Emmet had dined with me a few days before the search. At first I did not 
mind his saying so to my servants as it might have been done to get them to own if 
they knew anything of him ; but I really think that the Alderman should have taken care 
that that falsehood should not be propagated. No one, even if my rank was as high 
as they chose to make it, is above censure. Nor has age so blunted my feelings as to 
make me careless because I know my innocence of what is said. This business has 
shattered me more than, had it not happened, I am certain ten years taken from my life 
could have done. 

The enclosed I had hoped would have been early enough at the printer's to have 
appeared in last night's Evening Post; but as it was not I have had these struck off. 
May I request you will show one of them to the Lord Lieutenant, in hopes that this 
publick avowal of my principles (which will most assuredly make me a marked victim 
to the Rebels) will convince his Excellency that both me and all my House are what we 
ought to be, as, I fear, from not hearing from the Castle, my letter did not. 

"I have many apologies to make to you for this long scroll, but I have had so many 
proofs of your friendship that I think you will pardon it, and compassionate my feelings, 
which have actually deprived me almost of the power of holding my pen. I shall hope 
to hear that Mrs. Latouche's cold is better, and beg that you will ever believe me to be, 
dear Sir, your much obliged and most sincere friend. 

"Anne FitzGerald." 

"I much fear you can't make out this, but my agitation is so great I can't write to 
be read. 

"I beg leave to mention to you that the sticks I had for tying hollyhocks and 
lilies to have been reported to be pike handles". 

It was not until August 25 that the Lord Lieutenant was able to announce to the 
Home Secretary the arrest of "young Emmet". The insurgent leader was captured that 
evening in a house at Harold's Cross, a suburb of Dublin. The Viceroy adds: 

"There is every reason to believe that he was deeply implicated in the affair of the 
23rd ultimo, but I confess I had imagined that he had escaped. His having remained 
here looks as if he had been in expectation of a further attempt." 

Before misfortune had been laid so heavily upon the Emmet family of 
Dublin, Lady Anne Fitzgerald was an intimate friend. She claimed some 
relationship to Mrs. Emmet through the Mason family, of Kerry. During 
fifteen or twenty years her ladyship passed the season in Dublin, and scarcely 
a day passed that she did not call to pay her respects to her friend, Mrs. Emmet, 
who was her senior. Few, if any, of these visits were ever returned, as Mrs. 
Emmet was devoted to the cares of her household and went but little into 
society. Lady Anne held the old doctor in the greatest veneration. 

The reader can judge somewhat of her Ladyship's relation with the family 
by reading over some of the letters from Mrs. Emmet to her son imprisoned 
in Fort George, bearing the date of April 10th, and July 14th, 1800, and July 

Emmet's Confidence in His Plans 


15th and September 17th, 1801. (Vol. I, pp. 281, 282, 301, 305.) Her grand- 
daughter, Miss Ally Spring, was a great favorite and a frequent inmate with the 
Emmet family when Lady Anne was temporarily absent from home. 

As Robert Emmet had resided so much abroad, previous to his last visit 
to Ireland, Lady Fitzgerald probably knew but little of him personally. But she 
doubtless did know that her nephew, Lord Wycombe, afterwards Marquess 
of Lansdowne, was an intimate friend of Robert Emmet and in full sympathy, 
if not implicated, with his movement for the independence of Ireland. Her 
ladyship was probably for the first time in her life perturbed as to the degree 
of her loyalty to the Government. She came of Norman stock, settlers in the 
mountains of County Kerry, who, after they became identified with the interest 
of Ireland, had for centuries held little respect for the English Government, 
while she herself was not above suspicion as to her sympathies in the outbreak 
of 1798. The English Government was fully informed as to the relation of 
Lord Wycombe with Robert Emmet and of his strong republican sympathies, 
and the authorities in Ireland showed more than usual good sense in adopting 
a course calculated to eventually make him a loyal subject by ignoring his 
connection with the Emmet movement. 

The course of Robert Emmet from the city was to the Wicklow Mountains 
to meet Michael Dwyer. He was urged by many assembled there to return with 
them to the city and make another attempt to rouse the people. Emmet's reply 
to Dwyer, as given by Whitty in his Memoir, is somewhat different from what 
is usually cited at second-hand. Whitty claims to have himself seen and heard 
all he records in relation to Robert Emmet and in this respect his statements 
possess a value held by no other writer. He is represented as saying: 

Defeated in our first grand attempt, all further endeavours must be futile. Our 
enemies are armed ; our friends dispirited, and our only hope is now in patience. The 
justice of our cause must one day triumph. . . . No doubt, I could, in forty-eight 
hours, wrap the whole kingdom in the flames of rebellion. ... I have now relieved 
my bosom from a load of apprehension ; and in preventing the revolt of last night from 
assuming the form of rebellion, I am conscious of having saved the lives of thousands 
of my fellow-countrymen. . . . Over my future destiny I have thrown a veil which 
mortal eyes cannot penetrate. Should I succeed in evading the pursuit of my enemies, 
you may expect to see me once more armed in the cause of Ireland ; but should I fall on 
the scaffold, let not the coward or the knave intimidate you from again and again appeal- 
ing to heaven in behalf of your rights and liberties by alluding to my recent failure. 
. . . My plan was an admirable one, but there was failure in every part ; and from 
these defects let future patriots learn to prevent similar consequences. ... I am pre- 
pared for the worst, I have lived in the bright idea of liberating my country. It was my 
father's wish ; it was my brother's recommendation. So far I have failed to realize the 
promises I made them; but even death on the scaffold will justify their recommending my 
memory to every one who loves Ireland. 

He accepted for a few days the hospitality of Michael Dwyer, the uncle 
of Anne Devlin, who as well as the husband of Mrs. Palmer at Harold's Cross, 
Canal Bridge, and several others, was an old retainer of the Mason family of 
County Kerry. After Dr. Emmet's marriage to Elizabeth Mason these and 


Infatuation for Sarah Curran 

several others were brought to Dublin, and established in the neighborhood 
through the aid of the Doctor, and there they maintained in after-life a close 
relation with the Emmet family. Robert Emmet on his way from the city 
stopped the night of July 23 at the house in Butterfield Lane. The writer recalls 
once seeing a cheap cotemparary publication printed in Dublin, giving an account 
of Emmet's movement and trial. In this little book it stated that as Emmet 
reached the house in Butterfield Lane Anne Devlin was engaged in sending off 
to him a message and cart to the city with some communication and other 
things. Some witness who knew but little English and was translating his 
answer into English from the Irish stated that when Anne, who was in tears, 
saw Robert Emmet entering the house, she called out: "It is little welcome to 
you, for the blame is up to you for getting the poor fellows into trouble and now 
leaving them". The answer was : "It was not my fault, Anne". If this be 
true it shows that Robert Emmet spoke Irish, for otherwise Anne, as his 
housekeeper, would have addressed him in English, the language they generally 
used. It is quite likely the younger members of Dr. Emmet's family and their 
mother spoke Irish, for, as children they spent much of their time with their 
mother's family in County Kerry, where it was healthier than in Dublin, and 
where but little or no English was known among the natives. 

The party remained a few days in the mountains, making every effort to get 
rid of their military clothing. Anne Devlin then arrived from the city with 
letters and Robert Emmet returned with her to Butterfield Lane. He could have 
easily escaped at that time to France, and it has been said that the Government 
hoped he would do so, but he decided to have first an interview with Miss 
Sarah Curran, to whom he had recently become engaged to be married. 
Through the assistance of Anne Devlin he had this meeting with Miss Curran 
and several letters passed between them. He could yet have escaped but an 
infatuation still held him with the desire to see her again. He was then 
informed by some of his secret friends connected with the Government that 
a reward had been placed on his head and the house was to be searched for the 
purpose of arresting him. 

He then went to Mrs. Palmer's house, situated just beyond Harold's Cross 
bridge over the canal, on the left-hand side going out of town, and on the 
Rathfarnham road. He selected this house because John Philpot Curran, the 
father of Sarah, lived but a short distance beyond, and he hoped to see the 
daughter as she passed to and from Dublin. 

In 1880 Dr. Madden pointed out to the writer this house in which Robert 
Emmet lived, and also showed a place for concealment behind the wainscoating 
which Emmet had made in a little room adjoining the parlor, but which in his 
hour of need he had not time to reach. 

This room was in a wing as shown by the view of the house and when seen 
by the writer in 1880 it was filled with ashes and other rubbish. It is a for- 
tunate circumstance that he had the house photographed, as the site was soon 
after covered by a new building, so that to the best of the writer's knowledge 
the spot can no longer be located. Dr. Madden stated that the number of the 

House at Harold's Cross, Dublin, where Robert Emmet was arrested 

Hiding - Place 


house was 31. It was the second house from the bridge. Under the bridge 
is seen the lower portion of the first house, which is still standing, as is shown 
on all the tax maps of the time. 

The nation, taxed ^without its consent, paid the very bribes by ivhich it <was undone, and 
Britain raised a tribute in Ireland by means of an Irish Parliament to perpetuate the 
old relation of imperial rule and provincial subjection, under new phraseology intro- 
duced at the era of 1782. 

T. A. Emmet. 

All things are in fate, yet all things are not decreed by fate. 


Chapter X 

The Irish Government version of the Emmet movement previous to the ex- 
plosion in the Patrick Street depot. 



E have already fully considered the question of the extent 
of the knowledge possessed by the Government concern- 
ing the Robert Emmet movement before the explosion. 

If the letter described to the writer, by Sir Bernard 
Burke, could be produced, it would be proved that Pitt 
who was the originator of the plot, and who suggested to 
the Irish Secretary that Robert Emmet, then in Paris, 
should be made use of to head a new rebellion, was fully 
informed of it from the beginning to the end; as well as 
the Secretary and Castlereagh, who established the Union. Lord Hardwicke, 
the Lord Lieutenant, and all the other members of the Government, however, 
were kept in profound ignorance. 

Since Robert Emmet was surrounded with spies throughout, as no one has 
questioned was the case, they certainly were in the employ of some portion 
of the Irish Government. The circumstantial evidence would prove they 
were in the employ of Castlereagh, Pitt's direct agent. As Pitt caused the 
sudden arrest of the Irish leaders in 1798, to force the people to open rebel- 
lion, so he caused the explosion in Patrick Street to occur, forcing Robert 
Emmet to act before he was prepared. Pitt, and those acting under his direc- 
tion, may have been ignorant as to the full extent of Emmet's movement, as 
the leader made but few confidants, and they may have been misled from over 
confidence, which, but for fortuitous circumstances, might have contributed 
to Robert Emmet's success, yet it was known that through their impulse a 
movement was on foot. 

The Government version and the reports on which the official statement 
were based, as to the full effort made by Robert Emmet, are here given the 
reader, notwithstanding the unavoidable repetition. 

As to one important circumstance the report confirms the statement made to 
the writer by Dr. Madden. He, as a physician, was given every facility by the 
hospital authorities in Dublin to examine all their case books but he was unable 
to find a record of any injury case which could have resulted from the explosion, 
although on the testimony of the police the newspapers stated, that the injured 


Government Version of Emmet Uprising 

were taken to the hospital for treatment. One report gives the explanation 
that the men were treated privately, where they could be kept as witnesses. 
It is claimed that one man died on the premises from hemorrhage, but no 
account is given as to the disposition of the body, and as Dr. Madden could 
find none where it should have existed, in all probability the reported casualty 
was a myth. The explosion took place in a temporary structure of boards 
put up in the yard by the carpenter who lived and had his shop in the house 
fronting on Patrick Street, which was entirely destroyed by the explosion. 
Finding no evidence of the explosion it was claimed the true situation was 
not known until the day after the outbreak, when the arms were discovered. 
The supposed dead man who was carried out from the depot by the police 
was probably the spy who caused the explosion and he was thus furnished with 
the means of escape to enter the Government employ at Woolwich, and some 
of the claimed wounded were also, thus afforded the same facility and were 
never heard of afterward. There was a house in the rear adjoining the car- 
penter's house on Patrick Street, but there was found no communication 
between the two buildings. The only entrance was to the yard by the alley- 
way (shown on the map) from Patrick Street and through the gateway by 
Hanover Lane. In 1803 there was also a communication to the eastward by 
Limerick Street, running from Patrick to Francis Street, but it is now closed. 
According to the Government version : — 

Some time before the renewal of the war with France, a considerable degree of 
agitation had been observed among those who had favoured the cause of the United 
Irishmen, and also an alarming resort to Ireland of persons notoriously in the in- 
terests of the French Government. There were still to be found in the country 
some pardoned delinquents, who had yet to learn prudence from their escape from 
punishment, and who hailed the opportunity for recommencing their machinations. 
While some of these restless agitators spread themselves over the provinces, others 
fixed their abode in the metropolis: it has been alleged that an active correspondence 
was set on foot with France, but Mr. Marsden, Under-Secretary to the Lord- 
Lieutenant in the Civil Department, whose official situation furnished him with the 
best means of being accurately informed on the subject, expressly asserts that, in 
all the researches and investigations of the Government scarcely any traces of such 
a correspondence were discoverable, though the leaders of the rebellion residing in 
different parts of the Continent were invited by the French Consul to Paris, con- 
sulted, cajoled, stimulated by flattery and promises, and directed to hold out similar 
encouragements to their partisans in their own country. 

Among those who still cherished the political principles of the United Irishmen, 
and indulged in dreams of a separation from Great Britain, and an Irish Republic, 
was Robert Emmett, youngest son of Dr. Emmett, who had long held the situation 
of "State Physician" to the Lord-Lieutenant, and brother of Thomas Addis Emmett, 
whom we have seen quitting a respectable situation at the Irish Bar, to pursue the 
wild projects of 1798. From him, no doubt, Robert had imbibed those sentiments 
which, at the time of the disturbances, caused his expulsion, and that of eighteen 
other young rebels, from the University of Dublin, and rendered him an object of 
the vigilance of the Government. He had, in consequence, found it convenient to 
leave Ireland, and to reside abroad while the Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, 
but had returned when it came again into operation. 

This young man, who was scarcely twenty-one when his life became forfeited 


Emmet's Sanguine Disposition 

to justice, possessed promising talents, which, properly directed, might have raised 
him to fame, while his deportment and conversation at all times manifested a high 
degree of political enthusiasm. 

The death of his father having placed £2,000 in ready money at his disposal, 
he, with this fund, set about the subversion of an old established Government, and 
even the manufacture of all the means for accomplishing it — pikes, ammunition, not 
excepting gunpowder. His principal assistants in this insane project were, Dowdall, 
who had formerly held a very subordinate office under the House of Commons; 
Redmond, a man in narrow circumstances, who pretended to be engaged in some 
species of commerce; Allen, a broken woolen manufacturer; Quigley, a bricklayer, 
of considerable address. To these must be added Russell, a religious as well as 
political enthusiast, son of an officer of reputation in his Majesty's service, and who 
himself, placed early in the army, had served throughout the war in North America. 

I believe, from all that was known, that though Emmett aimed at the separation 
of Ireland from British connection, and her entire political independence, his patriot- 
ism revolted from the idea of seeing his country reduced to a dependency of France, 
as had been the fate of several States of the Continent, which had accepted the in- 
sidious alliance and aid of her unprincipled Government. He was well acquainted 
with the projects under discussion with his exiled country-men in Paris; and, to 
prevent their execution, he seems to have hastened his own plans more than he might 
otherwise have been disposed to do. A desk found in his depot, which, during the 
last days of preparation, he made his exclusive abode, contained some papers, afford- 
ing a clearer insight into his peculiar cast of character than description is capable of 
giving. One of these, apparently the careless effusion of a leisure moment, presented 
the following rhapsody: 

"I have little time to look at the thousand difficulties which still lie between me 
and the completion of my wishes; that these difficulties will disappear, I have ardent, 
and, I trust, rational hope; but, if it is not to be the case, I thank God for having 
gifted me with a sanguine disposition. To that disposition I run from reflection; 
and, if my hopes are without foundation— if a precipice is opening under my feet, 
from which duty will not suffer me to run back — I am grateful for that sanguine 
disposition, which leads me to the brink, and throws me down, while my eyes are 
still raised to the vision of happiness that my fancy formed in the heavens". 

A man, who, in the circumstances of the writer, could pen these lines, betrayed, 
in my apprehension, an almost entire absence of reason. What result could be ex- 
pected from the plans of a mind so constituted — if, however, Emmett had so much as 
thought of forming any plan at all — but that which actually followed? Without 
money, without the influence or countenance of a single individual of name or note, 
without any but the rudest weapons, without force, save a few hundred of the mean- 
est of the peasantry of Kildare and of the Dublin rabble, this hotheaded, rash, and 
inexperienced young man set about the task of storming the Castle, the Bank, the 
public offices, and possessing himself of the capital of the kingdom in the face of a 
numerous and efficient garrison. The attempted execution of this design cor- 
responded with the conception. This rebel commander, after literally fretting and 
strutting his hour through the streets in green uniform, flourishing a drawn sword, 
surrounded by low desperadoes, whom he had dubbed generals and colonels, vanished 
from the theatre of his exploits, and was no more seen in public till he made his ap- 
pearance on the scaffold.* An enterprise so like the effect of insanity might per- 
haps have pleaded for mercy, had not the blood wantonly spilt on the night of the 
23rd of July demanded a signal atonement. The copious details of the events of 
that night, which will be found in the official reports of Mr. Marsden, might be 
thought to render it superfluous to pursue this subject further, but recent occur- 

*"I would not hurt the feelings of the fallen at the sad moment of their retribution, but it is 
impossible to reflect on Emmet's career without greatly assimilating it to that of Smith O'Brien." 

Arrest of Insurrectionists 

( )7 

rences have imparted to it a renewed interest, so intense that, in order to render 
the information given in those reports more complete, I shall venture to add a few par- 
ticulars gleaned chiefly from the Annual Register for 1803. 

It appears that Emmett, having taken no precaution for the security of his 
depot, nor provided any means of retreat to it, totally abandoned it to its fate. The 
bustle observed in the lane where it was situated, and the number of armed men issu- 
ing from it, naturally attracts attention. Lieutenant Coultman, of the 9th Regiment, 
then accidentally in Dublin, partaking in the general alarm, collected a few men, 
zealous and resolute like himself, some of them belonging to his own regiment, 
others volunteers of the barrack division, with a serjeant and twelve men, whom he 
met by the way, and proceeded to the place whence so much mischief had appeared 
to issue. The pikes, with which the lane was strewed, marked the way to the maga- 
zine, which, being wholly deserted, was entered without resistance by Lieutenant 
Coultman and his party. There they found the whole apparatus of rebellion — a 
large quantity of ball cartridges, gunpowder, hand grenades, pikes, some military 
dresses, but, above all, eight thousand copies of a proclamation, wet from the 
press, of persons styling themselves the Provisional Government, and containing 
their project of a future constitution. 

The authors of this instrument offered no sort of apology or vindication for 
intruding themselves into a situation already occupied: they appeared to suppose 
their claim and call to be perfectly notorious and allowed. Perhaps a higher effort 
of presumptuous pride and folly was never before presented to the world than that 
displayed in this manifesto, which did not even contain one word to attach or ani- 
mate the people : hence it was supposed to be a surreptitious production of one of 
the meaner confederates. Nothing of the superior mind of an audacious contriver 
was there displayed. The whole was as formal as if it were an official document from 
an acknowledged and undisturbed government, and as peremptory and decided as if 
its authors had ascended to authority by prescriptive right and regular succession. 
It became the jest of the multitude as soon as it was made public: and perhaps no 
other circumstance could have tended more directly to produce in that class of 
people a disposition favourable to the established authorities ; as they were here 
taught that the Irish were not to expect from a change of their constitution any 
redress of their grievances, nor any other alteration, save a change of governors. 

After acting the general for the short space of an hour, Emmett, either finding 
himself deserted by his army, or at the head of a mob by whom his commands and 
even his entreaties were slighted, fled in despair from Dublin. Next morning, the 
secret history of the depot, of the preparations there, and of his individual share in 
the transaction, became universally known. A man, in passing by the magazine on 
the 21st of July, had been taken prisoner by the conspirators, who were apprehensive 
that he had discovered the drift of their operations. His life had been spared by 
Emmett, contrary to the desire of the sanguinary miscreants around him. On the 
night of the 23rd, after being detained two days, he effected his escape, and was 
able to detail minutely all the transactions of the place, and to describe the persons 
whom he had seen there. A pursuit after the chiefs was immediately commenced. 
Emmett, with twelve chosen men, had taken the road leading to the mountains adja- 
cent to Dublin. There, with a folly closely resembling insanity, which indeed marks 
all the transactions of these wretched enthusiasts, men who could have no rational 
hope of safety but in concealment, marched about in the dress of French officers, 
but they received no other succour than that compassion afforded. Their appearance, 
and the character which they had assumed, naturally excited notice and alarm, and 
search was made for them in every direction. Emmett again took refuge in Dublin, 
where he was quickly discovered by the police, and committed to prison. His prin- 
cipal assistants fled. Dowdall and Allen escaped out of the country; Redmond was 
apprehended at Newry, as he was about to take his passage to America; Quigley and 


Russell's Share in 1803 

Stafford concealed themselves in the interior of the country, and were not taken 
till after the execution of Emmett. 

The prisoners secured on the night of the 23rd were some of the most wretched 
among the rabble. About three weeks after the affair, a commission was appointed 
for trying all those charged with treason against whom evidence appeared. These, 
with Emmett and Redmond, were severally brought to trial, convicted, and executed. 
Emmett made no defence whatever, but, when called to receive sentence, he delivered 
an animated address to the Court, avowing his treasons, and appearing to consider 
himself as suffering for the cause of his country. But what Irish felon, condemned 
to suffer for his crimes, has not claimed for himself the character of an innocent 
and a martyr! At his execution, he displayed uncommon firmness and composure, 
declared himself a member of the Church of England, and accepted the services of 
a clergyman of that communion. 

At the time that Emmett hazarded his silly attempt in the metropolis, his friend 
and associate, Russell, made an appeal to the passions of the people in an obscure 
corner of the northern province; but he was so coldly received, and so alarmed by 
threats of being apprehended, that he fled; yet from his place of concealment he 
ventured to issue a proclamation, in which he styled himself General of the North- 
ern District, and endeavoured to seduce the people by that sort of language with 
which they had formerly been familiar. When Emmett was taken, Russell repaired 
clandestinely to Dublin, where he could not long escape the vigilance of the police. 
Two days after his arrival, he was secured, without resistance, at a house in Par- 
liament Street, and immediately transmitted to Downpatrick, where he was shortly 
afterwards tried, and, upon the clearest evidence of his treason, convicted. After his 
trial, he manifested all that wildness of religious enthusiasm which had for some 
time formed the prominent feature of his character. On conviction, he addressed 
the Court at great length, and with remarkable firmness. He declared his adherence 
to the political opinions for which he was about to suffer, and touched the gentle- 
men of the County of Down by whom he was surrounded, in a tender point. These 
gentlemen had once been foremost in the outcry for parliamentary reform and poli- 
tical independence. Russell reminded them of this circumstance, and declared 
that he was about to suffer for endeavouring to put into execution the lessons im- 
bibed among them, and concluded by begging a few days of life, in order to complete 
a moral work upon which he was engaged. The nature of this work sufficiently ex- 
hibited the state of mind of the unfortunate author. It was a collection of notes on 
a publication by the celebrated millenarian, Mr. Dobbs, tending to enforce that 
writer's interpretation of certain prophecies, which, according to him and his 
disciples, indicated the near approach of the Millennium. 

After the execution of Emmett and Russell, Quigley and Stafford were appre- 
hended in the County of Galway. Government, however, satisfied with the examples 
which had been made, was inclined to lenity; and the lives of these two, and of the 
other untried prisoners, were spared, on their making a full disclosure of the yet 
unknown circumstances of their treason. 

Ever since the Rebellion of 1798, a leader of the insurgents, named Dwyer, had 
remained in arms, at the head of a gang of deserters and banditti; and, obstinately 
rejecting repeatedly proffered mercy, he had dexterously eluded pursuit, and main- 
tained himself under the protection of the almost inaccessible fastnesses of the 
Wicklow mountains. His party did not ostensibly exceed twenty, but he was sup- 
posed to possess unbounded influence over the peasantry of that district, so that for 
any notable undertaking, a large body of men was within his means of command. 
To this man, overtures had been made on the part of Emmett ; and he had been urged 
to levy his utmost force, and to make the first attack on the capital. Dwyer, how- 
ever, gifted with infinitely more good sense and prudence than Emmett and his 
associates displayed, is reported to have replied to their application, that "he would 

Marsden Report 


not commit his brave men upon the faith or good conduct of the rabble of Dublin: 
however, if the latter could accomplish any point of moment, or he could perceive 
the green flag (the colour of the Rebels) flying above the King's on the tower of the 
Castle, he would be at hand to cover or second the enterprise." - 

After its utter failure, however, Dwyer, and the outlaws whom he commanded, 
struck with the impracticability of any treasonable attempt which they could under- 
take, submitted on the stipulation that their lives should be spared; and thus was 
brought to a close whatever remained of the Rebellion of 1798, and the conspiracies 
of that period and 1803 were at once completely destroyed and buried in the same 

A very strong sensation was excited throughout every part of the British empire 
by this conspiracy and its attendant circumstances. Not less was the surprise that 
a city, second only in importance in the British dominions, garrisoned by a numerous 
and well-appointed soldiery, under the command of an officer of the highest reputa- 
tion, and the seat of the civil government of the kingdom, should have been for more 
than two hours in the hands and at the mercy of a lawless mob. These were cir- 
cumstances so unaccountable, that an investigation of the causes was looked for as 
a matter at once of right and necessity. No such satisfaction, however, was afforded, 
and it was generally considered that blame of the most serious nature was attribut- 
able to the Irish Government, and the friends and partisans of the Lord-Lieutenant 
and the Commander-in-Chief strove in mutual recrimination to shift it from the one 
to the other. The result was that General Fox was removed from Ireland, although 
Lord Hardwicke was continued in the Lieutenancy. 

From the official Reports by Mr. Marsden, the accuracy of which I see no reason 
to doubt, it appears to me that both parties rendered themselves liable to the charge 
of remissness — the civil authorities for not calling the soldiery in the City into action 
on the very first symptom of the disturbance, of which, it is admitted, that they were 
forewarned; and the military for not despatching the troops in the barracks till 
some hours after they were sent for. 

The circumstance from which this hopeless and disastrous commotion derived 
a degree of celebrity far beyond that which would naturally belong to the ordinary 
acts of disturbance in a disaffected country, and in an ill-regulated metropolis, was 
the dreadful catastrophe of the Chief Justice of Ireland, the Lord Viscount Kil- 

As a full account of the murder of this good and just man has been fully 
given elsewhere, Marsden's account, forming a part of this report, will be 

The "Memoirs and Correspondence of Viscount Castlereagh" (Vol. IV, 
p. 313) contains the following: 

Papers Relating to the Insurrection in Dublin, on the Night of July 23, 1803 
Account of the Explosion in Patrick Street, on July 16 

The explosion in Patrick Street, on July 16, was not sufficiently loud to occasion 
a very general observation of it; and it appears that even the windows of the room 
where it took place were not broken by it. To prevent suffocation, the persons in- 
side broke the glass, and Keenan, who is since dead, cut himself so deeply by running 
his arm through a pane, that the effusion of blood principally occasioned his death. 
The danger of fire was what chiefly excited notice, and a fire-engine was sent for. 
On its arrival, the persons in the house refused to admit it, and turned away the men 

Discovery of Patrick Street Depot 

who belonged to it; and it was the complaint of these men to a peace officer which 
first excited suspicion of some improper proceedings in the house. 

Two men were wounded, one of them, Keenan, so badly that he died very soon, 
and gave no account of how the accident happened. The other, Byrne, a labouring 
man, was taken into custody. The peace officer made a search in the house, and 
found saltpetre and other ingredients for making gunpowder, a machine for bruising 
saltpetre, about a hundred ball cartridges, and some pounds weight of bullets, 
several short poles, about three feet along, the use of which was not known [they 
were for jointed pikes], three bayonets, not any pikeheads, nor any firearms. 

Enough was discovered to excite considerable suspicion; the house was known 
to belong to Mackintosh, and search was immediately made for him, but he could 
not be found. Byrne was taken to the Superintendent Magistrate's office, and closely 
examined. He protested that he had only worked as a common labourer, carrying 
mortar to build up a wall, and that he had been employed there only from the day 

It appeared to me to be an object of considerable importance to get information 
from this man, and therefore, instead of sending him to the gaol or a common in- 
firmary, I had him put under the particular care of Surgeon Henthorn, with particular 
injunctions as to his being kept separate, and the surgeon was enjoined to pay him 
the strictest attention, and, if possible, to get a discovery from him. The surgeon, 
as well as a peace officer, had several conversations with him, if possible, to learn 
further particulars; but he never deviated from his first story, which there is now 
reason to think was true. 

On the day after the explosion, a report was made by two of the watch, that, on 
the preceding night, they had followed two men carrying a cask; that, on being 
asked by the watch where they were going, they answered, "Come along with us, 
and you shall see" ; that they rested the cask on the window of the house of a man 
of the name of Palmer, who lives at the corner of the Coombe and New Streets, 
who opened the door of his house on a private signal being given, and, seeing the 
watchman along with the men who had charge of the cask, he shut his door, and 
walked out of the street. 

The cask fell down, and, some ball cartridges and flints falling out of it, the two 
men ran away, and left it in the possession of the watchmen, who, after carrying it 
some way towards their watch-house, were stopped by a party of men, some having 
arms, who rescued it from them. The watchmen were joined by others, and assist- 
ance was demanded from the guard-house at the Coombe; but, as only three soldiers 
were there, none of them would quit their post, and the party escaped. 

The watchmen deposed this on oath, and I sent for one of them, and examined 
him minutely as to all the circumstances, which were as above stated. I sent the 
Superintendent Magistrate himself and other persons into the neighbourhood of where 
this happened, and particularly to ascertain from what quarter the men came who 
took the cask from the watchmen. They were said to have come from one of the 
small lanes in which that neighbourhood abounds ; and I repeatedly expressed my 
intention, if that lane should prove not to be a thorough passage, to have all the male 
inhabitants of it taken up and sent on board the tender. This intention I repeatedly 
signified to the Superintendent Magistrate, and others. The searchers made, how- 
ever, did not sufficiently ascertain this, and the land was a thoroughfare. 

I had Palmer taken into custody and examined. He answered, that there was 
nothing strange in his being up at an early hour of a summer's morning; that he 
knew nothing of the cask, or the parties carrying it; and that he did not receive it 
into his house. Although I was convinced that he was privy to its contents, I 
thought it best to liberate him, as I was certain he would have got a judge to dis- 
charge him in the course of the day, and that his being liberated in this way would 
expose our want of powers, and be matter of triumph to the disaffected. It may 

Government Informed 


be urged that a general search for arms should at that time have been made, and 
that suspected persons should have been apprehended. The alarm attending such a pro- 
ceeding would have been exceedingly great, and the event might not have justified such 
a very strong measure. 

The apprehending of suspected persons would have been to no purpose, as the 
Habeas Corpus Act was not at that time suspended. A further search was made in 
the house in Patrick Street by Major Sirr — a few more ball-cartridges were found. 
Inquiry, was made as to the smallness of the guard on the Coombe, and it was 
answered that it was a barrack, and not a guard, and that, therefore, there were 
not necessarily a greater number of men there than was sufficient for the protection 
of the house. 

Nothing more could be learned, but all these circumstances added to the sus- 
picions which were entertained in the course of the week of the preparations by the 
disaffected being in forwardness. There is also every reason to think that the dis- 
covery made accelerated considerably the period of the rising, and brought matters to that 
state which rendered it so highly probable that an attempt would be made on the night 
of July 23. 

August 25, 1803. A. M. [Marsden] 

Extract from a Statement made to the Lord-Lieutenant in the month of August last, 
respecting the transactions which took place in Dublin on July 23, 1803. 

However uncertain it had been, during some days preceding Saturday, July 23, 
that a rising was to take place on that day (in a paper already delivered to your 
Excellency, I have stated the causes of this uncertainty), yet, on the morning of 
that day, the information received left no longer any doubt of what was intended. 

On coming to the Castle, at some time between half-past eleven and twelve 
o'clock on that day, I received several communications, some of them secret, others 
from persons who had come to some knowledge of the intentions, and, in some in- 
stances, of the actual movements of the disaffected, which made it manifest that the 
peace of the city must be very seriously disturbed in the course of the ensuing 
night. Although I conceived it to be of the utmost importance to avoid spreading 
an alarm until it was certain that danger existed ) the only consideration now was 
by what means the attempt, hitherto so improbable but now so imminent, was to be 
defeated; and as the civil power, at no time very efficient in Dublin, was for this 
purpose wholly inadequate, I thought it my principal duty, after apprising your 
Excellency of the probable danger, to take care that the garrison of Dublin, consist- 
ing of near 3,000 men, should be informed that their services might be required in 
the course of the night. 

The commander of the forces, I knew, was to be with your Excellency, by 
appointment, on other business, in the Phoenix Park at two o'clock on that day, 
and at the same time that I wrote to your Excellency, informing you of the appre- 
hensions which I entertained, I recommended to you to bring General Fox to the 
Castle in your Excellency's carriage, stating, at the same time, "that I made this 
request upon no light grounds". At the same time, I wrote also to Major-General 
Sir Charles Asgill, who commanded in the district of Dublin, requesting him to call 
upon me at the Castle. 

I understand that General Fox reached the Phoenix Park at half-past two o'clock, 
and that your Excellency, on receiving my note, immediately ordered your carriage, 
and, leaving your Aide-de-Camp behind, brought the General to the Castle at between 
three and four o'clock, soon after which I waited upon your Excellency in your 
closet; General Fox only being present. At this interview, I could not pronounce 
that the danger was absolutely certain, nor did I apprehend that any attempt could 
be made which would not readily be defeated. I therefore thought it best to state 
the particulars of the information which I had received, especially as General Fox 


Conference at the Castle 

had returned from the country but a day or two before (much of which had from 
time to time been communicated to your Excellency), submitting to the judgment 
of the persons whom I addressed the probable result, and, at the same time, showing 
it to be my opinion that a rising that night was much to be apprehended. Taking 
this line, I could not fail to enumerate several of those communications which had 
made the most impression on me; and, as the information I had received that morn- 
ing more particularly engaged my mind, I could not have omitted mentioning nearly 
the whole of it. 

Among other things, I recollect having stated that a person in the north of Ire- 
land, who formerly gave me information, had, by letter, assured me that Dublin and 
Belfast were to be attacked at the same time on the Saturday or Sunday following; 
and also that a gentleman* who had come from the North, informed me he had 
heard the same thing. To the first, I did not attach implicit credit, for reasons which 
I then explained ; and Mr. Atkinson had his intelligence two or three degrees re- 
moved. I mentioned, however, that a person who was in the secrets of the disaf- 
fected, and with whom I frequently communicated, had come to me very soon 
after I reached the Castle that morning, in much alarm, and assured me that the 
danger was imminent. I had also been informed by a magistratet that a Priest had 
given him similar intelligence. I remember having stated what Mr. Clarke* of 
Palmerstown, who employed some hundred men in his cotton manufactory, had 
communicated respecting the riotous disposition of his men, and their determination 
to quit his work and to march into Dublin that day, having previously, in the morn- 
ing, at an unusual hour, insisted on being paid their wages. 

To impede this attempt, I urged the necessity of strengthening the post at Chapelizod,! 
a village which lay between Palmerstown and Dublin. In this General Fox concurred, 
and orders, it appeared, were given to have it done. The state of the Pigeon House was 
also talked of. It was known to General Fox that the Garrison of Naas had been taken 
under arms the night before, from an apprehension of being attacked by the townspeople, 
who had quitted the place. These, I was informed by others, as well as by Colonel Wolfe 
and Mr. Aylmer, had come, some into and others towards Dublin. The latter gentlemen 
had left Naas at eight o'clock in the morning; the town was then deserted by its in- 
habitants. As he came to Dublin, he had not seen any men, but had met many women 
going from thence. The fact was beyond question, and so I stated it to be, that an ex- 
traordinary number of people had come into town. This circumstance scarcely left a 
decision with the leaders, who, I think, I mentioned, were at that time divided in their 
councils, whether or not an attempt should be made.** Your Excellency and General Fox 
paid every attention to this statement, occasionally making observations upon it. It was 
impossible to represent the extent of the disturbance, which it was supposed would take 
place. No apprehension was entertained of any degree of success of the insurgents, on 
account of the several military posts stationed in the city, and from the strength of the 
Castle guard and its vicinity to the barracks in Parliament Street, where the 62nd Regi- 
ment was stationed. It could not be imagined that the Castle or the public offices in its 
neighbourhood were to be attacked. The impression which it was meant to convey to 
General Fox was, that disturbances would, in all probability, take place, and particularly 
on the side of the avenues which led from Naas and Palmerstown ; and I either directly 
stated, or by direct implication, that the exertions of the military would be necessary. 

Between four and five o'clock General Fox left your Excellency and me together, 
observing, among other things, which I do not now recollect, that he had much satisfac- 
tion in thinking that so good an officer as Colonel Vassall was Field Officer of the day, 
upon whose coolness and discretion he could place the greatest reliance. 

""Mr. Atkinson." 
f'Alderman Manders." 

t "See Mr. Clarke's examination on the trial of Donnelly & Farrell." 
ii"The party left the barracks at eight o'clock." 

""It is now known that it was only on the night of July 22 the rising was determined upon, and 
that at two o'clock on the 23rd, the Kildare leaders declined to act, and left the city." 

Yeomanry Lack Ammunition 


Sir Charles Asgill, to whom I had written at the same time that I wrote to your 
Excellency, called upon me at the Castle soon after six o'clock, and made an excuse for 
not coming sooner. He was aware of the business upon which I wished to see him. Sir 
Charles remained with me till about seven o'clock. I stated to him, but not in detail, 
the danger which was apprehended in a degree more strongly than I had done to the 
Commander of the Forces, as later accounts had put it out of doubt that a riot must 
happen. While Sir Charles remained with me, fresh accounts came in, and Major Swan 
and Colonel Finlay were some time in the room, communicating new facts or observations. 

Colonel Finlay had applied for an escort to take him to his house, which lay on the 
road to Naas,* and had come from the Royal Hospital, where he had delivered a letter 
from me, requesting that a party might be furnished to him. Having occasion to return 
into town, he called at the Castle to mention his having succeeded in procuring the order 
for it, and also for the protection of the Powder Mills at Clondalkin. Sir Charles left 
me to go to the Royal Hospital, f to the Commander of the Forces. Soon after this the 
alarm increased, and several Magistrates and Captains of Yeomanry came to the Castle, 
desiring to be informed how they were to act. It was thought prudent to restrain the 
Yeomen from assemblingt their men, and by their so doing increasing the alarm, as well 
because it was known that few of the Yeomen had arms and none of them ammunition 
(no general delivery having been made to the corps), as because it was conceived that the 
troops in the barracks of Dublin and at the several posts had received orders to hold 
themselves in readiness, and were probably at the instant engaged. And as it was known 
that the Garrison of Dublin consisted of about 3,000 men,§ they were considered to be 
fully equal to preserving the peace and certainly the security of the town, however great 
the anxiety might have been that they should act with complete effect on the first intel- 
ligence of the assembling of the mob. 

Several accounts reached the Castle of the number of the mob increasing in Thomas 
Street and James Street. A Magistrate|| who had left the Castle a short time before it 
grew dark, returned, he having been fired at and wounded near the Queen's Bridge. Not 
long after this it was reported that Lord Kilwarden and his nephew had been killed** at 
a quarter before ten, and likewise Colonel Browne, of the 21st Regiment. At later 
periods accounts came of Yeomen being killed, and also a Dragoon having been piked. 
During this time extreme anxiety was felt at the Castle, to hear of the march of the 
troops of the Garrison to that part of the town where the riot existed. Notes were sent 
from the Castle to the barracks, urging in the most earnest manner, that parties should 
be sent into the streets; and the consternation increased among the magistrates and gen- 
tlemen, who crowded to the Castle, as no assurance could be given that the troops had 
actually quitted the barracks. At this moment the uncertainty of the extent of the danger 
became very great ; and the letters written during that interval must have expressed it to 
be so. For the actual safety of the Castle no apprehension of danger was entertained. 
Early in the evening the usual guard, sufficiently strong, was reinforced by thirty men, 
which Major Donnellan, of the 2nd Regiment, brought from that regiment, consisting of 
about 600 men quartered at the Old Custom House, within two hundred yards of the 
Castle. Two pieces of cannon were got to the gates, and the Yeomanry, beginning to 
assemble, came to the Castle for ammunition and arms. The quantity there was, however, 
inconsiderable, and that any was there was contrary to the orders of the officer who has 
charge of it, and who is only accountable to the Master-General and Board of Ordnance. 
An escort of Yeomanry was, therefore, sent to the Magazine in the Phoenix Park, for a 
supply. tf 

* "And also for the protection of the Powder Mills at Clondalkin." 
t "He did not, however, reach the Hospital until after nine o'clock." 
t "See Captain King's letter." 
§ "Between three and four thousand." 
II Mr. Clarke. 
See Note." 

tf'Repeated messages were sent to the offices of the Ordnance, and orders given, about the time 
it grew dark, to break open the stores, as the keys could not be found. When Captain Godfrey came, 
he informed me that he would open the stores, but that there was not any ammunition in them. He 
afterwards returned and said he had found a small quantity, which remained there contrary to orders." 


Number of Those in Arms 

One of the first concerns felt was for your Excellency and your family, who were 
in the Park, as the ordinary guard stationed for the protection of the Lodge was by no 
means sufficient for your safety. A request was sent both to the Royal Hospital and the 
barracks that a reinforcement might be despatched to your Excellency's Lodge, which 
was immediately done. 

At about eleven o'clock an account was brought to the Castle that a firing had com- 
menced. This was from a party of the 21st Regiment belonging to the Barracks in Cork 
Street, which had been sent to escort an officer of the regiment from his lodgings to the 
barracks.* This party fell in with the mob in Thomas Street, and, firing upon them, as 
afterwards proved to be the case, routed them from thence. 

At eleven they were again fired upon by a party belonging to the guard on the 
Coombe, in which direction the mob had fled after quitting Thomas Street; and they did 
not any where afterwards appear in a body throughout the night. 

While the mob remained in force in the street it was hoped at every moment that an 
account would arrive of the army having marched from the barracks. Between nine and 
twelve o'clock several letters and notes were addressed to Sir Charles Asgill and the 
officer commanding at the barracks, both by Sir E. Littlehales and myself, urging in the 
most earnest manner that the troops should be sent into the streets. A note from Sir 
Charles Asgill, dated half-past one o'clock, t gave the first intimation that they had done 
so. Two hours before that the mob had been finally routed. 

The Army and the Yeomen patrolled during the rest of the night, and, after clearing 
the streets, searched suspected places, and discovered many persons who had been con- 
cerned in the violent scenes of the night, as well as concealed pikes and other weapons. 
The principal depot of arms in Bridgefoot Street had been discovered before, about the 
time that Colonel Browne was killed, nearly opposite to it, as he walked, attended only by 
his servant, towards his barracks. It was not till about one o'clock that Lord Kilwarden's 
body was known to have been found, nor for a considerable time after that of his nephew, 
Mr. Wolfe. 

At daylight it could not be discovered that those who composed the mob had any 
where retired in a body, and it has since appeared that they concealed themselves in the 
houses in Dublin, or retreated singly, or in small parties, to their respective houses in 
the country. 

It is very doubtful whether those in arms exceeded 300. Great efforts were used by 
their leaders to rally them, but the numbers decreased as the night advanced; and, had 
not a false alarm! on that evening occasioned them to break forth when they did, it is 
supposed that the numbers at a later hour would have been still fewer. 

The arms furnished from the depot, and carried to the adjoining streets, seem to 
have constituted their whole resource. Pikes were the common weapons ; there were no 
muskets, § and the leaders were armed with blunderbusses, mostly purchased that very 
evening. The quantity of ammunition is nearly ascertained by the return of what was 
conveyed to the Royal Barracks. Five thousand pikes are also said to have been carried 
there, and it can not be supposed that the residue could very much exceed the number of 
persons who armed themselves with them, and the whole cannot be estimated at more 
than 7,000, if so. many.** 

Of the insurgents it is supposed that about twenty-one were killed — few of the 
wounded were found in Dublin, but, according to the usual proportion, they must have 
been considerable: Colonel Browne, of the 21st Regiment, was killed as he walked the 
streets ; Cornet Cole, passing in a carriage from the Canal Harbour, was dragged out and 

* "See Lieutenant Brady's examination on the trial of Byrne, from which it appears that at ten 
o'clock at night no orders had been sent to the barrack? in Cork Street, which lay close to Thomas 
Street. See also the examination of Colonel Vassal, in the trial of Emmet." 

t "The troop marched from the barracks at a much earlier hour." 

t "There was an alarm of the approach of the military, but it does not appear that the commencement 
of the attack was much accelerated by it." 
§ "There were four muskets." 

""Emmet stated the total of the pikes to be 3,0(10; Quigley asserts the same, including those sent to 
Smithfield, and Ringsend, and Redmonds, the only places to which pikes were sent." 

Emmet's Project 


badly wounded; two dragoons of the 16th Regiment, carrying expresses, were killed; and 
a private of the 21st, who was attacked by one of the pikemen, is since dead of his wounds. 

The Yeomen could not assemble so as to make any attack in a body, and, therefore, 
were not engaged until the mob was routed ; but most unfortunately, Messrs. Edmonson 
and Parker, of the Liberty Rangers, were killed as they endeavoured to join a party of 
their friends, and three others were wounded. A. M. 

General Statement of the Matters Relating to the Insurrection of the 23rd of July, 1803. 

The investigation of the circumstances attending the Insurrection which lately 
took place in Dublin has led to a full disclosure of the original design of the parties 
engaged, and the principal facts which occurred on that occasion. From the nature 
of the attempt which was made, great uncertainty existed as to the extent of the 
danger, and that much misapprehension, and even misrepresentation, took place, was 
almost a natural consequence. 

It is now known that the design of the attempt, which was afterwards made in 
July last, was conceived in France about the middle of the last winter. Previous 
to that period, the probability of a war with England had made the Government of 
France turn their thoughts to an expedition to Ireland; but it is not material now to 
enter into the particulars of that plan, though furnishing much curious matter, as 
it was not advanced during the winter, nor does it appear in its circumstances to 
have been combined with the attempt which was afterwards made. 

Encouraged, no doubt, by the French Government (who, as well as some of his 
associates, were probably unacquainted with the whole of his object) the sanguine 
disposition of the younger Emmett, who was last winter in Paris, led him to conceive 
a plan for effecting a Revolution in Ireland, separating it from England, and estab- 
lishing an independent power in this country, capable of foreign relations, before 
the French should have their plans matured for an invasion and a conquest. 

With this view, there is reason to think that he communicated with several of 
the exiled Irish then in France, and particularly with his brother, T. A. Emmett, and 

The growing prosperity of Ireland, since the extinction of the Rebellion of 
1798, might be supposed sufficient to have discouraged such an enterprise ; and to 
those who actually knew the country it must have appeared hopeless, even with the 
aid of a considerable foreign force. There is reason to think that the ill-judged 
exaggerations of mail robberies, and particularly of the disorderly scenes which 
took place in the County of Limerick, were relied upon by Mr. Emmett as sufficient 
proofs of a revolutionary disposition ready to act, and generally pervading the 

Many exiled Irish were then on the Continent; but it appears that Mr. Emmett 
did not succeed in getting more than Russel and Quigley to engage in the expedi- 
tion to Ireland. Russel was one of the prisoners who had been confined at Fort 
George, and, although not a principal in the Rebellion of 1798, was of consequence 
enough at that time to be selected as one of the most dangerous, whom it was 
necessary to confine until the end of the war. He was a man of a particular and 
an enthusiastic turn of mind : connected with several persons in the North of Ire- 
land by an early political alliance, and with some of them by religious folly, he per- 
suaded himself that he had influence enough to raise the Province of Ulster, or 
even a greater district. 

Quigley was a man of mean condition, a bricklayer by trade, who had been con- 
fined with the State prisoners at Kilmainham gaol, and remained there until the 
end of the war; before which time all his fellow-prisoners, except five or six, had 
procured their enlargement on terms of transportation. Those who remained were 
considered to be of the most insignificant class; and, as they were obliged to leave 


Return of the Exiles 

the country on their enlargement from prison, it was scarcely thought worth observ- 
ing what became of them. Quigley and two others went to Paris, where he worked 
at his trade as a bricklayer. 

Russel engaged his nephew, a Mr. Hamilton, a man who, it now appears, had 
served in the French armies, to join him* and measures were settled for the journey 
of the whole party to Ireland. Emmett and Russel reached Dublin early in the year. 
Hamilton gave Quigley and two others, his companions from Kilmainham, ten 
guineas each, to bear their expenses to Ireland. They proceeded as far as Rouen, 
where Quigley 's two companions left him, and returned to Paris; he was, however, 
joined there by Hamilton, and they traveled together to Ireland, where they arrived 
early in the month of March. On their arrival in Dublin, they met Emmett, and 
the three together consulted on their future operations. 

From that time it does not appear that they were joined by any others of the 
exiled Irish. Neither Emmett nor Hamilton were of this class, and they appeared 
here openly. The former was connected with a most respectable merchant in 
Dublin, who gave the strongest assurance of the proper demeanour of his relation. 

The report of Russel's return attracted attention; and Quigley's having gone 
into the County of Kildare soon made his arrival public. Large rewards were 
offered for his apprehension, and repeated communications had with the gentlemen 
of the County on the means of having him taken. He remained but a few days in 
the county, and was afterwards secreted in the depot, which he scarcely at any 
time left until the rising in July, and, when he did leave it, it was only by night. 

Reports were circulated that Rebels of 1798, of much greater consequence 
than those mentioned, had returned to the country. The elder Emmett, O'Connor, 
Macnevin, Lawless, and others, it was asserted, were here; it now appears that none 
of them were, and, had they been concerned, additional means would have existed 
by discovering the conspiracy which was then concerting, and which received its 
chief protection from the insignificancy of the parties engaged in it. 

Mr. Emmett was a very young man; he had been expelled from the University 
of Dublin during the time of the Rebellion of 1798, for seditious practices : he fled 
from the country, and had not, until this year, returned. He conceived the design 
of providing arms for those whose assistance he relied upon; and, full of the 
opinion that the disposition to revolt was as strong amongst the lower orders of the 
people as in his own mind, he relied upon it that the whole would be effected, if 
he could secure a magazine from which, on a sudden, the mob might be armed. 
The scene of this exploit was fixed in Dublin; and, although he held communication 
with parts of Ireland more distant, it does not appear that they were organized, or 
that he had made connections with more than a very few of the Rebels of 1798. 

Having a mind much turned to military affairs, and being a student in chemistry, 
he prepared a system of tactics, and at the same time, constructed machines (cer- 
tainly complex and ill adapted) in which gunpowder was wrought into its most 
pernicious forms; but he seems to have neglected the more obvious and certain 
modes of giving force to an effort which could alone be made by the rudest and most 
inexpert hands. 

For the purpose of forming this magazine, a warehouse was taken in a yard, 
in an obscure lane, in a populous but unobserved quarter of the city. A carpenter 
in Emmett's confidence was the ostensible proprietor; and in this yard and ware- 
house were prepared the pikes and ammunition which were afterwards to be de- 
livered to the mob. Quigley, on returning from Kildare, where he staid only a few 
days, concealed himself in this depot, as it was termed, and was out of it only three 

* "Hamilton came over to England late in November, 1802, or early in December. He went from 
thence to Ireland, and returned to France in January, 1803. He went immediately to Brussels, to 
meet T. Emmett and Macnevin. Hamilton returned again to Ireland in March, 1803, in company with 
Quigley. Emmett arrived late in January, Quigley and Hamilton in March, Russel early in the month 
of April." 

Emmet and Dwyer 


or four times, until the insurrection broke out. But a very few were trusted with 
the secret of this depot (not more than eight persons), about one-half of whom re- 
mained constantly in it, working with their own hands in constructing pikes, and 
preparing other implements for the intended Insurrection. 

While the favourite object of constructing this depot was thus forwarded by 
Emmett's zealous friends, he also made connections among the disaffected here, who 
were known to himself or to his brother on the former occasion. Soon after Lord 
Whitworth's retur^ in May, it was perceived that some cabal had commenced 
among men who were before suspected, and whose conduct soon attracted a stricter obser- 
vation. One of this party held a direct communication with the Government, and 
meetings and conversations were often reported, but they led to nothing material; 
no organization nor system was attempted; no persons who could be seized and 
detained by law could be discovered, and nothing but general expression of hopes, 
and an increased rumor of danger, could be learned. At the same time, the reports 
from the country, with the exception of Kildare (and even from thence they were 
not bad), were of the most favourable kind; and, as far as it was possible to reason 
upon the apparent dispositions of the people, a revolt could not be considered as 
immediate, unless in the event of a successful attempt at invasion by the enemy. 

It is manifest, however, that Emmett staked his whole game on the depot, and 
trusted himself but little to any but those concerned in it, who were very few in 
number. He lived himself a few miles out of town, towards the mountains, where 
he occasionally saw his friends from Dublin, and communicated with others, who 
were in connection with the Rebel Dwyer, in the mountains. He occasionally came 
into town, and visited the depot, but this happened very rarely, until the week pre- 
ceeding the insurrection. 

Another house was taken by a carpenter, where a few pike handles were made 
of a particular construction, and some combustible matter for rockets (and not 
gunpowder, as was at one time supposed); from hence such articles were conveyed 
to the grand depot; and from other places it would seem that ammunition was also 
sent there through the medium of a hostler of an inn which adjoined the depot, 
and who was admitted into their confidence. It is a matter much to be regretted, 
and almost complained of, that this depot was not early discovered by the immediate 
agents of the Government, or by the police. It can only be accounted for by the 
great secrecy with which it was conducted; that the persons admitted to it were 
closely attached to their leader or to his cause; that, living for the most part within side 
of it, they avoided observation, and that intercourse which, by the most accidental 
circumstances, leads to detection : but particularly Mr. Emmett had an advantage 
which few Conspirators are so fortunate as to possess — he had a command of 
money; his father died in December last, and left him a sum of about £2,000. This 
money was paid to him in March, and there is reason to think that the whole was 
expended before the middle of July. He was thus his own treasurer: he trusted 
only those whom he preferred, and he was not obliged to sell his confidence to 
those who subscribed a £20 or a £50, as was the case in the former Rebellion. 

In the interval between March and July, there is scarcely a trace of any cor- 
respondence with France, of any thing to show that France was much concerned 
in what was going on here. 

Much was asserted as to the existence of such an intercourse in the months of 
June and July; but the proofs of it are inconsiderable. Had such a correspondence 
been carried on, it would probably have been detected before it reached this country; 
it was not discovered in it. 

Although it is sufficiently certain that Mr. Emmett had made connections with 
some persons not in the lowest orders of life, of this, however (with very few ex- 
ceptions), no decided proof appears; and it has not been very easy to distinguish 
between those who, having been formerly partisans of a revolution in this country, 


The Counties and the Insurrection 

still bore good will towards it, and those who were actually embarked in the 
visionary projects of Mr. Emmett. This branch of the subject can not, however, 
here be fully entered upon, as the utmost extent of such connections is still to be 

In the counties of Ireland, with the exception of Kildare and Wicklow, it now 
appears that very few had been gained over by the Conspirators. In the North, 
it is evident that but little preparation was made. Russel distrusted many of his 
old friends, and did not apply to them. He soon discovered that, among the Protes- 
tants of the North, his plans met no encouragement; which made him resort to the 
Defenders, or Catholics, and his very limited success with them has been sufficiently 
exposed. According to Quigley's testimony, nothing had been done in Connaught. 
With the people of Wexford Emmett had had communications; he was offered sup- 
port from but one Barony of that County, and he gave up the hope of a rising in 
that quarter. Both Emmett and Quigley concur in stating that Meath (a county by 
no means considered as secure) would not rise. 

In the Midland Counties, and in Limerick and Cork j persons resided with whom 
Emmett communicated, and who were informed of the intended rising a few days 
before it took place. Little exertion, however, had been made to prepare for a 
rising in those places. These friends at a distance served as points of communica- 
tion, while it would seem that the intermediate spaces had not been occupied? It 
was assumed, however, and positively not with sufficient reason, that, had the attack 
in Dublin succeeded, risings would have taken place in many other quarters. 

To aid the attack in Dublin, it now appears that only Kildare, Wicklow, and 
Wexford were relied upon. From the latter county Emmett supposed that 300 came 
in, but it does not appear in any way that such was the case. Dwyer, from Wick- 
low, was to have aided; but ) by the mistake of a messenger, or more probably from 
doubts entertained by Dwyer of the success of the enterprise, no move took place 
in that quarter. From Kildare, many came into Dublin, as well as from the small 
towns which lay on that side of Dublin. 

As Mr. Emmett's object was to effect a Revolution in Ireland, and to get pos- 
session of the country before the French should attempt an invasion, it was neces- 
sary for him to bring his projects speedily into action. An accident that happened 
in Patrick Street, which was a sort of workshop to the depot, did, however, accele- 
rate the execution of his design. In a room, where some combustible matter was 
preparing a small quantity of gunpowder took fire, and the explosion attracted the 
attention of the neighbourhood. Of three men, who were in the room, two were con- 
siderably burnt, and one of them, in running his naked arm through a pane of glass, 
to let in air to prevent suffocation ) cut himself so much that he bled to death. The 
cause of the explosion was not immediately understood : the neighbours were refused 
admittance to the house, and, before an officer of police was found to attend, am- 
munition and some machines were conveyed out of it. Of the former, a cask was 
stopped in the street by the watch, and rescued from them; every means was used 
to trace a connection between that house and the persons who were suspected, but 
without success. One man (whose attachment to the cause of the Rebels was well 
known to Government) was taken up, but, as he could not be detained, he was 
discharged. Incomplete as this discovery was, it excited considerable suspicion 
that an attempt at arming was in forwardness: and it may be thought that a search 
for arms, and the arrest of suspected persons, then became indispensable; but it 
must be recollected what general consternation such a proceeding would have 
excited, when there was no certainty of being able in the event to justify the 
measure; and it was still less expedient to arrest persons on suspicion, whose dis- 
charge must immediately have been procured by a Judge, as the Habeas Corpus Act 
had not at that time been suspended. 

In the week which followed this explosion, Emmett determined to attempt an 



Defection of the Kildare Men 


insurrection. He sent into the country notices to this effect, and concurrent cir- 
cumstances indicated that something was speedily to be attempted by the disaffected. 
All calculations founded upon the apparent disposition of the country ; and prepara- 
tion by the disaffected, of arms provided, of foreign assistance being at hand, were 
against the probability, almost the possibility, of such an enterprise; and testimonies 
were manifold against the near execution of it. However, towards the end of the 
week, accounts from the country corroborated what was conjectured in Dublin; 
but, as nothing could be ascertained farther than that the persons suspected, and 
whose names were for the most part known, met and conversed and talked con- 
fidently of success, without the object or execution of their design being in any 
degree ascertained; and the people in Dublin continued to be drunken, and idle, 
and unlike in their conduct in every respect to what they were previous to the 
Rebellion in 1798 — at that period, many months were consumed in maturing the 
plans of the Rebels, and they had gone much farther in actual preparation than it 
was possible to conceive that those of July, 1803, had done — the vigilance of the 
country was now greater, its force was greater, and on no calculation did it 
appear that an attempt could be made pregnant with danger, or which could, on a 
sudden, without foreign assistance, produce more than a disorderly riot, and, at 
the most, by giving an increase of confidence to the disaffected, and certainly not 
less of alacrity to the loyal, have led the way to more serious conflicts at another 

Although it appeared that in the country a knowledge of what was intended had 
spread, and that several persons at the end of the week had come into town, there 
was no account of any bodies of people, armed or tumultuous, having anywhere 
assembled; and could it be imagined that, with a garrison of three thousand men, 
the seat of Government, protected by seven hundred men, either within side the 
Castle, or within two hundred yards of it, a tumultuary attempt could excite dismay, 
or a doubt of its speedy suppression? 

The arrival in town, in the course of the night of the 22d and morning of the 
23d, of many people from the side of Kildare, and information privately given to 
Government, and which also flowed in from various quarters, left no longer any 
doubt that the attempt was to be made. The appearance of the people coming in 
from the country on Friday evening decided Emmett as to the course to be pursued 
on the next day. 

He was by no means satisfied that his preparations were sufficiently advanced ; he had 
spent all his money, and had not got a fresh supply; he was not confident as to the number 
of h is men, and he wanted further time to complete his complicated machines. It was, 
however, too late to recede, and he decided upon a prompt effort against the opinion of 
some of his associates. At two o'clock on Saturday, the persons from Kildare on whom 
he most relied met him at an inn in Thomas Street. They required him to satisfy them 
as to his means of being able to go on with the insurrection ; they required him to show 
them the firearms and the men, which he could not do, and, not being satisfied with a 
speech which he made to them, they quitted him. to return home to the country. Some 
remained behind, and many of the lower orders were mixed with the Dublin mob in the 
excesses of the night.* 

At nine o'clock, as near as it can be ascertained, Emmett and his associates sallied 
forth from the depot in Mass Lane. Pikes were delivered out in large quantities from 
this secret magazine, but they wanted men and order, and a plan which was practicable 
with such raw troops and rude implements. Emmett and his party paraded with their 
swords drawn, and firing pistols in Thomas Street. He could count but eighty followers 
at the time he left the depot, and, when he reached the Market House in Thomas Street, 

*"In another paper are stated the measures taken by Government during the day, the communica- 
tions made to the military, and the unfortunate delay in bringing the troops to act against the mob, 
who remained in possession of Thomas Street and the adjacent passages, for three or four hours." ' 


Darley's Report 

nearly the whole had deserted him, except about twenty. Upon seeing himself thus 
abandoned, he quitted the street, and, with ten or twelve of his lieutenant-generals and 
colonels, as he fancied to call them (himself and some others in green uniforms), he 
proceeded by Francis Street out of the town, and to the mountains. 

The rabble whom he left behind, deserted by their leaders, armed themselves with 
pikes, and some two or three who remained among them assumed a command, and en- 
deavoured to lead them to the attack of the Castle, from whence they were more than half 
a mile distant. That they did not obey was, perhaps, more from violence than choice, 
and, in an endeavour to rally them, they were carried back nearly to the spot from whence 
they first proceeded with arms. Here they met the carriage of the ever-to-be lamented 
Lord Kilwarden; others, who continued in the lane from whence the pikes were delivered, 
massacred the unfortunate Colonel Browne; and other murders were committed before 
the casual arrival of the party from Cork Street Barracks, by the fire of which they were 
routed from this disgraceful scene. The depot upon which Emmett had staked all his 
hopes, all his game, all his generalship, was, as might naturally have been expected, im- 
mediately detected, and pikes, arms, ammunition, machines, and rebel proclamations were 
discovered, without even an effort to protect them. 

This depot in itself was extraordinary and almost formidable, but when it is con- 
sidered how difficult it is to apply such a contrivance with effort to prepare for an Irish 
rabble a scheme by which they shall be armed from one spot, the difficulty of application, 
if it be kept secret, and the certainty of detection if it be not so kept, it appears to have 
been a most wild conceit, and failed of effect on the very principle of its absurdity. The 
contriver seems to have had no second plan, no mode of rallying — barely even a retreat 
for himself. The theories of his campaign vanished, and his disposition, which he com- 
plimented as being sanguine, might more properly be termed Quixotic. 

Notwithstanding that the rein of disaffection was let loose, and the loyal subject for 
a while dismayed, it is consolatory to find that in so very inconsiderable a degree was the 
first burst of rebellion followed in other places, or by the continuance of outrage. What 
took place had the most terrifying and dismaying concomitants — weapons, ammunition, 
murders. What would be the last act of another conspiracy was the first of this; but. 
while much is due to the loyal and patriotic for the fortunate results of this most mischiev- 
ous attempt, let us also entertain hopes that much is also due to the ameliorated disposition 
of our countrymen, who were frequently deceived from their allegiance, from their 
interests, from their religion, and their happiness, by the more systematic and not less 
mischievous partisans of Revolution. 

Nov. 15, 1803. A. M. 

Proceedings of the Disturbance Which Broke Out in DubUn on Saturday Evening, 

July 23, 1803. 

Between the hours of seven and eight o'clock in the evening, having received in- 
formation that a rising would take place in the course of the night, I repaired to Mr. 
Marsden's office, and communicated to him the information I had received. He told me 
that Government had received similar information, and that every precautionary step was 
taken. I then repaired to the parade ground of the Loyal Dublin Cavalry (of which I am 
a member), in order to collect our troop, and not being able to succeed, from a number of 
our men being absent, I returned to the Castle about the time that Miss Wolfe came in. 
I waited on Mr. Marsden, and offered my service, if necessary, as a magistrate, which 
was accepted of; and, accompanied by Major Gordon, one of his Excellency's aides-de- 
camp, I rode to the barracks, and brought out a detachment, consisting of fifty men of the 
32d Regiment of Foot (to the best of my recollection it was about the hour of eleven 
o'clock). We proceeded up Dirty Lane. The night was uncommonly dark. At the end 
of Marshall Alley was one of those machines called infernals, and one or two more were 
placed in Dirty Lane. At the upper end, and within a few doors of Thomas Street, lay 

Martial Law 


the body of Colonel Browne. We joined the main party under Colonel Hyde, of the 
23d, who reported that all was quiet. Patrols of the 16th Light Dragoons constantly 
coming in. I then took out two detachments, and proceeded to search the lanes and alleys 
leading from Thomas Street, Dirty Lane, etc. One party, consisting of some Regulars, 
a party of the barrack division, accompanied by Lieutenant Coltman, etc., etc., patrolling 
down Marshall Alley, saw a hackney-coach standing at a warehouse door. There were a 
few pikes at the door, and in the coach several articles of treasonable appearance. They 
immediately broke open the door and discovered a complete military depot. The account 
in Saunders's paper of yesterday is, to the best of my judgment, nearly correct. On 
the discovery, the party gave three cheers. I was at that time in a timber-yard in 
Bonham Street, searching for a fellow who had escaped into it with a pistol in his 
hand, as I was informed. He was taken into custody. No arms were found on him. 
Not knowing whether the party that gave the cheers were friends or enemies, I 
collected my party, and proceeded from Bonham Street up Dirty Lane. At the 
corner of Marshall Alley, the guard informed me of the depot which had been dis- 
covered. I immediately repaired there, and at the break of day it was discovered 
that the warehouse was shorter within by several feet (about eight), than the ex- 
ternal appearance of the building. The partition wall was broke through, and in the 
intermediate space were discovered several floors full of pikes, mattresses, blankets, 
ammunition, &c, &c. In this partition wall were curiously hung several divisions 
of the wall for the purpose of taking out and depositing arms, impossible for a 
person unacquainted with it to observe. I repaired to the front house in Thomas 
Street; there was no appearance of any communication with the house and the 
warehouse; in the back yard of the house was a quantity of shavings. Under them 
we found several pikes, &c. A small office at the rear of the house had the appear- 
ance of being occupied for the purpose of making powder; and, indeed, I think it 
scarcely possible, that the business could have been carried on without the privity 
of the inhabitants of the house, inhabited by Roberts, a paper-stainer. The 
remainder of the morning was spent in forwarding the ammunition, &c, to the 
barracks, patrolling and searching the houses in that neighbourhood for arms, men, 
&c. Too much praise cannot be given to the officers and soldiers, for their steady, 
cool, and regular conduct. 

Given under my hand, this 30th August, 1803. 

Frederick Darley, 
One of the Aldermen of the City of Dublin. 

The following is supposed to be a clipping from a cotemporary Dublin 
newspaper, and is of interest as showing how little truth was allowed to reach 
the people : 

Martial Law. — Emmet and Others Executed 

The privy council issued a proclamation, calling on the magistrates to unite their 
exertions with those of the military power, and offering a reward of one thousand 
pounds for the discovery and detection of the miscreants who murdered Lord Kil- 
warden. A reward was also offered to those who should discover the murderer of 
Colonel Browne; and a notice was issued by the lord mayor, requiring all the in- 
habitants of Dublin, except yeomen, to keep within doors after eight in the evening. 
At the same time, bills for suspending the habeas corpus act, and for placing Ire- 
land under martial law, were passed with uncommon rapidity through their different 
stages, in the parliament of the united kingdom. Arrangements were also made for 
sending large bodies of troops from England, and every measure which prudence 
could suggest was immediately adopted, for the preservation of the public tran- 
quillity. On this occasion, the Roman catholics, with lord Fingal at their head, 


Government Reprisals 

came forward in the most loyal and patriotic manner, and, after expressing their 
utmost abhorrence of the enormities committed on the twenty-third of July, made 
an offer to government of their assistance and co-operation. By these and similar 
exertions the flame of rebellion was completely extinguished. 

A special commission being issued for the trial of the rebels, Edward Kearney, 
a calenderer, and Thomas Maxwell Roche, an old man nearly seventy years of age, 
were executed in Thomas Street, the focus of the insurrection, and several others 
experienced a similar fate; but the most important of these judicial proceedings was 
the trial of Robert Emmett, Esq., who was arraigned on the nineteenth of September, 
and found guilty on the clearest evidence. On the following day this misguided 
young man, only in the twenty-fourth year of his age, was executed on a temporary 
gallows in Thomas Street. In the ensuing month Thomas Russell also expiated his 
offences under the hands of the executioner. Coigley and Stafford were arraigned 
on the twenty-ninth of October; but, in consideration of their having made a full 
disclosure of all the circumstances connected with the conspiracy, no further pro- 
ceedings were had against them, or any of the remaining prisoners. 

Probably one hundred Catholics to each Protestant were in sympathy with 
Robert Emmet and his movement, and yet religion was in no way connected 

According to this article the English were merciful ! As a matter of fact 
every Irishman who could be taken prisoner was promptly murdered, and but 
few detained long enough to go through the form of being condemned by a 
packed jury and a "hanging" judge. In no human strife known to history 
were there ever so many innocent men, women and children put to death by 
Government officials, and irresponsible individuals who were known to be 
loyal and who wished to lend a helping hand. Nothing during the French 
Revolution ever equalled the "Reign of Terror" in Ireland. The .slaughter 
there finally ceased simply from surfeit, after an unrestrained exhibition of 
every barbarity and cruelty, except cannibalism, which is practised by the most 
uncivilized tribe on earth. 

The writer places on record this statement strictly in accord with the evi- 
dence and the substantiation is so clear-cut and beyond question that those 
who are in doubt and ignorance obviously do not care to know the truth. 

Be governed by your knowledge and proceed in the s<way of your o<wn tvitt. 


Hereditary hatred, therefore, and sense of injury, had always conspired with national 
pride and patriotism, to make them adverse to that country, and enemies to British 

T. A. Emmet. 

Chapter XI 

Emmet's arrest due to betrayal — Major Sirr informed of signal for admission to 
house — Uncertainty as to informant, but suspicion points to Leonard M'Nally — 
Details of Emmet's arrest — His attempt to escape — Sirr at first unaware of whom 
he had arrested — Emmet gives name of Cunningham— Mrs. Palmer gives his name 
as Hewitt — Sherlock, in sketch of Robert Emmet, refers to betrayal — Letter to 
"The Nation" attributes it to Richard Jones, absentee landlord, who received £1,000 
($5,000) for betraying secrets to Government — Possibly learned from Mason, 
Emmet's cousin, tenant on Jones' estate, who divulged secret, unconscious of con- 
sequences — Engaged on proclamation and letter to Government when Sirr appears 
— Mrs. Palmer's deposition in Wickham's report to Home office. — Wickham's letter 
to Pole Carew, forwarding deposition — Emmet's faculty for changing handwriting 
makes Government doubtful of obtaining conviction — Seven points of evidence 
relied on and fact that name Hewitt not inscribed on house-list as required by 
Insurrection Act — John Philpot Curran requested to act as counsel — Sarah Curran's 
letters, Nos. 1 and 2. 

EYOND doubt some close friend of Emmet betrayed to 
Major Sirr the house in which Emmet was concealed. 
Only two or three individuals, and these his personal 
friends, were aware that he was in Ireland. There can 
be no doubt that one of these supposed friends informed 
Sirr concerning the manner in which his friends were to 
rap on the door to gain immediate admission, and he 
availed himself of the knowledge to advantage. This 
information Emmet would have been most likely to have 
communicated to his friend, Leonard M'Nally, who had long been a spy in 
the employ of the English Government, of which fact, however, Emmet had 
not the slightest suspicion. Anne Devlin told Dr. Madden that while she was 
a prisoner in Kilmainham gaol she overheard a conversation in which the state- 
ment was made that Emmet had been betrayed by a man who had paid him a 
friendly visit that morning. It is unknown on what foundation Dr. Madden 
stated that the man who betrayed him was named Lacey, and he seems to have 
been ignorant of M'Nally's visit the same morning. After having for years 
thought Malachy Delaney was the guilty one, he changed h'* belief. Without 
the slightest positive information beyond a knowledge of the man, the writer 
believes that M'Nally was the traitor, since, according to the tradition, he was 
2 113 


Capture of Emmet 

the only visitor Robert Emmet saw on the day of his arrest, until the arrival 
of Major Sirr. Tradition might well be at fault through the failure of the 
little girl who opened the door to have reported to her mother the visit of 
anothei . 

During the evening of August 25th, while Robert Emmet was writing in 
the back room, or was just seated at dinner, and in the presence of Mrs. 
Palmer, the owner of the house, Major Sirr and one of his men suddenly 
stood at his side and seized him. In consequence of the accurate knowledge 
gained by Sirr as to how he was to knock, he was immediately admitted as a 
friend by the young girl, who was pushed aside as he walked into the back 
room and laid his hands on the prisoner before he was aware a stranger was 
in the house. Had Sirr been delayed for a moment at the front door, Emmet 
could have escaped through an open window at his side. Sirr asked his name 
and how long he had been in the house ; he answered that Cunningham was 
his name, and he had arrived only that morning. Sirr then went out into 
another room to question Mrs. Palmer, who gave his name as Hewitt, and 
said that he had been with her for several weeks. Hearing the noise of a 
struggle as the prisoner was attempting to escape, Sirr left her, and finding 
that Emmet was already securely handcuffed and bleeding from a wound in 
the head, where he had been struck with the butt end of a pistol, Sirr offered 
an apology, being as yet unaware of the identity of the prisoner. The answer 
from Emmet was, "All's fair in war". 

The identity of the betrayer of Robert Emmet is still such an open question 
that even the most improbable evidence must be preserved. Thomas Sherlock, 
in his sketch of Robert Emmet (Dublin, 1878), gives "The Betrayal of Robert 
Emmet", in the Appendix, as follows: 

On page 16 of the foregoing narrative reference is made to the difficulty that 
lay in the way of identifying the actual betrayer of Robert Emmet. After the print- 
ing off had taken place, the startling letter given below, which throws a new and 
horrible light on the subject, was sent to the editor of "The Nation", with permis- 
sion to give it publication. St. John Mason, the relative of Emmet alluded to, was 
incarcerated with him in Kilmainham jail and detained there for over two vears 
[many years] after the soul and body of the young patriot had been violently 
sundered. In 1811 Mason procured an official inquiry concerning his own arrest, the 
documents in connection with which have been published by Dr. Madden [and also 
in this volume]. So late as 1842 the same Mason wrote to "The Times" an account 
of the efforts made to effect Emmet's escape from Kilmainham, in which efforts 
Mason was an intermediary; and on that occasion he travelled out of his way to 
eulogise the character of the strangled patriot. It is but just to remark here that 
the official records represent Mason as having been arrested at Nenagh in the first 
week of August, 1803; and if these records can be relied on he could not have been 
Emmet's betrayer unless allowed out of prison for the express purpose. 

Mason was subjected throughout his imprisonment to the most brutal 
treatment in consequence of the active part he took in Kerry against the 
Union. On the other hand, there is some probability in the theory that he was 
allowed out. Richard Jones figures in the Secret Service list of the time as the 
recipient of £1000 — the largest sum obtained by any of the informers of 1803 : 

Betrayer of Hiding- P lace 1 1 5 

Sir: — In the course of some searches which I made about two years ago into the 
history of a small estate in the county of Kerry, on which the Emmet family had 
claims I found, to my surprise, that the landlord-in-chief was a Mr. Jones, a non- 
resident in the county, whose name, probably, was not known to half a dozen per- 
sons in it. Remembering that Mr. Fitzpatrick and Dr. Madden, in their interest- 
ing volumes, had both said that the person who received the thousand pounds 
through Finley's Bank for the betrayal of Emmet's hiding place to the Government, 
was a gentleman whom they could not identify, named Richard Jones, I was 
thoroughly inclined to think that he was the absentee Kerry landlord above men- 
tioned, for his share in the discovery of Emmet, since he [Mr. Jones] and all his 
family were open opponents of the United Irishmen, and openly devoted to the 
Government. They were upright and honourable men who upheld the cause which 
they believed to be right. Of course all the odium would rest upon Emmet's relation 
who gave the information. The only thing that can be said for him is that, if he 
did really sell the secret to his landlord, I believe that he did so believing that 
Robert Emmet would not have been hung, but would have been permitted, after a 
term of imprisonment, to join his brother in America. It was one of the most dis- 
graceful and cruel blots on the government of the day that the unhappy enthusiast 
was not thus mercifully dealt with. I am, Sir, yours truly, 

Mary Agnes Hickson. 

July 17, 1878, 6 Lower Castle Street, Tralee. 

It is impossible for any one bearing a tie of relationship to Mason and 
knowing how close a bond of affection had existed from their earliest child- 
hood between these two first cousins, to believe that there could be the slightest 
foundation for this charge. The children of Dr. Emmet passed every summer 
in Kerry with their Uncle Mason, and as intimates and companions of St. John. 
He was like a brother to Robert Emmet, particularly as they were nearly of 
the same age. 

At one time it was reported that a member of the Curran family gave first 
knowledge as to Emmet's hiding place. This report may have been put into 
circulation by M'Nally, to divert suspicion from himself after he had availed 
himself of the information. M'Nally became particularly intimate with both 
the father and daughter, and seemed to sympathize greatly with both. He 
may, therefore, with his rascally dexterity and personal influence, have ob- 
tained from Miss Curran some clue as to Robert Emmet's place of abode, as he 
would naturally have suspected that she, if any one, was in possession of this 
knowledge. He would next have visited Emmet and have given Sirr the in- 
formation on the same day. 

In the "Gentleman's Magazine", obituary notices, 1833, first column, 
page 90, part 2, it is stated: 

June 24, 1833, at Ballymaine, Co. Dublin, aged 103, John Doyle, known by the 
name of "Silly Jack", the man who, if report be true, betrayed the unfortunate 
Robert Emmet; for which it is said he received £2,000, secret service money, and two 
guineas per week, until the short administration of the Duke of Bedford ceased, 
when that gratuity was stopped. 

Whether or not this man Doyle had anything to do with betraying Emmet's 
place of concealment, this is the first time that any one of the name of Doyle 


Admonition to Government 

has been mentioned as having personal association with Robert Emmet. It is, 
however, of interest to state that a person of this name is mentioned on the 
"Devil's Brief" among the witnesses who were to testify on Emmet's trial. 
He was known to have been one of Sirr's "Battalion of Testimony", trained 
and kept for the purpose of bearing false witness, but as he was to testify as 
to Robert Emmet's appearance and manner, in order to prove his identity with 
the prisoner, the indication would seem to be that there must, at some time, 
have been a personal relation between them. 

For several days previous to Robert Emmet's arrest at Mrs. Palmer's, 
Emmet had been engaged in preparing a paper he intended to send to the 
Government, hoping to be the means of checking, at least, the unjustified and 
irresponsible slaughter of innocent persons which was being carried on all 
over the country, without even the form of trial, with a packed jury and per- 
jured evidence. At the moment of arrest a draft of this paper, which he had 
been either reading or drawing up, was found on a chair beside him. 

Its purport was as follows : 

It may appear strange that a person avowing himself to be an enemy of the 
present government and engaged in a conspiracy for its overthrow, should presume 
to suggest an opinion to that government on any part of its conduct or could hope 
that advice coming from such authority might be received with attention. The 
writer of this, however, does not mean to offer an opinion on any point on which 
he must of necessity feel differently from any of those whom he addresses, and on 
which, therefore, his conduct might be doubted. His intention is to confine himself 
entirely to those points on which, however widely he may differ from them in others, 
he has no hesitation in declaring, that as a man he feels the same interest with the 
merciful part, and as any Irishman with at least the English part of the present ad- 
ministration; and, at the same time, to communicate to them in the most precise 
terms, that line of conduct which he may hereafter be compelled to adopt, and which, 
however painful, it must, under any circumstances, be, would become doubly so if 
he was not conscious of having tried to avoid it by the most distinct notification. On 
the two first of these points, it is not the intention of the undersigned, for the reason 
he has already mentioned, to do more than state, that government itself must 
acknowledge that of the present conspiracy it knows (comparatively speaking) noth- 
ing. That instead of creating terror in its enemies or confidence in its friends, it 
will only serve, by the scantiness of its information, to furnish additional grounds 
of invective to those who are but too ready to censure it for a want of intelligence 
which no sagacity could have enabled them to obtain. That if it is not able to 
terrify by a display of its discoveries, it cannot hope to crush by the weight of its 
punishments. Is it only now we are to learn that entering into conspiracy exposes 
us to be hanged? Are the scattered instances which will now be brought forward 
necessary to exemplify the statute? If the numerous and striking examples which have 
already preceded were insufficient, if government can neither by novelty of punish- 
ment nor the multitude of its victims, impress us with terror, can it hope to injure 
the body of a conspiracy so impenetrably woven as the present, by cutting off a few 
threads from the end of it! 

That with respect to the second point, no system, however it may change the 
nature, can affect the period of the contest that is to take place; as to which the 
exertions of the United Irishmen will be guided only by their own opinion of the 
eligibility of the moment for effecting the emancipation of their country. 

That administration — cetera desunt. 

Mrs. Palmer s Deposition 


There were other documents or proclamations found in the depots which 
will be given in the account of the trial, and in the Appendix. (Note XX.) 

William Wickham, the Irish Secretary, in his official report, sent to the 
Home Office on August 28th, gives the following from the deposition of Mrs. 
Ann Palmer, the lodging-house keeper at Harold's Cross. 

About four weeks ago Robert Emmet took lodging in her house, and remained 
there until he was arrested by Major Sirr. On his coming to the house he was 
dressed in white cashmere waistcoat and breeches and a black stock and boots. 
He told her that he had lately a very handsome uniform coat with a handsome 
epaulette, but the coat he wore on coming to her house, and which he continued to 
wear there, was a brown coat. The name he assumed was Hewitt, and every person 
who called to see him inquired for him as Mr. Hewitt. When she directed her son 
to make out a list of the inhabitants of the house, to post on the door, as the In- 
surrection Act directed, Emmet requested her to omit his name, as he intended to 
stay in the house but a day or two. He also told her that he was concealing him- 
self on account of the troubles; and that in case of any alarm at the front door of 
the house he would escape out of a back window, and hide himself in a corn-field 
at the rear. He told her that the killing of Lord Kilwarden had shocked his heart; 
that he had left Thomas Street before it occurred; and that any one that saw the 
Rebel Proclamation knew there was an order in it against such crimes. The only 
thing she heard Emmet lament, relative to the Rebellion, was the death of Lord 
Kilwarden. She had often seen him write. He was in the habit of writing different 
hands, sometimes larger and sometimes smaller.* 

Wickham's letter to Pole Carew, secretary to Charles Yorke, forwarding 
Mrs. Palmer's testimony, is as follows: 

Secret and Confidential. 

Dublin Castle, 

28 August, 1803. 

My dear Sir: 

I send you enclosed copies of the two depositions that affect Emmet the most 
materially. Mrs. Palmer was owner of the house in which Emmet was taken — the 
other deponent is her son. This information was not obtained until the close of a 
very able and judicious examination of these two persons, which lasted from twelve 
at noon till past six. It was conducted by the Attorney-General, in presence of the 
Chancellor, myself, and Mr. Marsden. 

Mr. Yorke will observe that Mrs. Palmer says that Emmet wrote several differ- 
ent hands. This is unfortunately too true; and if the prosecution against him should 
fail, it will probably be owing to his act in changing frequently his manner of writing. 
We cannot, I fear, convict him without producing as his handwriting different papers 
written apparently by different persons. 

Those who know his handwriting in better days cannot say that they believe 
the papers of which we are in possession to be written by him. He was very much 
beloved in private life, so that all the friends of his family, even those who abhorred 
his treasons, will be glad of any pretext to avoid appearing against him, and we shall 
be left, I fear, to accomplices in his own guilt, who will give most reluctant testi- 
mony against the man who was considered as the chief of the conspiracy. 

The only evidence that could at present be produced against him is what follows: 

1. The original draft of the printed proclamation found in his handwriting in a 
bureau, in which bureau was also found a letter signed Thomas Addis Emmet, 
written from abroad, directed to Mrs. Emmet, but beginning "My dear Robert", and 

*From Home Office Papers, labelled, "Ireland, Private and Secret, 1803". 


The People Incapable of Redress 

from the context evidently addressed to Robert Emmet. This bureau was found in 
the great depot of arms in Bridgefoot Lane [depot off Thomas street]. 

2. An unfinished draft of a letter, of which I send a copy enclosed, found in 
the room where he was taken in the same handwriting as the draft of the Proclama- 
tion. The writer of this letter avows himself to be a rebel. 

3. Letters found in the same bureau with the draft of the Proclamation, evidently 
written by him, but in a different handwriting from that which he used when writ- 
ing the two last-mentioned papers. These letters could unquestionably fix upon him 
the possession of the bureau, but on account of the dissimilarity of the handwriting 
it will probably be thought prudent not to produce them. 

4. A letter found upon him, a copy of which I will enclose which clearly proves 
him to have been one of a party engaged in a conspiracy against the State. 

5. The circumstances of his flight, his concealment ; his dress (military all ex- 
cept the coat) and his attempt to escape when apprehended. 

6. The evidence of the two Palmers. 153-3. The question of bringing forward 
secret information has been well considered and discussed, and there is but one 
opinion on the subject, viz., that it were a thousand times better that Emmet should 
escape than we should close forever a most accurate source of information. 

7. A material cipher, copy of which I enclose, found also in the bureau addressed 
to R. E. 

I am sorry to have to add that there is strong reason to believe that a young 
man, most respectably connected, of the name of Patten, nephew of Mr. Colville, 
the late governor of the Bank, is deeply implicated with Emmet. He is in custody, 
having been committed for refusing to answer questions respecting his knowledge 
of the place of Emmet's concealment. 

A man of the name of Farrell, who was in the depot and whose examination, I 
also enclose, refused to identify Emmet. 

The above are the strong points of the case against Emmet, as it now stands. 
There are others of apparently less moment that may, by possibility, produce still 
stronger and more direct evidence than any of which we are now in direct posses- 
sion. I shall receive the Lord Lieutenant's command to write to you on that part 
of the case from time to time, as we shall make any effective progress in our 

Emmet was certainly the proprietor of the depot, and lived there occasionally 
for some time before the breaking out of the Insurrection. 

It will not escape Mr. Yorke's observation that the information we have received 
of the refusal of the people to act on the late occasion, and of the difference of 
opinion with respect to the time of rising, is confirmed by the letter found upon 
Emmet. The expressions used as coming from a person evidently of consideration 
among the disaffected are very striking. "The people are incapable of redress and 
unworthy of it. This opinion he is confirmed in by the late transaction which he 
thinks must have succeeded but for their barbarous desertion and want of unanimity".* 

P.S.— A material fact against Emmet is his having desired that even his as- 
sumed name of Hewitt should not be inserted in the list of persons inhabiting Mrs. 
Palmer's house, which, under the provisions of the Insurrection Act, she was 
obliged to affix to her door. We are, besides, in possession of the list, in which 
Emmet's name is omitted.t 

Emmet retained for his defence John Philpot Curran, the ablest advocate 
of the day, and the father of his sweetheart. Curran was an intimate friend 
of the Emmet family, and knew Robert well ; but he was absolutely ignorant 

*Not the slightest intimation, however, is given as to how far the Government's agents may have 
been responsible for this want of unanimity. A most significant acknowledgment in proof that Lmmet 
was surrounded by English agents and spies. 

t From "Ireland, Private and Secret, 1803." — Home Office Papers. 

Letters of Sarah Curran 


of the relations between his daughter and the plotter and leader of the late 
Insurrection. The news came to him in a dramatic manner, and with crushing 

The letters which, as Wickham says, were found in Emmet's possession 
when arrested, were in a lady's handwriting. As they showed that the writer 
was in the closest confidence of Emmet, the Executive were most anxious to 
discover her identity, but all their investigations to that end were baffled until 
an extraordinary act of indiscretion on the part of Emmet revealed her as Sarah 
Curran. The letters, the originals of which are deposited in the Home Office 
Papers, "Ireland, Private and Secret, 1803", are as follows : 

Sarah Curran to Robert Emmet — Letter No. I 

I have been intending these many days past to write you a few lines, but was 
really incapable of conveying anything like consolation, and altho' I felt that there 
might have been a momentary gratification in hearing from me, I feared that the 
communication of my feeling would only serve to irritate and embitter your own. 
Besides this, I felt a degree of reluctance to writing which after what has passed, 
may be rather inconsistent, but which is increased by considering the extent of the 
risque I run, as well as by the breach of propriety it occasions. 

I do not know whether to consider it as a circumstance of congratulation, or 
rather an aggravation of my unhappiness, that I cannot apply to myself the proverb 
which says that the first step alone costs us anything; but I can say with truth, 
whether the acuteness of my feelings be fruitlessly afflicting, or ultimately salutary 
in their effects, that hitherto with me every subsequent departure from duty has been 
attended with that self-reproach which is generally attached to the first breach of it. 
These sentiments alone interrupt the satisfaction I feel in sharing every anxiety with 
you, and of preserving to you, in spite of other mischances and disappointments, 
the consolation of a friend. 

And such is the perfect confidence that I feel subsists between us that I have 
no fear of misconstruction on your part of any uneasiness I feel. On the contrary, 
I know you share it, and cannot think it blameable. At all events, I wish you to 
know me exactly as I am. I cannot bear to conceal anything from you ; and at 
some future time, perhaps, when your opinion of me should be more influenced by 
judgment than any partial feeling, I should wish you to recollect that the violation 
of promise, or duty brought most abundantly with it its punishment; and that at 
a time even when I was sunk by disappointment, without hope or future prospect of 
comfort, I almost shrunk from availing myself of the only consolation which still 
remained, altho' the one I prized above every other — that of sympathizing with you, 
and endeavouring to atone for what you had lost. After all, in looking forward to 
any circumstance that might ultimately unite us, should we not, like the rest of the 
world, judge by the event; and those sentiments which I am now forced to consider 
as a perverse inclination, not fed by any rational hope but rather strengthened by 
disappointment, I should then hold forth to myself as the triumph of resolution and 
constancy over temporary disaster and opposition. 

I am afraid you heard no very gratifying account by the last express of my health 
and spirits. I was so certain of hearing from you early in the day as she had 
promised that I concluded the poor greyhound was lost or, still worse might have 
been found. Altho' I may laugh now, I assure you I then feared the worst and was 
never more unhappy. I shall never forget the sensation of agony I felt while read- 


Her Wish to See Him 

ing your letter. I assure you that my head suddenly felt as if it was burning and for 
a few moments I think I was in a fever. As for your letter, I did not understand 
it at the time, and had only a confused idea that you meant to leave the country 
for ever, as your mother wished it. You must therefore attribute to mental derange- 
ment my wish of seeing you at present. Do not think of it unless it might be done 
with safety, which I think impossible. At any rate, in the present circumstances is 
it not wiser to limit myself to the gratification of knowing you are well and safe? 

I should wish particularly to know from you how matters stand at present (if 
you would not be afraid); particularly what are your hopes from abroad and what 
you think they mean to do, and whether if they pay us a visit we shall not be worse 
off than before — which I hope you understand, is not, as he was formerly called 
"sorry cur". I believe he would lay down his life as freely as if it were a counter, 
if it would benefit this country. He is very desponding, however, and says the people 
are incapable of redress, and unworthy of it. This opinion he is confirmed in by the 
late transaction which he thinks must have succeeded, but for their barbarous deser- 
tion and want of unanimity. As to the French invasion, he thinks it may not take 
place at all, and their plan may be to wear down the English by the expense of a 
continual preparation against it which must end in their destruction. This, however, 
must be all conjecture. He thinks the quiet here is merely temporary. 

I had about forgot to mention the letter I so officiously wrote to inform you of 
the honour intended your country residence by his Majesty's troops, which I sus- 
pected the day before it happened; and having with my usual sapience written the 
letter and mentioned in the outside cover the number of our house and name of 
street for fear of any mistake, I only waited for an ambassador, when unfortunately 
for Homer he presented himself and was unlucky to be trusted. As he approached 
the bridge, seeing what was going forward, — about nineteen people whose pockets 
were searching — he committed his precious deposit to his boot, and marched up 
to the gate like another Achilles, vulnerable only in the heel. His pockets were soon 
turned inside out, where, to use an elegant phrase, the devil might have danced a 
hornpipe without kicking his shins against a halfpenny. His Horace was taken for 
the inspection of Government, and he was sent back in disgrace. 

I forgot to tell you that the evening before, he had been in the country where he 
quite domesticated himself. He waited for two hours in great anxiety for the re- 
turn of the young lady he wished to see, and whom, upon a minute inquiry, he 
acknowledged he should not know. The only regret of your worthy representative 
is that he did not put him to some easy death upon the spot, and try perhaps how 
the bones and body of a spy would answer your cherry-trees. In this case he may 
more easily take the will for the deed, as his pilgrimage here upon earth will be 
considerably shortened by the treatment he experienced from both parties, and I 
should consider any interval of tranquillity as a lightning before death. 

I hope you are not angry with me for writing so much about him; but you ought 
to be obliged to me for making you laugh — malgre vous. I believe you will find 
out that I began and ended this letter in very different moods. I began it in the 
morning, and it is now near two o'clock at night. I passed the house you are in 
twice this day, but did not see you. If I thought you were in safety I would be com- 
paratively happy, at least. I cannot help listening to even' idle report ; and although 
I cannot suppose that the minute events which occur now can materially influence 
the grand and general effect in view, yet my mind is risen or depressed as I sup- 
pose them favourable or otherwise. I cannot tell you how uneasy I shall be until I 
know if you have got this. Let me know immediately. / request you to burn it 
instantly. I shall expect a letter from you to tell me if you are well and in spirits. 
Try and forget the past, and fancy that everything is to be attempted for the first 
time. I long to know how your wife and ten small children are. Good-bye, my 
dear friend, but not forever. Again I must bid you burn this. 

A Ribbon not Intended for a Willow 

Sarah Curran to Robert Emmet— Letter No. II 

I know so well by experience the pleasure of hearing in any way from a friend 
that I have not resolution to deny it to you, while I have it in my power. I feel 
myself cheered even by the sight of your handwriting, and find more consolation 
from your letters than from any effort of reason on my mind. Your last, par- 
ticularly, made me quite happy when I received it. You know I can laugh at the 
worst of times. 

Since that, however, I have had new causes for anxiety — one fills me with ap- 
prehension, the return of * from England, which I expect soon. I have not entirely 

resolved how to act yet, and fear I shall not have magnanimity of mind enough to 
abide by the consequences of the conduct I have chosen. The more I consider this 
alternative I see it unproductive of anything but humiliating reproach to myself. 
The other, tho' not so dangerous, is scarcely less odious. It is placing my whole 
reliance upon his opinion of my integrity hitherto, and not questioning me at all or, 
if he does, giving me credit for candour I do not possess. I have heard of a report 
that you and he had left for Dublin at the same time, which I think may be very 
injurious to him. Perhaps, however, I may be alarming myself causelessly. 

I long to hear from you again, and hope the messenger will have a letter if she 
comes this day. I hate to desire you to destroy my letter, as I know I should find 
some difficulty in complying with such a request from you; but I think it very un- 
safe for you to keep it. At all events you ought to be tired of it by this time; 
besides you may keep this instead of it. I believe it is from the same principle that 
the oldest child is always the favourite that I would not give up your last letter for 
all the others. Do not let this be any encouragement to you. Indeed, I see plainly 
you are turning out a Rebel on my hands, but be assured that if I could lay hold 
of my handy work, as you call it, it should be anything but a moment of delight to 

I must not forget to tell you that I have heard a great many things lately which 
in your great wisdom you would not tell me of, which adds to my resentment, and I 
long to see you for the purpose of mortifying you. I enclose you a bit of ribbon 
which was not originally intended for a willow, but which may break with dumb elo- 
quence the tidings of my inconsistency. I intend shortly to make a worthy man 
happy with my heart and hand, which unhappily for you do not always go together. 

Adieu my dearest friend, I hope you will forgive my folly and believe me always 
the same as you would wish. I am quite well, except that I sleep badly. My 
thoughts are running almost equally on the past and future. I remember when I 
was a child finding an unfailing soporific in the 29th Psalm, which except my prayers, 
was the only thing I had by heart. It had this advantage of anything an apothecary's 
shop affords, that its effects increased every time instead of growing weaker. 

On the cover of this letter. Miss Curran writes : 

I am very uneasy about the Poems I wrote for you. There were initial letters 
under them all. Tell me if there is any danger of the writer? 

*The name in the letter was carefully scratched out, evidently with a pen-knife, but whether by 
Emmet or by the authorities it is impossible to say. 

Ireland, a Catholic country has, by its conduct, contradicted the frequently repeated 
dogma, that Catholics are unfit for liberty. 

T. A. Emmet. 

/ deny that Cork 'will obtain any durable accession of 'wealth from the Union, commerce 
may animate that city, but the wealth 'which results from that, will not remain in 
the bosom of Ireland, it 'will be poured into the lap of Britain. 

Miss Emmet. 

Chapter XII 

Emmet's secret examination Aug. 30 — Executive still ignorant of identity of writer 
of paper found on Emmet — Gives name as Robert Emmet at examination — Then de- 
clines answering further questions — Is informed he was sent for to explain suspicions 
as to late conduct — Obliged for opportunity given him, but persists in declining — Aware 
unfavorable conclusion will be drawn — Cannot commit breach of confidence — Questioned 
as to stay in France, about Insurrection, movements in Dublin, changes of clothes, hand- 
writing, the Proclamation, letters found on him by Major Sirr — Steadily refuses to in- 
criminate writer of letters in woman's writing — Questioned on depots — Examination 
returns to question of letters — Will not make disclosures — Executive believe them written 
by his sister as love letters to deceive Government — Only person he consents to name 
is an Englishman, Counsellor Burton — MacDonagh's estimate of Sarah Curran — Did 
not realize possibilities of her writing — Dr. Trevor writes of Emmet's anxiety about a 
"particular person" — After examination Emmet writes Chief Secretary, asking suppres- 
sion of Sarah Curran's letters and makes offer consistent with duty — Executive reply 
they will consider any statement, but refuse to make binding conditions — Madden speaks 
of attempt to rescue Emmet from Kilmainham. — Quotation from "Viceroy's Post Bag" 
tells of attempt by St. John Mason to bribe Dunn the turnkey — Dunn reports to Dr. 
Trevor — Continues to act as intermediary betraying all to Trevor — Emmet's note to 
Mason— On Dunn telling him escape hopeless, writes letter to Sarah Curran — Unsus- 
piciously gives it to Dunn — Within an hour in hands of Chief Secretary — Reveals all 
Executive want to know — Text of letter — On Sept. 8 Chief Secretary notifies J. P. 
Curran of intention to search house and arrest daughter — Reports proceedings to Home 
Office — Curran absent during search — Melancholy scene during which Miss Curran de- 
stroys papers — Chief Secretary satisfied Curran acted fairly towards Government — On 
return Curran learns for first time of his daughter's relation to Emmet — His conduct 
as disclosed in Hardwicke Correspondence despicable — Rushes to Castle in mad rage — 
Sees Standish O'Grady, Attorney-General — Vituperates Emmet — Denounces his daughter 
— Offers person and papers for examination — Appears before Privy Council — Dismissed 
without stain on character — The King practicularly pleased with management of affairs 
— His comment in letter to Viceroy — Emmet's despair. 

N August 30, Emmet was brought before Redesdale, the Lord 
Chancellor; Wickham, the Chief Secretary; and Standish 
O'Grady, the Attorney-General, for secret examination, as was 
the custom in those days in the case of prisoners charged with 
high treason. At this time the Executive were ignorant of the 
identity of the writer of the papers found on Emmet. The fol- 
lowing report of the examination is deposited in the Home office 
Papers : 

Attorney-General. — What is your name? 

Emmet. — Robert Emmet. Having now answered to my name, 
I must decline answering any further questions. 


Examination of Robert Emmet 


Informed that he was sent for that he might have an opportunity of explaining what 
appeared suspicious in his late conduct. 

Is sure it is meant to give him the opportunity, and is much obliged, but must still 
persist in declining. At the same time wishes it to be understood that there is nothing 
which could come within the limits of this society to ask him which he could not answer 
with pride. It might be a breach of confidence unless the limit was laid down; but if 
he once began there could be no stop. If he answered one and not others he would draw 
an invidious distinction, which he would not wish to do. Is aware that an unfavourable 
conclusion must be drawn. Hopes that no unfavourable conclusion can be drawn as to 
the point of honour. Has laid down this rule to himself. 

Have you been in France within these two years? 

I have already mentioned that I stop the examination. 

Where did you first hear of the Insurrection? 

I decline answering any question. 

Had you any previous knowledge of it? 

Same observation. 

Were you in Dublin that night? 

Same answer. 

Have you corresponded with any persons in France? 
No answer. 

It is unnecessary then to put any question? 

Why did you change your cloaths? 

Asked Dr. Trevor's permission to borrow cloaths. 

(Major Sirr said of St. John Mason) 

It would be infringing on the rule already laid down to go any further. 
Are you acquainted with a person of the name of Howley? 
Same answer. 

Have you gone by the name of Hewitt, of Ellis, or Cunningham? 
Has only to mention what he has already said. 
Are you inclined to answer as to your handwriting? 

Did you ever see a Proclamation purporting to be a Proclamation of the Provisional 

I have only to make the same answer. 

Have you seen the same in manuscript? 

I have only to make the same answer. 

Have you seen the same in your own handwriting? 

Same answer. 

By whom were the letters written that were found on your person? 

As to the letters taken out of my possession by Major Sirr, how can I avoid this 
being brought forward? Cannot say whether they were committed to my care or not. 
Would not say but they might be delivered to keep, or unopened. Would wish to give the 
benefit of those letters without making public by whom written. If the letters were years 
in his custody — suppose a friend left those letters on a sudden. May I ask if the name 
of the writer might be mentioned to me? May I know by what means those letters may 
be prevented from coming forward? Has anything been done in consequence of those 
letters being taken? May I learn what means, or what has been done upon them? 

Attorney-General. — You cannot be answered as to this. 

Emmet. — You must, gentlemen, be sensible how disagreeable it would be to one of 
yourselves to have a delicate and virtuous female brought into notice. What means would 
be necessary to bring the evidence in those letters forward without bringing the name for- 
ward? Might the passages in those letters be read to me? 


Efforts to Shield Sarah Curran 

Attorney-General. — The expressions in those letters go far beyond a confidential 
communication between a gentleman and a lady. There are evidences of High Treason, 
and therefore their production is necessary. 

Emmet. — Might those be mentioned? 

Attorney-General. — Producing some parts and withholding others never was done. 

Emmet. — May I not be told the utmost limit to go to prevent the exposure? Then 
nothing remains to be done. I would rather give up my own life than injure another 

Attorney-General. — We knew before you came into the room that this was the line 
you would take. 

Emmet. — I am glad you have had that opinion of me. Have any proceedings been 
taken on those letters? I will mention as near as I can the line I mean to adopt. I 
will go so far as this. — If I have assurances that nothing has been done, and nothing 
will be done, upon these letters. I will do everything consistent with honour to prevent 
their production. May I know whether anything has been done? Might I, in the mean- 
time, have assistance of counsel? Might I then make one request — that until my arraign- 
ment nothing has and nothing will be done? 

Attorney-General. — You are at liberty to make the request; but cannot receive an 
immediate answer. 

Emmet. — I can only repeat what I have already said, that I would do anything to 
prevent the production of those letters. Personal safety I throw out of the question. 
With notions of honour in common persons may have different principles, but all trust 
might be agreed as to what a person might owe to a female. Personal safety would 
weigh nothing if the production of those letters could be prevented. 

Are you aware that they form evidence against the person who wrote them? 

As to that, I do not know how far there can be proof as to who wrote them, how- 
ever, there may be opinions, and I am not aware how far similarity of handwriting might 
be evidence. But if the person who is primarily concerned does all that in him lies it 
is very unnecessary and very cruel to proceed against the writer. I feel the more acutely 
on this point, because it is the only act of my life, within these four months, of which 
I have to accuse myself. 

Do you mean that the female who wrote those letters only had opinions? 

I say it on my honour. I only say that a woman's sentiments are only opinions and 
they are not reality. When a man gives opinions it is supposed he has acted accord- 
ingly ; but with a woman the utmost limit is only opinion. I decide on my honour as a 
man that the person had only opinions. I admit in the eye of the law it is otherwise, 
but they may have laid down the law where it is not necessary. The same sword cuts 
down a man as a baby, but it is the mind of the man which teaches him how to use it. 

Do you know of any depot of arms or ammunition? 

I have mentioned the only point on which I will speak. 

Perhaps you consider the disclosure of names as inconsistent with your notions of 

I will purchase honour with personal safety. 

You cannot expect to draw forth any compromise on the part of Government. How- 
ever, if you could render a service to Government by making a disclosure which may en- 
title this person to some favour, it might be attended to as far as respects that person, 
although not expended to yourself. Is disclosing concealed arms dishonourable? 

I must adhere to my former rules. 

As a matter of curiosity I may put to you a question — Why Government should in- 
dulge you with consenting to a partial disclosure of these letters when you decline on your 
part to make any satisfactory answer? 

It is not an indulgence. I only ask it as if I was in a situation of power I would 
grant a like favour. I wish every one in Ireland and England was as innocent as she is. 
I know when I say it is the only criminal act ; that the young woman's affections were 

Asks for Counsel 


engaged without the knowledge of her friends, and in fact without her own. My reso- 
lution is taken. I have mentioned that I will never save honour at the expense of what 
I think my duty. I wish I knew what is expected, that I might in my own mind con- 
sider what is my duty. 

Then I am to understand that nothing will induce you to make a full disclosure? 

No; I never will. 

You must draw the line and say how far you can go. I am not asking you where 
Mr. Dowdall may be apprehended. I am not asking you who visited you two hours before 
you were taken. 

May I not ask — although I am not told what I can do, or how far I am to go — 
whether those letters lie there to be used or not? — whether any disclosure has been made 
by them or any arrest has taken place? 

Would it answer your purpose to have the writer brought into the same room with 

It might perhaps answer yours better. [He rose from his chair in much agitation.] 
In respect of the person at whose house I was arrested, the lady was under personal 
obligations to a part of my family; her sentiments were not the same as mine. Their 
name might lead to a supposed connection with a person of the name of Palmer on the 

The person who had the gunpowder or to Mr. Patten? 
I do not mention the gunpowder; I do not mention who. 
Some one under obligations to you? 
Few people have obligations to me. 

If you come to any resolution you may have an opportunity for a further communi- 

In a case of this kind a person naturally wishes to have the opinion of some one beside 

Who would you wish? . 

It may be a very harmless person. To remove any doubt I name an Englishman 
whom I never saw but once and then not alone. May I ask to know whether it will 
occasion any prejudice to him? 

Certainly not. 

Counsellor Burton is the person. May I ask another thing from the honour of every 
person here present — that no hint or suggestion will be thrown out of what I have 
mentioned? I hope that those things which go about may go without foundation. I wish 
I had been called up sooner. Might I know whether anything has been done to the person 
in whose house I was taken? I believe, gentlemen, there are occasions in which you 
would not think it criminal in me to shelter any of you. 

You are aware that the persons in '98, among whom was your brother, made dis- 
closures, concealing only the .names of persons. 

I believe they of '98 were differently situated. The object for which they spoke was 
to save the lives of others, their own never having been in danger. I know the com- 
parison you are going to draw, and that it will be taken down. (Smiling.) 

You are aware how far they went in '98. There was no minute circumstances relating 
to the plot they did not disclose? 

May I know when my arraignment will take place? Might I not be permitted to see 
the gentleman I mentioned previous to it? 

Attorney-General. — It certainly is unusual to permit a person in your situation such 
an indulgence. 

Chancellor. — Mr. Emmet's feelings are a good deal affected. 

Emmet. — I wish they were at an end. I wish you good morning, gentlemen. 

N. B." to the report of the examination says: "This was asked on the supposition that the writer 
of the letters was Mrs. Holmes, Emmet's sister, and that the language of a love-intrigue had been 
assumed as a means of misleading Government in its search for her." 


Sarah Curran s Character 

The author of "The Viceroy's Post Bag" writes: 

I have examined with interest and curiosity those letters of Sarah Curran for some 

indication of her character. They are extremely clever productions for a girl of twenty- 
one, and are the more remarkable because of the peculiar circumstance under which they 
were written. The lover was an outlaw with the agents of the Government eagerly on 
his track. Such a situation would have been heartrending to most girls, and their agony 
of mind must have been reflected in any communication to the hunted lover. 

But I can not trace the slightest tremor in the bold, firm handwriting of Sarah Cur- 
ran's letters to Robert Emmet, nor do their lucid and sprightly phraseology betray any 
mental perturbation. Obviously she was proud of her lover as the head of a plot to 
establish an Irish Republic. But did she realize the perils which menaced her now that 
the plot had failed, and that death was the penalty he must pay should he fall into the 
hands of the outraged law? She seems to have regarded conspiracy as something like 
the childish game of hide-and-seek. What fun it was! And the romance of it! Fancy 
Dublin in a terrible commotion, the yeomanry hunting everywhere for Robert, she know- 
ing where he was hiding and in possession of all his secrets! In these letters there are 
no gloomy anticipations as to the end of it all — an ignominious death for one, and a few 
years of broken-hearted existence for the other. Poor girl! This apparent unconcern may 
have been all pretence. What appears to us as the unseemly gaiety, the ill-timed witti- 
cisms of the letters, may have been but the effort of a distracted mind to hide its own 
grief, and give encouragement and hope to a banned and harassed lover. Anyway, Sarah 
Curran was soon to be brought into agonizing collision with the grim realities of the 
situation. Soon the sinister figure of Major Sirr was to appear in her very bedroom at 
the Priory to arrest her, and search for compromising papers to help to send her lover 
to the gallows. Then it was that the winsome and light-hearted girl was heavily smitten 
with anguish and despair to the very unhingement of her mind. 

In the Home Office Papers there is a document which further shows the dreadful 
anxiety of Emmet for the safety of Sarah Curran before the examination. It was written 
for the Castle by Dr. Trevor, who resided in Kilmainham Gaol in the dual capacity of 
physician and assistant governor. Referring to Emmet, it says : 

"When he came up for examination on Tuesday last he expressed very considerable 
anxiety to prevent any proceedings being taken against a particular person, and that to 
protect that person he would sacrifice his own personal safety. He was told that no such 
sacrifice was desired, and that he was not required to furnish any evidence against him- 
self. But as he expressed such considerable anxiety for that person, it was suggested to 
him to consider how far his notions of honour, as he explained them, would permit him 
to make such communications to Government respecting the late Insurrection, further 
depots of arms, ammunition, etc., etc., as might justify the Government in acting towards 
that person with the delicacy he required. So far the Government may be induced to go 
upon receiving information equivalent to the indulgence; but it never entertained any 
idea of receiving any information from Mr. Emmet which could extend to protect him. 
or any of the persons engaged with him, further than that particular person." 

That harassing state of mind from which Emmet was suffering was increased rather 
than appeased by the examination. After pondering over the situation for a few days 
he sent the following letter to the Chief Secretary, in which he deals with the suggestion 
that had been made to him that, following the example of some of the leaders of the 
United Irishmen — his brother, Thomas Addis Emmet, among them — he should make a 
disclosure of the conspiracy: 

Sept. 3, 1803. 

"Sir: — I have heard of you as an honorable man, and as such I commit myself to you 
without reserve. I have weighed well the proposal that was made to me when I was 
before the Privy Council. I know how much I owe to one whose peace of mind I have 
already too deeply injured, but every way that I turn I find obstacles almost insurmount- 

Attempt to Bribe Turnkey 

able. Between the case that was held out to me and the present I can find no parallel. 
What was done then was neither done by one, nor for one, nor to spare their own 
personal feelings, nor to obtain an object of a private nature, totally unconnected with 
the public act that was done. Give me the same advantages. Let me have free com- 
munication with some friends; let the lives of others be spared; let the documents affect- 
ing another person be suppressed, and I will try how far in my conscience, and accord- 
ing to my notions of duty, I ought to go. But I will stand my trial, for I will not pur- 
chase my own safety. If this proposal can be agreed to I request that the gentleman I 
mentioned may be permitted to wait on me. 

"I have the honour to be your very obedient humble servant, 

"(Signed) R. Emmet. 

"Right Honourable William Wickham." 

Emmet was told, in reply to this letter, that the Executive would consider any state- 
ment he might desire to make; but they refused to bind themselves by any conditions 
respecting it. 

McDonagh gives an account of an attempt made for Robert Emmet's 
escape from Kilmainham gaol before his trial, through the assistance of St. 
John Mason, who was a fellow-prisoner, but at sufficient liberty to seek the 
opportunity to bribe one of the turnkeys. 

Acting on the suggestion of Emmet, that a substantial bribe might induce George 
Dunn, the turnkey in attendance on the political prisoners, to aid his flight from Kil- 
mainham, Mason offered Dunn five hundred pounds for his assistance and an additional 
500 pounds should Emmet escape. What happened is best told by extracts from docu- 
ments in the Viceroy's Post Bag. Here is the report of the transaction which George 
Dunn drew up for Dr. Trevor, and which the latter forwarded to the Chief Secretary: 

"Conceiving it my duty to prevent if possible the execution of such a plan and that 
the best mode of doing so was not to immediately reject his proposal (by which I would 
be precluded from all further information) I told him I would consider upon what he 
mentioned. I immediately informed you thereof, and received your directions how I 
should act, in consequence of which I had another interview with Mr. Mason and said 
I would endeavour to comply with the request, upon which he gave me a note to deliver 
to Mr. Emmet, which I gave to you, and which you since informed me you handed to 
Mr. Secretary Wickham. Mr. Mason then proposed (with which I seemed to comply) 
that I should procure the key from Mr. Dunn* while at dinner and let Mr. Emmet escape, 
and to inform him (Mr. Emmet) thereof, that he might take such steps as he thought 
necessary, which I accordingly did, and Mr. Emmet gave me a note to Mr. Mason to 
procure clothes for the purpose of disguise, which note I showed by your directions to 
Mr. Dunn the keeper. I afterward delivered it to Mr. Mason who informed me that — 
would be with him the following day, and procure what was desired. In two days after 
Mr. Mason gave me several things to carry to Mr. Emmet which I immediately showed 
to you, and then delivered them except some articles which you mentioned to me were 
improper to be conveyed to him." 

Emmet's note to St. John Mason, a copy of which was sent to the Chief Secretary, 
is as follows : 

"Ask G.' at what time Mr. D.t dines, and if he leaves anyone at the door then. Though 
if might be a little early, yet as he is longer away then than at any other time, it would 
better enable us all to go out, and with the change of dress would not be noticed. If it 

•John Dunn, the Governor of Kilmainham. 
+George Dunn, the turnkey, 
jjohn Dunn, the Governor. 


Caught in the Trap 

can not be done, then G. must watch the first opportunity after dinner that Mr. D. goes 
down to the house, and let me out immediately. I will be ready at the moment. Don't 
let him wait till the guards are doubled, if he can avoid it, but if he can not do it before 
let me be on the watch then, as D. will probably go to give them instructions when placing 
them in the yards, as he did last night. 

"I am anxious not to defer it till to-morrow, as I heard the officers who came the 
rounds consulting with him about placing the sentries for better security, and think I 
heard them mention me in the hall. D. also came in at one o'clock last night, under pre- 
tence that he thought he heard me calling. If it is delayed till to-morrow it must be done 
at dinner-time. If sentries are placed in the hall by day the only way will be, whenever 
D. goes down let G. whistle God save the King in the passage, and I will immediately 
ask to go to the necessary, and will change my clothes there instantly ; but in this case G. 
must previously convey them there. Send for a pair of spectacles (No. 5 fits my sight), 
which will facilitate the disguise. After I am gone G. must convey the clothes I wore 

On the day of the night on which the flight from prison was to be attempted, George 
Dunn informed St. John Mason that the affair was hopeless, as the Governor, whose 
suspicions had been aroused, had removed his quarters to the side of the gaol in which 
the State prisoners were confined. 

The first overture was made to George Dunn on September 5, when Emmet's con- 
ditions for a disclosure of the conspiracy were rejected by the Executive. 

On September 7, Emmet was told of the futility of any attempt at escape. On the 
following night he wrote a letter to Sarah Curran, and entrusted its delivery to George 
Dunn, whose treachery neither he nor St. John Mason had yet reason to suspect. The 
letter, within an hour, was in the hands of the Chief Secretary at the Castle. It revealed 
to the Executive the information which they were most anxious to obtain — the identity 
of the writer of the remarkable letters found on the person of Emmet when arrested. 
Thus by an act of simple trustfulness, by a curious lapse of caution and discretion — 
due, no doubt, to his overpowering desire for news of his sweetheart— Emmet brought 
on himself the most crushing of all the disasters that fell heavy on him during his brief 
career as a conspirator. The letter, which is openly addressed to Miss Sarah Curran, 
is as follows: 

"My Dearest Love : — 

"I don't know how to write to you. I never felt so oppressed in my life as at the 
cruel injury I have done to you. I was seized and searched with a pistol over me before 
I could destroy your letters. They have been compared with those found before. I was 
threatened with having them brought forward against me in Court. I offered to plead 
guilty if they would suppress them. This was refused. Information (without mention- 
ing names) was required. I refused, but offered since if I would be permitted to consult 
others and that they would consent to enter into any accommodation of that nature to 
save the lives of those condemned, that I would only require for my part of it to have 
those letters suppressed, and that I would stand my trial. It has been refused. My 
love, can you forgive me? 

"I wanted to know whether anything had been done respecting the person who wrote 
the letters, for I feared you might have been arrested. They refused to tell me for a long 
time. At length when I said that it was but fair if they expected that I should enter 
into any accommodation that I should know for what I was to do it, they then asked me 
whether bringing you into the room to me would answer my purpose, upon which I got 
up and told them that it might answer theirs better. I was sure you were arrested, and 
I could not stand the idea of seeing you in that situation. When I found, however, that 
this was not the case, I began to think that they only meant to alarm me; but their re- 
fusal has only come this moment and my fears are renewed. Not that they can do any- 
thing to you even if they would be base enough to attempt it, for they can have no proof 

The Priory Searched 


who wrote them, nor did I let your name escape me once, nor even acknowledge that 
they were written directly to myself. But I fear they may suspect from the style, and 
from the hair for they took the stock from me, and that they may think of bringing you 

"I have written to your father to come to me to-morrow. Had you not better speak 
to himself to-night? 

"Destroy my letters, that there may be nothing against yourself and deny having any 
knowledge of me further than seeing me once or twice. For God's sake write to me by 
the bearer one line to tell me how you are in spirits. I have no anxiety, no care, about 
myself; but I am terribly oppressed about you. My dearest love, I would with joy lay 
down my life, but ought I to do more? Do not be alarmed, they may try to frighten you, 
but they can not do more. God bless you my dearest love. 

"I must send this off at once; I have written it in the dark. My dearest Sarah, for- 
give me."* 

The next morning, September 9th, Major Sirr and a party of Yeomanry appeared 
at the Priory, Rathfarnham, with warrants to search the house for papers, and arrest 
Sarah Curran. Sirr also bore the following letter addressed to Philpot Curran by the 
Chief Secretary : 

"Dublin Castle, 

"Sept. 8th. 1803. 

"Sir : — 

"It is with extreme regret that I find myself under the necessity of informing you that 
the Lord Lieutenant is obliged to direct that a search should be made in your house for 
papers connected with the late treasonable conspiracy. The Lord Lieutenant is persuaded 
that they have been concealed there without your knowledge, but it is not the less neces- 
sary that the search should be made with the utmost exactness. 

"As the circumstances which lead to this investigation particularly affect Miss Sarah 
Curran, it will be necessary that she should be immediately examined, and if it would 
be less distressing to you that examination should take place at your own house in town 
rather than at the Castle, his Excellency will give directions to that effect, in which case 
you will have the goodness to bring Miss Curran there without delay, and inform me as 
soon as you shall arrive."* 

What happened at the Priory is thus graphically described by Chief Secretary Wick- 
ham in a letter to the Home Secretary: 


"Dublin Castle, 

"9 Sept., 1803. 

"My Dear Sir: — 

"The writer of the letter found in Mr. Emmet's pocket is discovered. She proves to 
be Mr. Curran's youngest daughter. This discovery has given rise to some very un- 
pleasant and distressing scenes. It became indispensably necessary to search the apart- 
ment of the lady for papers. She resided at her father's house in the country near Rath- 
farnham, within a short distance of Butterfield Lane. Major Sirr was sent down there 
this morning with a letter addressed to Mr. Curran, of which I send a copy inclosed. 
Unfortunately, Mr. Curran was not at home, and still more unfortunately the young lady 
was not up, tho' the rest of the family (two other daughters and a son) were assembled 
at breakfast, so that the Major entered the room where she was still in bed. This cir- 
cumstance occasioned a scene of great confusion and distress, and was also productive 
of some inconvenience, for whilst the Major and the other daughter were giving assist- 
ance to Mr. Emmet's correspondent — who was thrown into violent convulsions — the eldest 

•Home Office Papers. 


Curran's Anger 

Miss Curran continued to destroy some papers, the few scraps of which that were saved 
are in Mr. Emmet's handwriting. 

I have the satisfaction to add that Mr. Curran is satisfied that Government has acted 
throughout with great personal delicacy towards him, and that on his part he has acted 
fairly towards Government, and that he was unquestionably ignorant of the connection 
between his daughter and Mr. Emmet. 

The Lord Lieutenant particularly requests that Miss Curran's name may not be 
mentioned. It is difficult that it should be long concealed, but it is desirable that it should 
not be first mentioned by any member of Government in either country. 

The Attorney-General, who has had the kindness to go himself to Mr. Curran's house 
at Rathfarnham, gives the most melancholy and affecting account of the state in which he 
left the whole family.* 

On Curran's return to his house that September 9, 1803, he learned for the first time 
of the relations between his daughter and Emmet, and of the implication of his daughter 
in the conspiracy. He was overwhelmed by the news. His anger against Sarah was 
intense. This great lawyer, this orator with the tongue of fire, this wit, from whose 
recorded sallies the lapse of a century has not evaporated the spirit of laughter, was, 
with all his genius, a mean-souled creature. His conduct, as disclosed by the Hardwicke 
Correspondence, was most despicable. It was not for his daughter, suffering from the 
cruellest pangs that can lacerate the ardent heart of a young girl in love, that he was 
concerned. He was fearful lest his prospects of promotion to the Bench might be im- 
perilled. He hastened in a mad rage to the Castle, saw the Attorney-General — Standish 
O'Grady — vituperated Emmet, denounced his daughter, tendered his person and his 
papers to the Government, to abide any inquiry they might deem it expedient to direct. 
Accordingly, he appeared before the Privy Council, and, after examination, was dis- 
missed without a stain on his mean and contemptible character. 

The Lord Lieutenant — a kindly, generous man, as his correspondence shows — 
decided that no action was to be taken against Miss Curran. The poor girl for a time 
lost her reason, and could not in any circumstances have been removed to prison. The 
Home Secretary, writing to his Excellency from Whitehall, September 16th, 1803, says: 

"Your delicacy and management with regard to the Curran family is highly ap- 
plauded. The King is particularly pleased with it. It is a sad affair. Mademoiselle 
seems a true pupil of Mary Woollstonecraft." 

The King's own comment in a note to the Lord Lieutenant is : "Emmet's corres- 
pondence with the daughter of Mr. Curran is certainly curious". 

Poor Emmet ! He was indeed sorely stricken by the discovery of his sweetheart's 
association with him in his dreams and ambitions, his projects and efforts for the over- 
throw of the British power in Ireland. He appealed fervently to the authorities for the 
destruction of the papers. 

He offered to plead guilty to the charge of high treason and to walk to the gallows 
without a word — giving up his right to address the court from the dock and the people 
from the scaffold — if, in return, Miss Curran and her family were spared the annoyance 
and the grief from the public disclosure of these documents. 

Madden writes in this connection : 

Who thinks of the heroic young man of 1803 ; who talks of the child of the heart 
of Ireland ; who loves and cherishes the memory of the youth "who perished in his pride 
on the scaffold," and who merged its ignominy in "the magnanimity" of his bearing; to 
use the language employed by the representative of the Sovereign in bearing testimony 
to the nobleness of mind which suggested one of the latest of his acts, who mourns over 
his fate, and while reminded of his errors, separates his motives from them, and traces 

•Home Office Papers. 

Emmet's Chivalry 


to their source the calamities of his grace and the misfortunes of his country; who reads 
the story of Robert Emmet, and does not recall the story of Sarah Curran, and all that 
is sad as well as beautiful associated with it? 

After recounting their story along much the same lines as the preceding 
he continues : 

A man of Emmet's character, who loved the name of honour more than he feared 
death, and in his sentiments with respect to the destiny and the noble qualities of women, 
was true and loyal in his chivalry as ever knight of old ; whose purity of life and morals, 
inflexibility of principles and purpose, have never been denied ; whose mind, moreover, 
was highly cultivated, stored not only with the ancient glories of Grecian and Roman 
erudition, but with the lighter graces of modern literature, was unlikely to fix his 
affections lightly and where once fixed, his passion was not destined to consume itself, 
while it had the recollection of the love of such a being as Sarah Curran to subsist on. 
The sentiments and conduct of Robert Emmet were in perfect conformity, in respect to 
the claim of woman to man's highest respect — nay, in his opinion, to a sort of reverential 
deference, for qualities which he considered preserved more, or at least exhibited oftener 
traces of their exalted origin than were manifest in those of the other sex. 

Insurrection has been one of the favorite measures of that man [Pitt] f he has tried it in 
France; he has attempted it in Holland; and he effected it in Ireland . . . . 
While I detest your principles and deprecate your measures, 1 admire your abilities 
. . . . Why has not your reason detected the fallacy of your crooked policy. 

Miss Emmet. 

Never did a martyr <with more lovely grace part from a <world un<worthy to possess him. 


Chapter XIII 

An episode in the life of Robert Emmet now for the first time made public — His 
mother sent by the Government with a proposal for his immediate release and pardon 
on certain conditions now unknown, but which he, with great indignation, refuses to ac- 
cept — His mother fully concurs in his decision — The effort results in her sudden death 
about a week before the execution. 

E are now to consider an episode in Robert Emmet's life 
which has been unknown to the world, and which is now 
for the first time explained. When, in 1881, the writer 
visited Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham, the daughter of Robert 
Holmes, and a niece of Thomas Addis and Robert 
Emmet, he learned from her that Robert Emmet's mother 
had been allowed to see him, bearing some proposition 
from the Government by which he could obtain his pardon 
if he accepted its terms. She presented the writer with a 
volume of her poems published in 1833, containing one written in relation to 
this incident. The poem did not impress him at the time with the importance 
of its subject, and it was forgotten during an interval of some twenty-five 
years or more, until the preparation for writing this work was begun. 

With his additional knowledge of Robert Emmet's situation previous to his 
trial, he is able to offer an explanation, the necessity for which was not appre- 
ciated by those who may hitherto have known of the circumstances. The first 
question which presents itself is, why did Dr. Madden not mention this visit, 
when it has been supposed Emmet was subjected to the most relentless im- 
prisonment, and that not one had been allowed to see him but M'Nally, the 
informer, his lawyer, and, on the morning of his execution, a clergyman? 

The probabilities are that Madden never heard of the circumstance. He 
was intimate with John Patten and obtained from him an extended knowledge 
of the domestic life of the Emmet family while Patten was an inmate of the 
household. But after the death of Dr. Robert Emmet, the old intimate relation 
seems to have ceased, as he lived apart, and was probably engrossed with the 
cares of a young family, while he was not in prison. After Mr. Holmes' mar- 
riage to Miss Emmet he became an inmate of the family, as Patten had been, 
and, after the death of Dr. Emmet, essentially the head of the house, but the 
relation between him and Patten was not a close one. After the death of Mrs. 
Holmes, the nature of her husband, it is said, was entirely changed, and he 


Mrs. Emmet s Interview with Her Son 


remained so to his death, living, as it were, within himself. He was never 
known voluntarily to make the slightest reference to his early life, and when 
forced to do so, it was always with the evidence of the deepest feeling; it is, 
therefore, probable that he would never have communicated to Patten any 
knowledge he possessed, nor is it likely that Madden ever sought to obtain any. 
Thomas Addis Emmet, being in France for several years, without regular 
communication with Ireland, and with little after he settled in New York, 
it is equally probable that he never heard of this interview between Robert 
Emmet and his mother. 

Since it was known to Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham, she must have received a 
knowledge of the details from her father, Mr. Holmes, else she could not have 
written such a graphic poem. It is certain that her mother was present at the 
interview or she would never have known of it through her father, as Mrs. 
Holmes died shortly after Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham was born. 

As soon as it was known to the authorities that "Mr. Ellis" was really 
Robert Emmet, his mother made application to see her son in prison, and the 
request was refused. A few days later she was approached by an agent of the 
Government, who offered her permission to see her son, provided she was 
the bearer of an offer affording him a free pardon, on condition that he com- 
plied with its terms. Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham seemed to have forgotten the 
details and terms of the visit ; she mentioned only the fact that Mrs. Emmet 
saw her son shortly before her death and just before his execution. The poem 
makes it evident that Mrs. Emmet was thus bribed to become the bearer of a 
proposition to her son, which her proud spirit would have resented under any 
other circumstances, had she not been overcome with the yearning of a mother 
to bid farewell to a favorite son, before he was sentenced to a fate she knew 
was inevitable. 

The terms of the Government are now unknown, but in all probability 
Emmet was to reveal the names of his associates. In her indignation, Mrs. 
Emmet would not be likely to mention these terms, and they were doubtless of a 
nature of which the Government would have made no record. When Castle- 
reagh was informed of Robert Emmet's arrest, after the passing of several 
weeks in hiding, he expressed the hope that Emmet would make his escape 
from the country. 

It is well known that the authorities were greatly perplexed as to the most 
advisable course to follow in Robert Emmet's case, after they had been obliged, 
for appearance' sake, to offer a large reward for his arrest, which prevented 
him from taking the necessary means to flee. The Government wished to 
escape the odium which was felt to be inevitable on putting to death a man like 
Robert Emmet, who had the full sympathy of so large a number. Moreover, 
it is well known that for several days after he had been indicted the Govern- 
ment hesitated to bring him to trial, as the proof was insufficient to insure his 
conviction, unless resort was had to perjured evidence. It is worthy of note, 
as a remarkable circumstance, that no Irishman came forward to testify against 
Robert Emmet. Even those who beyond question had been employed to be- 

134 Government's Terms Rejected 

tray him, did not carry out their bond with the Government, until obliged to 
do so to save their own lives. This was generally the case, as the Government 
at first ignored all show of justice, and at once put to death every Irishman 
who came within their power. 

In Robert Emmet's case it is clear that the Government, in order to be re- 
lieved of censure, made use of his mother to communicate the proposition to 
her son, making this course the only terms on which she could see him, hoping 
that through her influence he would accept a pardon on any terms to escape 
death, and the Government by this means would secure credit for its merciful 

Robert Emmet rejected with scorn and indignation the terms of immediate 
freedom offered by the Government. The mother, who was to suffer most, 
not only fully concurred in her son's decision, but she prompted him ; and the 
daughter, Mrs. Holmes, who on account of her mother's feeble condition, must 
have accompanied her, was in every detail as patriotic. It is not probable that 
Robert Emmet hesitated for a moment as to his course when called upon to 
name his associates. But the strength of the noble and heroic mother was 
spent, for she could no longer bear the burden she had sustained in the loss of 
her devoted husband, in addition to the fate she knew awaited her last-born, 
the object from his infancy of her proudest aspirations. The poor woman re- 
turned to her now desolate home with a broken heart, to die. 

Family tradition is silent as to all details relating to the time of her visit, 
the terms offered by the Government, and the time of her death, beyond the 
fact that it was a sudden one. She certainly died in the early part of Septem- 
ber, within a week or ten days before the execution, while the authorities were 
in doubt as to the course they should follow. On his refusal to accept the 
terms of the Government, Robert Emmet was immediately indicted, and a 
day appointed for his trial. 

Mrs. Emmet's granddaughter, Mrs. Lenox-Conyngham, when a young 
woman, with a knowledge of the details as to the interview with Robert 
Emmet, wrote the following poem, which is as remarkable a production in its 
merit as the one entitled "Weep Not for the Dead", also from her pen : 

The Patriot and His Mother 

There was a prison, where a noble heart 

Was languishing, as many such have done, 
For the pure blessings Nature can impart, 

In every ray that streameth from the sun, — 
On every blossom bursting on the trees, — 
Ay! in each spider's thread that floats along the breeze. 

To the clear spirit which perceives aright, 

These things are types of heaven-born Liberty ; 

And teach, that He who did create the light, 
The flower, the insect, made them to be free 

For use and for enjoyment. Is it meet 

That God's free works with man's oppression be replete? 

Verses on Their Interview 


This captive was a youthful patriot who 

Had fought and failed; to life he had been bound 

By ties of love and happiness ; but true 

To that soul-summons, which awakes no sound 

Unless it strikes a rightly tempered breast, 

He rose in Freedom's cause, and left to God the rest. 

They deemed that his example might have sway 
O'er many; and they urged him to submit 

To stern necessity, and coldly lay 

His country's rights aside ; and calmly sit, 

In splendid ignominy, down ; and school 

Himself and his compatriots to their master's rule. 

Pardon, yea! honours, did they promise him; 

And sent his widowed mother whose pale cheek 
Was yet more blanched, — whose eye had grown more dim 

With weeping for his sake — whose limbs were weak 
For want of her heart's staff — to tempt him now, 
Beneath a gilded yoke his neck in shame to bow. 

Who may describe the meeting of that pair? 

Hope had been at their parting; she was fled, 
And Disappointment, kindred to Despair, 

Was in her place. 'Twas long ere either said 
A word; the mother was the first who broke 
The silence, and her mission faithfully she spoke. 

She spoke — and, with anxiety intense, 

She watched the workings of that well-known face 
Which never had she seen stained with a sense 

Of what might bear the semblance of disgrace. 
Now, with indignant scorn she saw it dyed 
Until she ceased, — and then, the insulted youth replied : 

"Alas! my mother! has affliction turned 

Thy lofty mind astray? There was a time 

When from thy sight and love thou would'st have spurned 
The son who had but thought on such a crime. 

From thee I learned, that in a patriot's death, 

There lay no sting ; mine be a patriot's dying breath ! 

"Return to those who sent thee hither ; tell 

Them who, perverting Nature's holiest laws, 

Would have the parent bribe the child to sell 

His conscience for his life — his country's cause 

For her oppressor's favour — that thy son 

Will never see thee for aught that he hath done." 

She clasped her hands and cried, "I thank thee, God ! 

My glorious son ! they bid me come and try 
To lure thee from thy path of virtue — trod 

Since childhood ; now thy doom is but to die, 
As thou hast lived, with honour. We shall be 
Together, in yon Heaven of perfect liberty" ! 


His Last Prayer 

They met but once again — and that was where 

Men part to meet no more on Earth. He made 

His last, as he had made his earliest prayer, 
Beside his mother; then his head he laid 

Upon the block in peaceful trust ; before 

The stroke had fallen on him — her sufferings were o'er. 

May the tempests of winter that sweep o'er thy tomb, 

Disturb not a slumber so sacred as thine; 
May the breezes of summer that breathe of perfume, 

Waft their balmiest de<ws to so hallowed a shrine. 








About thirty individuals, principally Lords, possess the power of returning a majority in 
the House of Commons, and even two-thirds of the representation are engrossed by 
less than one hundred persons. 

T. A. Emmet. 

Chapter XIV 

Letter to "The Times," signed "B. W." regarding attempt to bribe Dunn — St. John 
Mason's letter to "The Times," signed "Verax" — Copy of Viceroy's despatch concerning 
arrest and imprisonment of St. J. Mason in 1803 — Circumstances connected with 
Mason's part in Rising — Letter found on him, purporting to be from a woman in Lon- 
don, attributed to Emmet — Veiled meaning — Refers to offer to Dunn for escape of Em- 
met — Speaks of Emmet's trial and display of magnanimity — Also of Emmet's intention 
to acquit Government of remissness in not detecting conspiracy — Copy of examination of 
magistrate regarding Mason's arrest — Copy of original note in handwriting of Mason 
regarding Emmet's projected escape. 

HE following letter appeared in the London "Times". 

To the Editor of "The Times". — Sir: — The London newspap- 
ers which arrived here on Monday contained the following article : 
"Extract of a letter from Dublin, 27th November. — Mr. G. 
Dunn, the governor of Kilmainham prison, Dublin, for the last 
forty years, expired on Thursday, leaving a numerous family be- 
hind him. When Emmet was under his charge for high treason, 
an immense sum of money, by way of bribe, with an offer of a free 
passage to America, was made him, if he allowed his prisoner to 
go free; but the honesty of Mr. Dunn spurned the bribe." 
Mr. George Dunn, the person above-mentioned, had not been the governor of 
Kilmainham prison, Dublin, for the last forty years. The rest, about Robert Emmet, 
is pure invention. The facts which suggested this posthumous praise of George 
Dunn are these : 

Robert Emmet was taken from the bar of the Court-house, Green Street, Dublin, 
to the prison of Newgate, at (if I remember rightly) about nine o'clock at night, 
of the — of October, 1803, after having been sentenced to death. Immediately on his 
entrance within the walls of the prison, the then governor (Gregg) either from 
precaution, excess of zeal, or stimulated by a brutal disposition, loaded him with 
irons, and, I believe, placed him in a cell. At half-past twelve o'clock, however, an 
order arrived from the Secretary of State (the late Mr. Wickham) that the prisoner 
be removed to Kilmainham gaol, ostensibly to bring him nearer to the intended 
place of execution, Thomas Street, but in reality for safe-keeping.* 

The governor of Kilmainham prison on that day was a person named John 
Dunn, uncle of him mentioned in the above extract, who was then only a turnkey. 
Dunn, the governor, was a man apparently rough and savage, but at bottom humane 
and kind. Robert Emmet had scarcely been committed to his custody, when his 

*The Court House, was in the rear of Newgate prison, in the same building around a hollow square, 
of which the Court House formed one side facing on Green Street. Under the Court House were a 
number of dark and damp dungeons as part of Newgate, the entrance of which was directly back and 
opened into the dock where Robert Emmet stood throughout the day of his trial. 



The Truth Concerning Dunn 

eyes fell upon the fetters with which the prisoner (a slight young man) was loaded. 
The tears burst from his eyes for he saw that the irons had cut through the silk 
stockings worn by Emmet and to the bone — his ancles were bathed in blood. 

Dunn's kindness did not stop here. He ordered refreshments for his ill-fated, 
but deeply interesting charge, of which he stood much in need, after a trial of eleven 
hours, during the whole of which time he stood, and not having from an early hour 
in the morning that preceded it tasted food. He ordered him to be placed in one of 
the best rooms in the prison, and directed that every comfort he desired should be 
supplied him, and continued his kindness up to the moment when the prisoner, 
thanking him for his humanity, left the prison for the scaffold. 

We do not wish to refer to certain incidents in the after life of George Dunn, now 
so indiscreetly brought before the public. 

The alleged offer of a bribe to that or any other person to connive at the 
prisoner's escape, is obviously an untruth. In the first place, Emmet was removed 
unexpectedly and after midnight from Newgate to the custody of Dunn the elder, 
and brought out for execution only ten hours afterwards. (Justice was promptly 
executed in those days.) No time remained, therefore, for tampering with the 
gaoler after the fact of the prisoner's removal to Kilmainham could have become 
known to his friends; and, in reality, the nearest friends and connections of Robert 
Emmet (Mr. Holmes, the barrister, Mr. Patten, and others) capable of making that 
effort were themselves inmates of Kilmainham gaol, or confined elsewhere, on sus- 
picion of guilty knowledge of the conspiracy which burst forth into insurrection on 
the 23rd of July previously. . . . 

I have the honour to be, Sir, &c, B. W. 

The following is a letter which St. John Mason, under the signature of 
"Verax", published in "The Times", February, 1842. 

Bath, 12th February, 1842. 

To the Editor of "The Times". — Sir: — The writer of this letter begs leave to 
state, that in several recent numbers of "The Times", certain extracts from Dublin news- 
papers have been inserted, concerning the unfortunate Robert Emmet and the late George 
Dunn, gaoler of Kilmainham, to the following effect : 

That when Robert Emmet was under the charge of Mr. Dunn for high treason, 
"an immense sum of money, by way of bribe, with an offer of a free passage to 
America, was made him, if he allowed his prisoner to go free; but the honesty of 
Mr. Dunn spurned the bribe". 

Those extracts having so appeared in "The Times", and being substantially per- 
versions of facts, it is respectfully submitted that, in fairness, the truth should be 
spread commensurately with the misstatement; and that it should likewise go forth 
to the public through the same great organ of intelligence and its vast circulation, 
whereby that misstatement had been already so widely diffused. 

The matter of present consideration is the conduct of George Dunn, as to the 
attempted escape of Robert Emmet, in relation to which manifold have been the 
laudations squandered upon the memory of Dunn. The following is the truth: 

A proposition was unquestionably made to George Dunn and a certain sum of 
money, a bribe, no doubt, was offered for his aid and instrumentality towards effect- 
ing the escape of Robert Emmet. But, contrary to the statements in the news- 
papers, that proposition and that bribe was not so spurned by Dunn. The proposi- 
tion was entertained, a positive assurance given by him that he would "do everything 
in his power to effect the escape". There is no individual living, nor has there ever 
been any other, save Dunn himself, who had personally known, or who at present 
knows those facts, but he who now states them, and who freely admits, as he has 

Mason's Letter 


always admitted, that he did make that proposition. No third person was ever 
present, no money was ever paid to Dunn, and no offer was ever made of a free 
passage to America. But, in fact, throughout the transaction, Dunn, so far from 
acting with integrity, practised the foulest perfidy. The transaction itself occurred, 
not after the trial of Emmet, but several days before it; and Dunn had neither the 
power nor the means of accomplishing the escape, though he had given reason to 
suppose that he possessed both, and had, with the semblance of sincerity, faithfully 
promised, if possible, to effect it. He was, in fact, at the time, neither the gaoler 
of Kilmainham nor even the confidential turnkey at the entrance gate — he was merely 
the turnkey and attendant of the interior department where the state prisoners were 
confined. But even if he had been the gaoler he could not have effected the escape; 
for there was another person, since dead, who, in the guise, and under the "covert 
and convenient seeming" of a doctor, had a paramount authority in the prison — a 
man who appeared there as the inspector (or rather the haunting spectre) of the 
gaol — an incubus sojourning therein day and night, about sixteen hours out of the 
twenty-four, and who, also acting as the Government overseer or superintendent of 
the state prisoners, commanded even the gaoler. 

The gaoler at that time was John Dunn, and though a namesake, was not the 
uncle of, nor in any way related to George Dunn; the former having been a native 
of a midland county in England, the latter of Berwick-upon-Tweed. On the death 
of John Dunn, two persons named Stephenson and Simpson successively filled the 
gaolership previously to George Dunn. He could not, therefore, as gaoler, have had 
the custody of Robert Emmet, and could not consequently have had the ability 
ascribed to him of effecting the escape; and in his own station such was impossible, 
though his inability was not then so well known as afterward. 

But properly to understand this question, which is actually one of official intrigue 
and speculation, it is requisite in regard to the machinations which in conjunction 
with others Dunn practised on the attempted escape of Robert Emmet, again to 
refer to the personage already alluded to as the superintendent of the state prisoners, 
and who was at that period well known as the celebrated Pedro Zendono, the in- 
quisitor of Kilmainham. 

Of this man's inhuman conduct towards the state prisoners the writer had bitter 
knowledge and experience for more than two years, which brutal conduct has, 
before three of the supreme judges, been verified by the solemn oaths of more than 
twenty state prisoners, and afterwards, by the exertions of this writer, became the 
subject of parliamentary investigation by Sheridan. And the deeds of this prison 
tyrant, together with those of his helpmate Dunn, are now among the records of 

This individual, to whom Downshire had the honour of giving birth, having be- 
come enamoured of a handsome female, certain circumstances made it desirable 
that the young woman should speedily become a wife, and he accordingly bestowed 
her upon his brother soldier, George Dunn, then a pedestrian campaigner in a 
militia regiment — with the condition, however, that the lover and the husband of 
this spotless wife should alike participate in her favours; and also with the further 
stipulation that the lover should, on the first occasion which offered, obtain a post 
for the husband in the gaol of Kilmainham, and if possible have him in time advanced 
to the gaolership. 

Those little interchangeable acts of friendship having continued during the life 
of the happy lady, both without and within the prison — where the bower of bliss 
was the sheriff's execution room — George Dunn accordingly became the turnkey of 
the state prisoners, and in fulness of time the gaoler of Kilmainham. 

At the period of the present transaction George Dunn, though only a turnkey, 
was from his position in the prison admitted to the honours of the sittings with the 
grand inquisitor and the nominal gaoler, John Dunn, who, though otherwise a good 


Dunn's Perfidy 

man, then weakly lent himself to the machinations of the other parties. Accordingly 
about one week before the trial of Robert Emmet, it was planned that George Dunn 
should have a conversation with him respecting his escape. Whereupon several 
communications by open slips of paper, in the handwriting of Robert Emmet, were 
conveyed to this writer, and answers returned by an under turnkey, a convicted felon, 
whom the inquisitor craftily used as the bearer instead of Dunn; in one of which 
slips of paper Robert Emmet requested this writer, then in an adjoining cell, to apply 
to George Dunn, specifically naming him, and in conspicuous characters, and to offer 
him a certain sum of money, as stated in such a slip of paper if he [Dunn] would 
effect his liberation, the sum so offered to be well and faithfully secured to Dunn 
and payable only when the liberation should have been effected. 

The writer of this paper saw the peril and difficulty not only of the attempt 
itself on the part of Robert Emmet, but he also saw his own peril in making the 
application. He saw that he was about to commit himself as a principal in a case of 
high treason, the consequences of which were not and could not be unknown to him 
However, upon receiving that particular communication, he did not for a single 
moment hesitate as to what he should do; and the very first opportunity which 
offered he made the application. 

In doing so he admits his legal guilt, but as to any moral guilt he feels but little 
compunction. His only regret is that he failed in the attempt. What were his 

Robert Emmet was his first cousin and the ties of nature are not easily broken 
He had a great and noble heart. He shared with the rest of his family those trans- 
cendent talents which have acquired for the name of Emmet an imperishable renown. 
But ; above all, he was then upon the threshold of the grave — the finger of death was 
almost upon him; where lives the man having a human heart within him who would 
not under such circumstances have made a similar attempt? If the writer of this 
was a criminal it is fully proved that he was equally so with Hutchinson and Wilson. 

However, Dunn received the proposition including the specification of the sum 
which would be given in a way which showed, as soon after proved, that he had 
been previously trained by his employer to expect it. He entertained that propo- 
sition, and he treacherously promised to effect the escape. 

The sum of money which had been actually offered to Dunn is, in the Dublin 
extracts, magnified into that of £6,000, as a strengthening proof of his incorruptible 
integrity. But if only one-fourth of that sum had been stated it would have come 
nearer to the truth. However, the mere amount is not the question — the treachery 
of Dunn is the point; and except as regards that, the refusal or non-refusal of any 
sum is altogether immaterial. He was to receive his reward only upon the condition 
of accomplishing a particular object — and that object, he well knew, was impracti- 
cable; so that even if he had refused the bribe (which he did not), where would have 
been his merit? He would then have refused a reward which he knew that he never 
could obtain, except by the performance of a condition which he also knew that he 
never could accomplish. 

But in promotion of the plans concerted by the triumvirate, the inquisitor, know- 
ing the relationship between Robert Emmet and this writer, permitted a degree 
of intercourse to exist between them. He permitted the correspondence already 
stated. He permitted Robert Emmet to receive from this writer, through Dunn, a 
supply of clothes, which were in fact those that he wore upon his trial. He also 
permitted him, under the conduct of Dunn, to stop in the passage leading to this 
writer's cell, which was purposely in the immediate neighbourhood of his kinsman" 
and with the eye and ear of Dunn vigilantly watching he permitted Robert Emmet 
to converse from the passage and to shake hands with the writer through the gate 
window of this cell. And all this was done, not from any congenial kindness of the 
inquisitor, but as a snare, not only for discovering whether any allusion would be 

Emmet's Greatness 


made to the insurrection, as showing the privity thereto of this writer, but also to 
provoke in the presence of Dunn some proposition as to the escape which they could 
wrest into a proof of a conspiracy and plot between the prisoners, which their own 
previous conspiracy had laboured to effect. In furtherance of their schemes, the cor- 
respondence which by slips of paper was perfidiously permitted to pass between the 
two prisoners, through the convict turnkey, was, in every stage, daily waylaid and 
conveyed by the overseer, to Mr. Chief Secretary Wickham and Alexander Marsden, 
the Under Secretary. 

And without referring to other proofs, thereof, that correspondence was after- 
wards, in their defence, by them presented through the Castle to the House of 
Commons, and printed in its proceedings. 

The cravings of the Cerberi were soon after fully satisfied by that sort of pabu- 
lum which they sought for their safekeeping of the prison-gates. For the overseer, 
according to parliamentary documents, swore before the three judges who sat in 
the prison upon the commission obtained from Government by this writer, that he 
(the overseer) had prevailed upon the Government to increase the salary of George 
Dunn, on account of his fidelity in preventing this writer from effecting the escape 
of Robert Emmet. Thus did those conspirators take advantage of their own wrong 
for purposes of pecuniary fraud and personal aggrandizement. And as to the over- 
seer, he, by means of the present transaction and other acts equally base, and like- 
wise by a long course of prison peculation, from having been an obscure and needy 
adventurer, became a man of wealth. 

But as to George Dunn's conduct in this transaction, it is plain that he was not 
the man of probity, the incorruptible servant of justice which the newspaper 
extracts report him to have been; but, on the contrary, that he was a confederate 
leagued with the other parties for inveigling Robert Emmet and this present writer 
into a perilous conspiracy; and, with the blackest perfidy ) that he was all along 
plotting and working for his own aggrandizement, and that of his unprincipled em- 
ployer — of that base individual who was the prime instigator of the transaction, the 
pivot upon which the machinery moved — that salaried and sycophantic peculator, 
who, as the chief inquisitor of the prison, conspired with and delegated his Mosca, 
his familiar, to decoy his victims into a snare, in promotion of his own infamous 
objects; and that on this occasion George Dunn was merely his working instrument 
— the rope in the hands of the hangman. 

One word more, and in conclusion, concerning the insurrection in which poor 
Robert Emmet was involved, and also concerning himself. That insurrection must 
indeed be viewed only with absolute and unqualified condemnation. But as to Robert 
Emmet individually, it will surely be admitted that even in the midst of error he 
was great, in principle untainted, in courage dauntless. And when upon trial, with 
the grave already open to receive him, that the burst of eloquence with which he 
shook the very court wherein he stood, and caused not alone "that viper whom his 
father nourished" to quail beneath the lash, but likewise forced even that "remnant 
of humanity", one of those who tried him, to tremble on the judgment-seat, was, 
under all the circumstances, an effort almost superhuman — a prodigy; not only when 
he hurled upon them that withering defiance and memorable castigation, but also 
when he advocated the grounds upon which he had acted, exhibiting altogether a 
concentration of moral integrity, talents, and intrepidity unparalleled in the annals 
of the world. 


The following is a copy of the despatch from His Grace, the Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, containing the case of Mr. St. John Mason : 


Causes of Mason's Arrest 

Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, 2nd June, 1812. 

Dublin Castle, 1st Dec, 1811. 

Dear Sir : — 

Having been directed to furnish such information as I could collect relative to 
the causes of arrest and imprisonment of St. John Mason in 1803, and for some time 
after I proceeded to investigate the case with all the diligence in my power, but I 
found few original papers on the subject, no official project or memorandum, and 
even the information collected by inquiry has been in many parts very vague and 
unsatisfactory. Nor can this appear surprising when it is recollected that he was 
arrested during the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and while the country 
was in a state of insurrection and that since his arrest a period of eight years has 
elapsed — that in that time there have been seven chief-secretaries, three under-secre- 
taries, and three attorney-generals; that notwithstanding changes of administration, 
and former complaints and inquiries as to his treatment in prison, Mr. Mason has 
now for the first time desired a scrutiny into the causes of his arrest and detention 
(at least to my knowledge) whereby that part of the subject has been forgot. The 
case, as far as I have been able to discover it, was this : 

St. John Mason was first cousin to Robert Emmet; his trial is in print, and the 
reading of it might be no bad preparation for any gentleman who wished to under- 
stand the state of Dublin at that time, and the views and feelings of Government; 
Emmet's concern in the insurrection of 23rd July, 1803, appeared by the papers 
which on that night were found in the rebel depot in Mass-lane and sent to the 
Castle, some of which were proved on his trial; so far the Government was fully 
informed; but what the extent of their information in other respects was, it is 
perhaps impossible now to discover; we must endeavour to ascertain the facts, and 
suppose them to have been known at the time. 

For some months previous to the insurrection Emmet had lived in or near 
Dublin, occupied chiefly in preparations for that event. At the time of the insurrec- 
tion, and for some time before, but how long does not appear, St. John Mason, the 
first cousin and intimate friend of Emmet resided at Sea Point, a genteel boarding 
house, about four miles from the city, to which Emmet probably had made frequent 
visits, though this does not appear; I cannot find any evidence of any intercourse 
having taken place between them during this time ; but it seems natural, that in the 
alarm, doubts and suspense, which followed the 23rd of July, it should have been 
at least strongly suspected that such intercourse had existed. Mason certainly took 
no part in the murders in Thomas Street; the insurrection in that quarter took place 
about nine o'clock in the evening, at which time he was in a large company at the 

house of a very respectable gentleman who resided about miles from town, and 

from Sea Point. Even this, however, did not tend to exempt him from all 

suspicion as it was generally said that the company were surprised at his not 
coming till eight o'clock (though a dinner party) and at his arriving there, not 
from Sea Point but from town. On that night Mason lay at Sea Point, on the next 
or the following night he lay at an hotel in James' Street, almost adjoining the 
spot where the insurrection had broken out; and from thence proceeded by various 
modes of travelling as far as Nenagh, that being the direct way to Kerry, where 
Mason's connections lay; there he was arrested (it does not appear on what day) 

by , a magistrate of the county, in consequence, as he states, of an order for 

that purpose from the then Under-Secretary. In Mason's letter-case were found 
some letters, particularly one directed to him, concerning which he expressed con- 
siderable anxiety, saying that it was from a female in London. 

This letter the magistrate read and forwarded with the rest and the prisoner to 
the Castle. 

It cannot be found, but the magistrate's account of it is, that it purported to 

Magistrate's Testimony 


be from a woman, but was expressed as if it had some covered meaning; mentioned 
a longing till her nails should grow so long as to tear the flesh and draw blood, and 
in more than one place expressed a wish to draw blood. On the whole, the mag- 
istrate states his opinion to have been at the time that the letter was written by 

Mr. Mason was transmitted to Dublin, where, on the 9th of August, he was, under 
the Chief Secretary's warrant, committed to Kilmainham. 

In the latter end of August Robert Emmet was taken and committed to the 
same prison. 

George Dunn, an Englishman, formerly one of the under-keepers, and a confi- 
dential attendant on the state prisoners, and now the chief-keeper of Kilmainham, 
swears that about the 5th of September (being at that time one of the under- 
keepers), he was applied to by Mr. St. John Mason to procure the escape of Emmet, 
then also a prisoner in Kilmainham gaol, for which he promised him the sum of 
five hundred pounds. 

Then follows the statement already given as made by Dunn. 

Emmet was tried on the 19th, and executed on the 20th of September. After his trial, 
he wrote a letter to Mr. Wickham, then Chief Secretary, evidently not with any hope of 
pardon or respite, but apparently dictated by a sense of justice, and by that sentiment of 
magnanimity with which, whatever his crimes may have been, he certainly conducted him- 
self on that solemn occasion. In that letter he declared that it had been his intention, 
not only to have acknowledged the delicacy with which he had been personally treated, 
but to have done the most public justice to the mildness of the then administration of this 
country, and "at the same time to have acquitted them, as far as rested with him, of any 
charge of remissness in not having previously detected a conspiracy which, from its 
closeness, he knew it was impossible to have done. 

That Emmet (on certain references he had made to a person cognizant of his plans) 
had Mason then in his thoughts cannot be proved ; but it can scarcely be supposed that he 
would have unnecessarily used such language if he had been satisfied of the innocence of 
so near a relative, confined, to his knowledge, in the same prison. 

(Signed) J. S. Townsend. 


26TH SEPTEMBER, 1811. 

Arrested Mr. St. John Mason in 1803, in consequence of a letter from this office, 
from Mr. Marsden, as witness thinks, and thinks he showed Mason the letter; brought 

to him by a yeoman of the name of . Found Mason in an inn at Nenagh, and took 

him ; he appeared at first very much frightened. He searched him ; found nothing on 
his person nor in his desk or lettercase, which he opened, but wished much to get one 
particular letter which he said was from a girl in London. Witness desired to see it, 
and on reading thought it a sort of disguise; probably from Emmet, written in too 
ambiguous a manner; kept no copy. It purported to be from a woman and one of the 
expressions was a longing till her nails should grow so long as to tear flesh and draw 
blood and repeated several times, "Oh ! how I long to draw blood". Witness sent it to 
the Castle with the rest, and observed on it in his letter; read none of the others, but 
sent the whole sealed up. He returned witness thanks for his kind treatment in the 
morning, having passed the night in custody. 

Witness asked if he could account why he had been taken up ; he said he had been 
quizzing some ladies at Sea Point with politics, and supposed they had reported him; 
he said he had lain in a hotel in James's-street a night or two after the 23rd of July, and 
had traveled in various ways to Nenagh. 
Witness knows he was at Sea Point on the night of 23d of July, 1803. 


"You Must Go Alone " 

He was civil to witness, but, as he had heard, quarreled with every person in whose 
custody he was after. In some time after — told witness that a man from Kerry had in- 
formed him that the people there were ready to rise but for the arrest of their colonel 

by witness. 

Witness had a relation of his own name who held a place in the revenue in Kerry, and 
wrote to witness to get him removed, as he expected to be murdered for his name, on ac- 
count of witness having arrested Mason. 



You must relinquish every idea of not going alone, or nothing can be done. I see 
no reason why G. [George Dunn] should go; on the contrary, consider it would be most 
imprudent and impolitic, and the delay of discovery may be for an hour even by his stay- 
ing. I have a friend at Booterstown who will be here to-morrow. If he can I know he 
will procure a blue coat that will do ; but it cannot be brought here. Surely you would 
be less liable to discovery by being alone wherever you went for two nights. The only 
possible reason you can have for not having G. stay is on account of R. and A. In short, 
give up that idea, or the whole will be impracticable. G. will be safe by remaining (not 
so if he goes). It may be unpleasant to him at first, but he has nothing to do but to per- 
sist in his negligence, and brave it. 

You must go singly; consider the clue to discovery in G. A. R. and E. — wife of one, 
connection of another, and so on, etc. Prepare therefore to go alone. 

You say if you could all be safe for two nights ; suppose I grant all but the "if." But 
I say the difficulty of concealment, even afterwards, would be tenfold for each person. 
Once more I conjure you not to think of it. 

September, 1803. 

At this point in the official report prepared for Parliament is given the 
letter (see Chapter XII) written by Robert Emmet to St. John Mason, which 
Dunn did not deliver, as he promised, but did so to the authorities, together 
with an account of his version as to an attempt made to bribe him. His report 
was addressed to Dr. Trevor, and Dr. Madden had it published for the first 
time. It also appears at a more recent date in "The Viceroy's Post Bag", with 
another letter written by Robert Emmet, September 20th, on the day of his 
execution, to William Wickham, the Irish Secretary, which will be given in 
Chapter XXII. 

The brand of religious discord <was thrown by the hand of the English Prime Minister. 
The popular Lord Fitzmilliam tvas recalled, and Lord Camden sent in his place, 
charged tuith the mission of fomenting religious discord. 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh. 

Remember Orr. 

Dr. Drennan. 

Irishmen of every denomination must no<w stand or fait together. 

William Orr. 

Chapter XV 

Meeting of Special Commission and Jury — Robert Emmet indicted on evidence 
secured and ordered for trial same day for high treason — Curran refuses Emmet's re- 
quest to act as his counsel — His letter to Emmet suggesting suppression of circum- 
stances relating to his family — Government relieved through trap for Emmet's escape — 
Reference to State Papers obtained by author — Among them original warrant for pay- 
ment of reward .to betrayer of Emmet's place of concealment — A copy of the "Devil's 
Brief" — Surmise why procedure arranged in Brief not followed — Madden shows Sirr 
had 61 men trained as false witnesses — Called "Battalion of Testimony" — Names of per- 
jurers on Emmet's trial never published — Leonard M'Nally, confidential adviser of 
United Irishmen and invariably employed in their defence — When sentence of death is 
passed on Emmet, M'Nally embraces him and kisses his cheek — Secret Service money 
expenditure papers show that M'Nally received £1,000 ($5,000) and had Secret Service 
pension to end of his life — Fitzpatrick tells of M'Nally's end — O'Grady only examines 
witnesses to prove Emmet was "the Origin, the Life and Soul of the Rebellion" — None 
others required — Plunket's violent philippic against Emmet — Wishes to reinstate himself 
in Government's favor — Result reverse of anticipation — MacDonagh's criticism of trial 
of Emmet — Curran, Plunket and M'Nally, a trio who debased themselves for preferment 
and pelf — Impossible to establish exact form of Emmet's trial — First record in legal form 
on Sept. 21, day after the execution, published in Dublin "Hibernian Journal" — Facsimile 
reproduction of report — Several reports taken, but all submitted to Castle censorship — 
Many versions since published — Indicted September 15 — Indictment never heretofore given 
in entirety, now given in full according to Mr. Ridgeway's report. 

ON. MR. JUSTICE DOWNES, the Hon. Mr. Justice 
Finucane and the Hon. Mr. Baron Daly met at the Ses- 
sions House in Green Street, on the 24th day of August, 
1803, when the following Grand Jury were sworn : 

Abr. B. King, Foreman 
Arthur Stanley 
Nathaniel Craven 
Hans Blackwood 
Joshua Pounderi 
Arthur Guinness 
George Carleton, Jun. 
W. Colville, Jun. 

Mark Magrath 
William Sparrow 
Jos. Holmes 
Richd. Spear 
Godwin Pilsworth 
Mark Bloxham 
John Hone 
Joseph Ashley 

Wm. Walsh 
James Hamilton 
John Oldham 
Richard Wilson 
Wm. Leer 
Francis Hamilton 
Roger Horner, Esq. 

On the evidence gained by this special Commission and Jury, Robert 
Emmet was indicted on August 24th and ordered for trial on the charge of 
high treason. 

2 145 


Curran Declines to Act 

Robert Emmet had asked John Philpot Curran to take charge of his de- 
fence, which he declined to do in the following letter : 

Sept. 10, 1803. 

Sir : 

From the circumstances which you must suppose have come to my knowledge, you 
could not have been surprised at my intimation this morning to your agent, that I could 
not act as your Counsel. I write this merely to suggest to you that if those circum- 
stances be not brought forward by the Crown, which from their humanity I hope will 
be suppressed, it cannot be of any advantage to you to disclose them to your agent or 

(Signed) J. P. Curran. 

Robert Emmet, Esq. 

By the report of the Irish Secretary it has been shown that the Govern- 
ment's position was an embarrassing one in not being able to prove by Robert 
Emmet's handwriting his connection with the Provisional Government's 
Proclamation and other papers. Through Dunn, the turnkey, a trap was laid 
by which Dunn was to be offered a bribe for effecting Robert Emmet's escape 
from Kilmainham. Unfortunately, Emmet fell into the trap by writing a 
letter to St. John Mason and one to Miss Curran, which gave the Government 
authorities all the evidence needed. Otherwise the Government would have 
had to depend on a packed jury and the "Devil's Brief", which had been pre- 

Some years ago the author obtained, as has been stated, several papers 
which must have been at some time in the Irish Government archives, and a 
portion of the State papers which Burke had sealed up, and which are of the 
greatest historical value in relation to the arrest and trial of Robert Emmet. 

One of these is the original warrant for the reward due the betrayer of 
Mr. Emmet's place of concealment. This will be reproduced and referred to 
hereafter. Another of these papers is of more importance, as it is believed 
to be what was then termed in Ireland "the Devil's Brief", an instrument of 
injustice long in vogue in that unhappy country, and one from which many 
an innocent man has suffered. Up to within a recent period it was not an un- 
common thing in Ireland to use this procedure for the conviction of any person 
whom the authorities felt disposed to get rid of. Unfortunately, there has 
been no time in Ireland, for some hundreds of years past, when the British 
Government could not prove anything desired, and against any one, by a set 
of hirelings of alien descent, who though perhaps born in Ireland, never pos- 
sessed anything else in common with their place of birth. 

The following is the text of the "Devil's Brief". The portions which, on 
after thought, were stricken out, will be shown in the facsimile: 

Proofs for the Trial of Robert Emmet, in the Order 
Which Seems to Me Most Adviseable. 

Rawlins To prove his having said that he was come from Brussels. 

Pyrell The Lease of Butterfield & Dowdall's signature to it 

Frayne Possession given, his living and establishment there, and how 

long he remained there. 


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lit CI f l l^^T*<^£f • t . 


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"The Devil's Brief" 





Col. Vassall 

Aldr. Darley 

Lindsay private 
Michael Chas. Frayne 

M r . Robinson 
M". Bagnell 

Mrs. Palmer 

Seeing Emmet in the Inn Yard & Depot & his conduct there. 
Seeing Emmet in the Depot and what passed there to the taking 
out of the Beam in the evening. 


That the people at first assembling were ignorant how they were 
to be armed, and how they were led to the Depot and armed 

N. B. — This confirms Fleming. — Wilson can prove most 
of the same facts. 
The fighting with the Troops. 

The Large Proclamation. 
The Small Proclamation. 
Some papers found in the Depot. 
To prove other papers found in the Depot. 
The Desk, Trunk, French Shirt, removal of the Desk, and papers 
serj. found in it. 

Emmet's appearance in the Mountains, and the manner and cir- 
cumstances of it. 
If necessary, that Doyle told him the same story at the time. 
That the Party in Green Uniforms came to her House and their 
conduct there. 

Emmet's first coming to her House in January or February under 
a feigned name & his stay and conduct there; his second 
coming in July with all the circumstances of it. 
Joseph Palmer Many of the same matters if necessary, & that by Emmet's de- 

sire he did not put his Name on the door. 
Major Sirr The manner and circumstances of his arrest & the papers found. 

M r . Patten His Handwriting to the several papers above proved and to his 

Letter from Amsterdam if necessary. 

N. B. — It may become necessary from Fleming's Ex- 
amination to prove the time of the Explosion in Patrick 
Street; if so, Wilson will prove it. 
Endorsed — Arrangement of evidence for Emmet's trial. 

On securing from Dunn Emmet's letter to Miss Curran the Government 
was able to prove that the Proclamation purporting to have been issued by 
the Irish Provisional Government was in Robert Emmet's handwriting, but 
when the officials were informed by M'Nally that the prisoner would make 
no defence, they changed their plans and pursued a course which did not 
correspond with that outlined in the brief. 

It is not improbable that Robert Emmet himself determined on following 
this course, but when decided, M'Nally, to maintain his influence, was obliged 
not only to acquiesce, but even to advocate it. By some fortunate cir- 
cumstance this brief prepared for his trial on false or no evidence was not 
destroyed, but filed away with the other papers connected with the prosecu- 
tion. It was prepared, beyond question, before the trial, when Emmet's hand- 
writing could not be proved ; a procedure which was then considered a legiti- 
mate one by the authorities, and when a conviction was desirable and the jury 
could be packed with a knowledge of the peculiar circumstances in this case, 
the suspicion becomes a conviction that this document is a "Devil's Brief", 


"Judas" M'Nally 

and that the "arrangement of evidence for Emmet's trial" was gotten up 
without evidence and even before his arrest. This is based on the belief that 
by the order of the English Minister, Pitt, the police were the chief directors 
in the "Emmet insurrection". The required testimony, therefore, was, under 
the circumstances, not difficult to obtain at any time by drilling before the 
"trial" a sufficient number from the "Battalion of Testimony",* and it was 
easy to determine beforehand that "Wilson will prove it". 

The document has been given in facsimile, on account of its great his- 
torical interest in connection with the trial of Robert Emmet, and the reader 
can compare the evidence given in the brief with the account of the trial in 
the newspapers, one of which has been reproduced ; or more particularly with 
the official account of the trial as published by the Government and given in 
this work, as a whole, for the first time. 

Robert Emmet was tried for high treason on September 19th, 1803, in 
the old Green Street Court House, where for many generations past all 
"political offenders" tried in Dublin have had their quota of injustice meted 
out to them. With the exception of the introduction of the gas-fixtures and 
the clock over the dock in which Robert Emmet stood throughout his trial, no 
change has been made in the appearance of the room since that time. The 
position of the judge is not shown in the representation of the room. The 
witness was placed in the chair shown between the judge's bench and the dock, 
while the jury occupied a small gallery on each side of the bench, a small 
portion of the one to the left being shown in the illustration close to the gas- 

It is a well-known fact that Robert Emmet made no defence by the examina- 
tion of witnesses, and this, it was thought, was done in accordance with the 
advice of his supposed friend and counsel, "Judas" M'Nally. who we know 
had long been a spy in the pay of the British Government. 

Leonard M'Nally had been the confidential adviser of the United Irishmen, 
and he was almost invariably the counsel for their defence. It is, however, 
clearly shown by the "Cornwallis Correspondence" and other authorities that 
this man was throughout in the pay of the then existing Tory Government, 
and that he regularly betrayed to the prosecution, from day to day, the secrets 
confided to him by his clients. When the sentence of death was passed upon 
Robert Emmet, M'Nally threw his arms about his neck and kissed his cheek 

*Dr. Madden, in the first volume of "The Lives of the United Irishmen," second edition, page 485, 
gives a document furnished by a correspondent to the "Dublin Press" in 1798, in which it is shown 
that Maior Sirr had at that time no less than sixty-one men in his employ who could turn their hands 
to any crime or dirtv work at his bidding. Dr. Madden writes: "It appears by the statement of this 
correspondent, that the members of this battalion of testimony were regularly drilled by Major Sirr and 
an officer of the name of Fox, and instructed in the art of swearing, deposing, and their other business 
of informers and fabricators of information." 

A certain number of these wretches seem to have been attached, with quarters furnished at every 
police center. They became experts with the use of the "pitch cap" and every species of torture. 

When a Government official was about to "present." not infrequently, an innocent man, and it was 
thought advisable that the "friends of the Government" should not appear too prominent in furnishing 
evidence of the prisoner's guilt, these "loyal men" then proved most expert in "preparing witnesses" 
from the prisoners, who became at length willing to swear to anything that they might escape additional 
torture and preserve their lives. 

The names of all those who bore false witness at the bidding of the representatives of the English 
Government in Ireland have never been published, but at least four of those who testified on Robt. 
Emmet's trial against the prisoner were on Major Sirr's staff, and beyond question M'Nally, his counsel, 
who was also in the pay of the British Government, would have accepted any testimony. 

An Ignoble Trio 


with apparent sympathy, and yet it is now known, from the Secret Service 
Money Expenditures which have been published, that on that day M'Nally was 
secretly paid one thousand pounds by the British Government, and that he 
was in the receipt of a secret pension until his death in 1820. 
MacDonagh writes (The Viceroy's Post Bag, p. 397) : 

It is ever thus in the record of Irish conspiracy — the vilest treachery walks hand 
in hand with the noblest heroism. Surely, in the black records of human baseness 
there is no viler name than that of "Leonard MacNally, the incorruptible". 

Fitzpatrick (Secret Service Under Pitt, page 208), makes the statement: 

Catholics may care to know, though they will hardly attach much importance 
to the accession, that Leonard M'Nally, "after life's fitful fever", sank into the bosom 
of Rome. Father Smith of Townsend Street Chapel, on February 13th, 1820, gave 
him the last rites. This priest, having got word that the Counsellor wished to see 
him, went to his house in Harcourt Street, where Mrs. M'Nally informed him that 
her husband was then asleep, and must not be disturbed. M'Nally's son, who hap- 
pened to be coming downstairs at the moment reproved his stepmother for the 
indisposition she evinced to admit the clergyman, adding: "Can't you let him go to 
the devil his own way?" and then conducted the priest to the sick man's room. 

Beyond O'Grady's supposedly necessary effort to show that Robert Emmet 
was "the origin, the life and the soul of the Rebellion", no witnesses were 
examined. Therefore, it was entirely a gratuitous act on the part of Mr. 
Plunket to have seized the opportunity for uttering a violent philippic against 
the prisoner. As he had lost caste with the Government in consequence of his 
opposition to the Act of the Union, he hoped by this exhibition of patriotism 
to be placed again in the line of preferment. Although it is said he made 
a masterly effort, the effect was the reverse of what he had anticipated. It 
created a feeling of contempt for his course, even with many of those who 
were in sympathy with the Government. 

The criticism of Mr. Michael MacDonagh on this trial (omitting all re- 
ference to Norbury), is as follows: 

Nevertheless, the trial of Emmet casts a black shadow over the otherwise bril- 
liant lustre of the Irish Bar. The end of the eighteenth century and the opening 
of the nineteenth is regarded as its most illustrious period. Surely, it is also its 
most infamous! In its ranks at that time were men of imperishable renown, and 
pitiable creatures, self-seeking and base. John Philpot Curran, cruel to his daughter 
because he thought her relations with Emmet would spoil his chance of promotion 
to the bench. William Conyngham Plunket, atoning for his opposition to the 
Union by gratuitously libelling Emmet in a speech to the jury. Leonard M'Nally, 
betraying to the Government the compromising statements of his trustful and 
unsuspecting client. Each debased himself for preferment and pelf. What an 
ignoble trio? Truly, in Green Street Court House, Dublin, on that September 19th, 
1803, honour, purity of motive, self-sacrifice, heroism, were to be found only in the 

It is now impossible to establish what was the exact form of Emmet's 

The first report in legal form appeared September 21st, 1803, on the day 


Points of the Indictment 

after his execution, in the "The Hibernian Journal or Chronicle of Liberty", 
published in Dublin. Of this report the reader will be able to judge, as the 
newspaper has been reproduced in facsimile. The minutes of the trial were 
taken by several individuals, but before anything was published the manu- 
script had to be submitted to the authorities at the Castle, functionaries never 
known to make the slightest claim to truth or accuracy when a change was 
thought advisable. Since the first version was issued to the public, friend 
and foe have published it with omissions, owing to lack of space, and of late 
years nothing has been printed which contains it in its entirety, as it is now 
found in this book. One of the most common omissions was to print only a 
portion of the Grand Jury indictment, or to omit the whole, as if it formed 
no part of the trial. With Robert Emmet's speech it would be impossible to 
make any approach to the original utterance, but for the forethought of those 
who were almost cotemporary and hence able to consult those who were 
present at its delivery. 

The writer has accepted as his model the report by William Ridgeway, a 
barrister of Dublin. This was issued without date, as "A Report of the Trial 
of Robert Emmet, upon an Indictment for High Treason". This report was 
probably the first issued in book form and has always been accepted as the 
most reliable. As it contains portions which have been omitted 'from other 
reports,' it has been selected for reproduction from the beginning to the end. 

On Wednesday the 15th he was arraigned on the following indictment: 

Robert Emmet, late of Thomas-street, in the city and county of Dublin, Esq., being a 
subject of our said Lord the now King, not having the fear of God in. his heart, nor 
weighing the duty of his allegiance, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of 
the Devil, as a false traitor against our said Lord the now King, his supreme, true, law- 
ful and undoubted Lord, the cordial love and true and due obedience which every true 
and dutiful subject of our said sovereign Lord the King, towards him our said Lord the 
King should bear, wholly withdrawing and contriving and intending the peace and com- 
mon tranquillity of this Kingdom to disquiet, molest, and disturb, and the Government 
and Constitution of this reaim to change, subvert, and alter, and our said Lord the 
King from the Royal state, title, honour, power, Imperial Crown and Government of this 
kingdom to depose and deprive, and our said Lord the present King to death and final 
destruction to bring and put, he the said Robert Emmet, on the 23d day of July, in the 
forty-third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, at Thomas-street aforesaid in the 
city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, with force and arms, falsely, wickedly, 
and traitorously, did compass, imagine and intend, our said Lord the King, then and there, 
his supreme, true and lawful Lord, of and from the Royal state, crown, title, power and 
government of this realm to depose and wholly deprive, and our said Lord the King to 
kill and bring and put to death. And that to fulfil, perfect and bring to effect his most 
evil and wicked treason, and treasonable imaginations and compassings aforesaid, He, 
the said Robert Emmet as such false traitor as aforesaid, on the said twenty-third day 
of July, in the forty-third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, at Thomas-street 
aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, with force and arms 
falsely, maliciously and traitorously did meet, consult, combine, conspire, confederate 
and agree to and with divers other false traitors whose names are to the Jurors aforesaid 

The Jurors for our Lord the King, upon their 
oath present, that 

Proclamation of the Provisional Government 1 5 1 

unknown, to raise, levy and make a public and cruel insurrection, rebellion and war 
against our said sovereign Lord the King, within this kingdom, and to procure great 
quantities of arms and ammunition, guns, swords, pistols, gunpowder and shot for the 
purpose of said rebellion, and to alter, subvert and overturn the Constitution of this 
kingdom, and the Government of our said Lord the King, of and in this Realm. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the said forty- 
third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms, at Thomas-street, 
aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet 
as such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecutions of his treason and treasonable 
purposes aforesaid, falsely, maliciously and traitorously did procure great quantities of 
arms and ammunition, guns, swords, pistols, gunpowder and shot, and did then and there 
falsely, maliciously and traitorously make and prepare, and did cause and procure to be 
made and prepared a great number, to wit, 1000 pikes with intent that divers other false 
traitors, whose names are to the said Jurors unknown, should be armed with the said 
guns, swords, pistols and pikes, and being so armed should use the same, and the gun- 
powder, shot and ammunition aforesaid in and for the raising, making and carrying on 
insurrection, rebellion and war against our said Lord the King, and in and for the com- 
mitting and perpetrating a cruel slaughter of, and amongst the faithful subjects of our 
said Lord the King in this kingdom. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July in the said forty- 
third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms, at Thomas-street 
aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, 
as such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and treasonable 
purposes aforesaid, falsely, wickedly and traitorously did associate himself with and did 
become one of a certain society of persons, then and there formed and associated, under 
the name of the Provisional government, for the purpose of raising, levying and mak- 
ing public war against our said Lord the King, within this realm, and of altering, sub- 
verting and overturning the Constitution of this realm, and the Government of our said 
Lord the King, of and in this kingdom, the said Robert Emmet, then and there well know- 
ing the purpose for which the said Society was so formed and associated as aforesaid. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the forty-third 
year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms at Thomas-street 
aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, 
as such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and treasonable 
purposes aforesaid falsely, wickedly and traitorously did make, compose and write a 
certain proclamation, manifesto and declaration, purporting to be a proclamation, manifesto, 
and declaration of and by the said Provisional Government, and purporting among 
other things, that the said Provisional Government had determined to separate that part 
of this kingdom called Ireland, from that part of this kingdom called England and for 
the purpose to make, levy, and wage open and public war against our said Lord the King 
and his troops within this realm, with intent that the said proclamation, manifesto, and 
declaration should be published as and for the proclamation, manifesto and declaration 
of the said Provisional Government, and that it should be spread amongst the people of 
this kingdom, and should incite them to enter into and continue in rebellion and war 
against our said Lord the King. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July in the forty-third 
year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms at Thomas-street, in 
the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, as such false 
traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and treasonable purposes afore- 
said, falsely, wickedly and traitorously did make, compose and write a certain proclama- 
tion, manifesto, and declaration purporting to be a proclamation, manifesto, 
and declaration of and by divers persons to the jurors unknown then and 
there formed and associated together, under the name of the Provisional Government, 
and importing that the said persons so formed and associated had determined to separate 


Levying Public War 

that part of this kingdom called Ireland from that part of this kingdom called England, 
and for that purpose to raise, levy and wage public war against our said Lord the King 
within this kingdom, with intent that the said proclamation, manifesto and declaration 
should be published and for the proclamation, manifesto and declaration of the said 
persons so formed and associated, and that it should be spread amongst the people of this 
kingdom, and should unite them to enter into and continue in rebellion and war against 
our said Lord the King. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the said forty-third 
year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms at Thomas-street afore- 
said, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, as 
such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and treasonable 
purposes as aforesaid, falsely, wickedly and traitorously did keep and conceal and did cause 
and procure to be kept and concealed a certain proclamation, manifesto and declaration, 
purporting to be a proclamation, manifesto and declaration of, and by divers persons to 
the jurors unknown, then and there formed and associated together, under the name of 
the Provisional Government, and importing that the said persons so formed and associated 
had determined to separate that part of this kingdom called Ireland, from that part of 
this kingdom called England, and for that purpose to raise, levy and wage a public war 
against our said Lord the King within this kingdom, with intent that the said proclama- 
tion, manifesto and declaration should be published, as and for the proclamation, mani- 
festo and declaration of the said persons so formed and associated, and that it should 
be spread amongst the people of this kingdom, and should incite them to enter into and 
continue in rebellion and war against our said Lord the King. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the forty-third 
year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms at Thomas-street afore- 
said, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, as 
such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and treasonable pur- 
poses aforesaid, with a great multitude of persons, whose names are to the said jurors 
unknown, to wit, to the number of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed 
in a warlike manner, to wit, with guns, swords and pikes, being then and there unlawfully 
and traitorously assembled and gathered against our said Lord the King, falsely, wickedly 
and traitorously did prepare, levy, ordain and make public war against our said Lord the 
King, against the duty of the allegiance of him the said Robert Emmet, against the peace 
of our Lord the King, his crown and dignity, and contrary to the statute in such case 
made and provided. 

And the jurors aforesaid, upon their oath aforesaid, further present, that an open 
and public war, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the said forty-third year of the 
reign of our said Lord the King, and long before and ever since, hitherto by land and 
by sea, was and yet is carried on and prosecuted by the persons exercising the powers of 
government in France, against our said Lord the King, and that the said Robert Emmet, 
a subject of our said Lord and King, well knowing the premises, not having the fear of 
God in his heart, nor weighing the duty of his allegiance, but being moved and seduced 
by the instigation of the devil, as a false traitor against our said Lord the King, his 
supreme, true, lawful and undoubted Lord, and contriving and with all his strength in- 
tending the peace and common tranquillity of this kingdom to disquiet, molest, and dis- 
turb, and the government of our said Lord the King, of this kingdom to change, subvert 
and alter, he the said Robert Emmet, during the war aforesaid, to wit, on the said twenty- 
third day of July, in the forty-third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, and on 
divers other days and times, as well before as after that day with force and arms, at 
Thomas-street aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, unlaw- 
fully and traitorously was adhering to and aiding and comforting the said persons exer- 
cising the powers of government in France, and then being enemies of our said Lord 
the King, as aforesaid ; and that in prosecution, performance, and execution of the said 
traitorous adhering of the said Robert Emmet, to the said persons exercising the powers of 

Inciting to Rebellion 


government in France, afterwards and during the continuance of the said war, to wit, on 
the said twenty-third day of July, in the said forty-third year of the reign of our said 
Lord the King, at Thomas-street aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin, 
he the said Robert Emmet, as such false traitor as aforesaid, with force and arms, falsely, 
maliciously and traitorously did meet, consult, combine, conspire, confederate and agree 
to and with divers other false traitors, whose names are to the jurors aforesaid unknown, 
to raise, levy and make a public and cruel insurrection, rebellion, and war against our said 
sovereign Lord the King, within this kingdom, and to alter, subvert, and overturn the 
constitution of this kingdom, and the government of our said Lord the King, of and in 
this realm. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said 23d day of July in the forty-third 
year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms, at Thomas-street 
aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, 
as such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and treasonable 
purposes last mentioned, falsely, maliciously, and traitorously did make and prepare and 
did cause and procure to be made and prepared a great number, to wit, 
one thousand pikes, with intent that divers other false traitors whose names are to the 
said Jurors unknown, should be armed with the said pikes, and being so armed, should 
use the same in and for the raising and carrying on insurrection, rebellion and war against 
our said Lord the King, and did then and there procure great quantities of arms and am- 
munition, guns, pistols, swords, pikes, gunpowder and shot, for the purpose of the 
said insurrection, rebellion and war. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the said forty- 
third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms, at Thomas- 
street aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert 
Emmet, as such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and 
treasonable purposes last mentioned, falsely, wickedly and traitorously, did associate 
himself with, and did become one of a certain society of persons, then and there formed 
and associated under the name of the Provisional Government for the purpose of raising, 
levying and making public war against our said Lord the King within this realm, and of 
altering, subverting, and overturning the constitution of this realm, and the govern- 
ment of our said Lord the King, of and in this Kingdom, the said Robert Emmet, then 
and there well knowing the purposes for which the said society was formed and associated 
as aforesaid. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the said forty- 
third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms, at Thomas- 
street aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert 
Emmet, as such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and 
treasonable purposes last mentioned, falsely, wickedly and traitorously did make, compose 
and write a certain proclamation, manifesto and declaration, purporting to be a proclama- 
tion of and by the said Provisional Government and purporting, amongst other things, 
that the said Provisional Government had determined to separate that part of this king- 
dom called Ireland, from that part of this kingdom called England, and for that purpose 
to make, levy and wage open and public war against our said Lord the King, and his 
troops, within this realm, with intent that the said proclamation, manifesto, and declara- 
tion should be published as and for the proclamation, manifesto, and declaration of the 
said Provisional Government and should be spread amongst the people of this kingdom, 
and should incite to enter into and continue in rebellion and war against our said Lord 
the King. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the said forty- 
third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms, at Thomas-street 
aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, 
as such false traitor as aforesaid, in further prosecution of his treason and treasonable 
purposes last mentioned, falsely, wickedly and traitorously did make, compose and write a 

Separation from England Projected 

certain proclamation, manifesto and declaration, purporting to be a proclamation, mani- 
festo and declaration of and by divers persons to the Jurors unknown, and then and 
there formed and associated together under the name of the Provisional Government, 
and importing that the same persons so formed and associated had determined to separate 
that part of this kingdom called Ireland, from that part of this kingdom called England, 
and for that purpose to raise, levy and wage a public war against our said Lord the King, 
within this kingdom, with intent that the said proclamation, manifesto and declaration 
should be published as and for the proclamation, manifesto and declaration of the said per- 
sons so formed and associated, and that it should be spread amongst the people of this 
kingdom, and should incite them to enter into and continue in rebellion and war against 
our said Lord the King. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the said 
forty-third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms at 
Thomas-street aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin aforesaid, the 
said Robert Emmet, as such false traitor aforesaid in further prosecution of his 
treason and treasonable purposes last mentioned, falsely, wickedly and traitorously 
did keep and conceal, and did cause and procure to be kept and concealed a certain 
proclamation, manifesto, and declaration, purporting to be a proclamation, mani- 
festo and declaration of and by divers persons to the Jurors unknown, then and 
there formed and associated together under the name of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, and .importing that the said persons so formed and associated had deter- 
mined to separate that part of this kingdom called Ireland from that part of this 
kingdom called England, and for that purpose to raise, levy, and wage a public 
war against our said Lord, the King, within this kingdom, with intent that the 
said proclamation, manifesto and declaration should be published as and for the 
proclamation, manifesto and declaration of the said persons so formed and asso- 
ciated, and that it should be spread amongst the people of this kingdom, and should 
incite them to enter into -and continue in rebellion- and war against our said Lord 
the King. 

And that afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty-third day of July, in the forty- 
third year of the reign of our said Lord, the King, with force and arms, at 
Thomas-street aforesaid, the said Robert Emmet, as such false traitor as aforesaid, in 
further prosecution of his treason and treasonable purposes last mentioned, with a great 
multitude of persons, whose names are to the said Jurors unknown, to wit, to the number 
of one hundred persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, to wit, 
with guns, swords and pikes, being then and there unlawfully and traitorously as- 
sembled and gathered against our said Lord the King, falsely, wickedly and trait- 
orously did prepare, levy, ordain and make public war against our said Lord the 
King, against the duty of the allegiance of him, the said Robert Emmet, against the 
peace of our said Lord the King, his crown and dignity, and contrary to the form 
of the statute in such case made and provided. 

And the Jurors of our said Lord the King, upon their oath do further 
present, that the said Robert Emmet being a subject of our Lord the now 
King, and not having the fear of God in his heart, nor weighing the duty of his 
allegiance, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of the Devil, and en- 
tirely withdrawing the love and true and due obedience which every subject of 
our said Lord the King, should and of right ought to bear towards our said Sovereign 
Lord the King, and wickedly devising and intending to disturb the peace and public 
tranquillity of this kingdom, on the twenty-third day of July, in the forty-third year 
of the reign of our said Lord the King, with force and arms at Thomas-street 
aforesaid, in the city and county of Dublin aforesaid, unlawfully, maliciously and 
traitorously did compass, imagine and intend to raise and levy war, insurrection and re- 
bellion gaainst our said Lord the King, within this kingdom ; and in order to fulfil and 
bring to effect the said traitorous compassing, imaginations and intentions of him the 

A Literary Curiosity 


said Robert Emmet, he, the said Robert Emmet, afterwards, to wit, on the said twenty- 
third day of July in the forty-third year of the reign of our said Lord the King, with 
force and arms at Thomas-street aforesaid, in the city and county of the city of Dublin 
aforesaid, with a great multitude of persons whose names are to the Jurors 
unknown, to a great number, to wit, to the number of one hundred persons 
and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, to wit, with swords, 
guns, and pikes, being then and there unlawfully and traitorously assembled and 
gathered together against our said Lord the now King, wickedly, maliciously and 
traitorously did ordain, prepare, levy and make public war against our said Lord 
the King, his supreme and undoubted Lord, contrary to the duty of the allegiance 
of him, the said Robert Emmet, against the peace of our said Lord the King, his 
crown, and dignity, and contrary to the form of the statute, in such case made and 

This legal instrument is certainly a literary curiosity, unnecessary from 
the standpoint of legal intricacy, but compiled for the sole purpose of im- 
pressing the public with the importance of the case, in the care of which noth- 
ing was overlooked or neglected. 

An' sure 'what does it matter 'what England promises? 
'way, as soon as it suits her, and she is able to? 

Won't she break her promise, any- 
James Hope. 

The outrages committed by the Orange yeomanry and militia 'were so monstrous that 
the brave Sir John Moore exclaimed: "If I <were an Irishman I 'would be a rebel." 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh. 

Chapter XVI 

Proceedings in Trial — Constitution of Court — Sits pursuant to adjournment Sept 
19, 1803 — Court formed — O'Grady, Attorney-General, opens indictment — Main points — 
Emmet's action aggravated by consideration of French Revolution — That Revolution not 
road to liberty — Indictment framed on Statute 25 of Edward III — Death of King not 
being immediately compassed, indictment presents certain overt acts disclosing "traitor- 
ous imagination" — Jury must decide existence of conspiracy and prisoner's participation 
therein — Congratulates Government on vigilance and firmness — Presents Emmet as head 
of rebellion — Dwells on his stay in France — Speaks of the Manifesto of Treason — Of his 
change of residence and name — Sees connection between King's Message in March, 1802, 
regarding expected rupture with France and establishment of depot in Patrick Street — 
Describes movements up to July 16, when explosion occurred — Overt acts tending to dis- 
place the King — Speaks of paper found in depot as product of a disturbed and infatuated 
mind — Derides Provisional Government, Emmet's threats against Castle, the uniforms and 
titles of himself and associates — Only mentions names that must necessarily appear upon 
particular indictment before Court and Jury — Ridicules force at disposal of Emmet, with 
halter swinging before rebel eyes after defeat — Throws doubts on Emmet's courage — 
Documents of various kinds found at Butterfield Lane — Tries to show Emmet tried to 
revive sectarian spirit by his address to Orangemen — Calls Jury's attention to military 
passages in writings — Describes Emmet's escape and movements after failure of rising 
and his return to Dublin City — Shows him throwing aside his uniform and in prison cell 
"trembling at every blast", with visits of friends his only consolation — His conversations 
with them — Scenes at Palmer house at time of arrest by Major Sirr — His despondency 
and doubt concerning a French invasion — Letter to the Government and differentiation 
between the English and Irish supporting it — Follows line along which these items lead 
and points out to Jury their duty under circumstances depicted. 

T this time juries were difficult to obtain unless packed by 
the regular hacks collected at the Castle for "Government 
purposes". Therefore, in so prominent a case as Robert 
Emmet's, it was thought advisable to attract as little pub- 
licity as possible, and to appoint a Special Commission to 
try him and his associates. 

Monday, September 19th, 1803. 

The Court sat pursuant to Adjournment. 

Judges present — Lord Norbury, Mr. Baron George, and Baron Daly. 

Robert Emmet, Esq., was put upon his trial. 

He had been brought into Court upon the 7th of this month, and then informed, that 
a Bill of Indictment for High Treason was found against him, and he was desired to 



Courtroom, Green Street, Dublin, where Robert Emmet was tried 

Attorney-General's Speech 

name his Counsel and Agent, which he did — but some alterations afterwards took place 
at his own desire, and the Counsel and Agent ultimately assigned, were Mr. Burrowes 
and Mr. MacNally, Counsel; and Mr. L. MacNally, Agent. 

Here follows the indictment as given in the preceding chapter. 

The Prisoner pleaded. Not Guilty — and being asked, was he ready for trial, said he 
would be ready on Monday; to which the Attorney-General consented and the Court 

Accordingly on this day Monday, 19th September, Mr. Emmet was put upon his trial. 

Judges present — Lord Norbury, Mr. Baron George, and Mr. Baron Daly. 

The following Jury was sworn, after twelve were set by on the part of the Crown — 
two were challenged by the Prisoner for cause, not having freeholds in the city — nor 
being freemen thereof, and nineteen challenged peremptorily : 

John Geale, W. G. Galway, 

John Dickson, Charles Harte, 

Robert Turbett, Benjamin Holmes, 

Daniel Kinahan, John Lloyd, 

Beaver Buchannan, Walter Locke, 

William Davis, Thomas Palmer. 

The Prisoner was given in charge. 

Mr. O'Grady opened the indictment. 

Mr. Attorney-General. 

My Lord, and Gentlemen of the Jury: 

It is my duty to state as concisely as I can, the nature of the charge, which has been 
preferred against the Prisoner at the bar; and also, Gentlemen, the nature of the evidence, 
which will be produced to substantiate that charge. It will require upon your part the most 
deliberate consideration : because it is not only the highest crime of which at all times 
the subject can be guilty; but it receives, if possible, additional aggravation, when we con- 
sider the state of Europe, and the lamentable consequences which revolution has already 
brought upon it. 

Perhaps at former periods some allowances might be made for the heated imagina- 
tions of enthusiasts ; perhaps an extravagant love of liberty might for a moment super- 
sede a rational understanding, and men might be induced, for want of sufficient experience 
or capacity, to look for that liberty in revolution. But sad experience has taught us, that 
modern revolution is not the road to liberty. It throws the mass of the people into 
agitation only to bring the worst and the most profligate to the surface. It originates 
in anarchy, proceeds in bloodshed, and ends in cruel and unrelenting despotism. 

Therefore, Gentlemen, the crime of which the Prisoner stands charged demands the 
most serious and deep investigation, because it is in its nature a crime of the blackest 
dye, and which under all existing circumstances does not admit of a momentary extenu- 

Gentlemen, the Prisoner stands indicted upon a very ancient statute — the 25th of 
Edward III — and the indictment is grounded upon three clauses. The first relates to com- 
passing and imagining the death of the king — the second to adhering to his enemies — 
and the third to compassing to levy war against him. The two latter, namely, that of 
adhering to the king's enemies, and that of compassing to levy war are so intelligible in 
themselves, that they do not require any observation upon them. But the first does 
admit of some technical consideration, and may require upon my part a short explanation. 

In the language of the law, compassing the death of the King does not mean or 

158 " Compassing the Death of the King" 

imply necessarily any immediate attack upon his person. But any conspiring, which has 
for its object an alteration of the laws, constitution and government of the country by 
force, uniformly leads to anarchy and general destruction, and finally tends to endanger 
the life of the King. — And, therefore, where that design is substantiated and manifested 
by overt acts, — whenever the party entertaining the design, uses any means to carry his 
traitorous intentions into execution, the crime of compassing and imagining the death of 
the King is complete. 

Accordingly, Gentlemen, this indictment particularly states several overt acts by which 
the prisoner disclosed the traitorous imagination of his heart. — And, Gentlemen, if it shall 
be necessary, those particular overt acts, and the applicability of the evidence which will 
be produced to support them, will be stated at large to you by the Court; and, therefore, 
it will not be necessary for me now to trespass upon the public time, by a minute exam- 
ination of them. — 

Gentlemen, having heard the charge against the prisoner, yoi» will naturally 
feel that your duty will require an investigation into two distinct points: First, 
"Whether there has, or has not existed, some traitorous conspiracy and rebellion 
for the purpose of altering the Law, the Constitution and the Government of the 
Country by force?" And Secondly, "Whether the prisoner has in any, and what de- 
gree participated in that conspiracy and rebellion?" 

Gentlemen, I was happy upon the opening of this Commission to have stated to 
the public, through the Jury, which I had the honour to address, that this rebellion, 
dark as it was in its object, and mischievous in its design, was in truth in point of 
numbers, contemptible in the extreme, and that it was prepared and put forward by 
those only who had been distinguished for their former treasons. — I am happy to 
state now, with more confidence, that during the investigation which has taken place 
here, what I then stated has turned out to be precisely the fact. — I then also con- 
gratulated the public uppn the tranquillity of the country; and T am happy at this 
period to be able to renew those congratulations and to state that notwithstanding 
the cruel and dastardly efforts of that rebellion, peace and tranquillity now reign 
throughout the land. I did not then, nor will I now, state any prospective views 
of my own. — I do not wish to undertake to speak in the prophetic. But when I 
consider the vigilance and firmness of his Majesty's Government, and the spirit and 
discipline of his Majesty's troops, and that armed valour and loyalty, which, from 
one end of the country to the other, has raised itself for the purpose of crushing 
domestic treason, and, if necessary, of meeting and repelling a foreign foe, I do not 
think it unreasonable to indulge a sanguine hope, that a continuance of the same 
conduct upon the part of the Government, and of the same exertions upon the part 
of the people, will long preserve the nation free, happy and independent. 

Gentlemen, upon former occasions, persons were brought to the bar of this 
court, implicated in the rebellion, in various though inferior degrees. But if I am 
rightly instructed, we have now brought to the bar of justice, not a person who has 
been seduced by others, but a Gentleman to whom the rebellion may be traced, as 
the origin, the life and the soul of it. If I mistake not, it will appear, that some 
time before Christmas last, the prisoner, who had visited foreign countries, and who 
for several months before had made a continental tour, embracing France, did re- 
turn to this country, full of these mischievous designs which have been now so 
fully exposed. He came from that country, in which he might well have learned 
the necessary effects of revolution; and, therefore, if he be guilty of the treason, 
he embarked in it with his eyes open, and with a previous knowledge of all its in- 
evitable consequences. But, notwithstanding, I am instructed that he persevered in 
fomenting a rebellion, which I will be bold to say, is unexampled in any country, 
ancient or modern. A rebellion which does not complain of any existing grievances, 
which does not flow from any immediate oppression, and which is not pretended to 
have been provoked by our mild and gracious King, or by the administration em- 

Emmet's Arrival in Ireland 


ployed by him to execute his authority. No, Gentlemen, it is a rebellion which 
avows itself to come, not to remove any evil which the people feel, but to recall 
the memory of grievances which, if they ever existed, must have long since passed 
away, the provocations of 600 years have been ransacked — the sufferings of our an- 
cestors have been exaggerated, our state in former ages, and at various remote 
times misrepresented, in expectation of extracting from the whole something like a 
provocation to justify a revolution, which at the present hour and moment could 
have no rational foundation. We live under a constitution which we love ; free, 
affluent and happy, rebellion can find no incentive in our present condition and we 
feel the happy effects of beneficial laws. Of the just administration of them there is 
no colour of complaint. But this rebellion is to arise from the ashes of our an- 
cestors, and we are called upon to relinquish our own happiness to vindicate their 
wrongs — they are represented to have been slaves, and therefore we are called upon 
not to live contented as freemen. But as there is no motive for rebellion now, 
neither can it be conciliated hereafter. The manifesto of treason wages eternal war 
against the British constitution — the resentment of its enemies is implacable — 
their resolution is fixed and determined — no kindness shall soothe them — no good 
administration shall reconcile them — no clemency shall assuage them. Rebels they 
are at heart, and against the mildest administration of our government they pro- 
claim a perpetual and unrelenting hostility. 

Gentlemen, it may be here supposed, that I am from the warmth of my own 
feelings, giving a colour to the cause which it does not deserve. I should be sorry 
to do it. But in the very first paragraph of their proclamation, after avowing a 
separation from England, they tell the government "that there is a spirit of persever- 
ance in the country beyond their power to calculate or repress", "that under no 
change of circumstances can they count upon the obedience of Ireland. — Under no 
aspect of affairs can they judge of its intentions". — So let the government be 
mild and merciful, and the subjects free and contented — let the laws be just, and the 
administration of them pure, it will work no alteration in the minds of these en- 
thusiastic reformers ; the government may improve, but they are resolved not to 
imitate its example. They have already devoted their country to all the horrors of 
civil war, and the inveterate malignity of their resolution will admit of no relaxation. 

Gentlemen, having stated to you what the horrid object of the conspiracy was, 
I shall very shortly submit to you the means which were taken by the Prisoner 
to carry it into effect. — I have already stated that I consider him as the origin of 
that rebellion. — I will now state the facts upon which I founded that assertion. His 
proclamation — for I impute it to him — states that this system of treason has been organ- 
ized within the last eight months. Now I find this gentleman's arrival in Ireland to have 
been previous to Christmas 1802, which was just eight months before the Rebellion broke 
out — and, therefore, a fair inference arises, that this gentleman's arrival in this country 
from France, is the source in which the Rebellion may be traced; and the conduct adopted 
by him leaves little room to suppose I can be mistaken in this conjecture. He might 
have found the embers of the Rebellion of 1798, but he shortly blew them into life and 
animation. His machinations had not proceeded far, when, for his security, he found 
it necessary to change his residence and his name. Accordingly, we find him in an 
obscure house in Harold's-cross, during the spring of the year. — There he assumed the 
name of Hewitt, and was visited by persons who inquired for him by that name — while 
he continued there, he went by no other. Thus, I am instructed to tell you, he proceeded 
clandestinely, and under an assumed name, for a considerable period of time, not passing 
much of it within doors at Harold's-cross, but acting that part which was adapted to his 
views. — There he continued until early in March. 

Gentlemen, you all recollect the King's message to the House of Commons from which 
it was to be collected that a rupture would probably take place between this United 
Kingdom and France; — that was early in March. — That circumstance was a very consider- 


At Harold's Cross 

able stimulative indeed, to the treason which had been heretofore set on foot in this 
country; and accordingly, upon the 24th of the same month, that memorable depot of 
which you have all heard so much, was taken by the conspirators; the lease of it is dated 
the 24th of March, 1803. About the same period there were various other depots 
established in the city to receive arms and ammunition, and among others, one, which is 
necessary to be mentioned in Patrick-street, where you recollect an explosion took place 
in the month of July. 

Having thus embarked pretty deeply and hired several houses in the city for the 
purpose of carrying on the treason, the Prisoner found that his residence in Palmer's 
house in Harold' s-cross was incompatible with the enlarged sphere of action in which 
he was engaged, and he removed to a house in the vicinity of Rathfarnham, in a place 
called Butterfield-lane, for this house he paid a fine of 61 guineas — on the 27th of April 
he got possession of it, and the lease was executed upon the 10th of June. He took that 
lease under the name of "Robert Ellis" — he made the agreement, paid the fine, and signed 
the leases with the same name; and if any collateral circumstances were wanting to in- 
duce suspicion upon this transaction ; I am to state, that one of the witnesses to the lease 
was a gentleman of the name of John Dowdall, a personage of much treasonable celeb- 
rity. He, too, like his companion, did not always bear his own name (and indeed I 
admit he might have readily changed it for a better). But the Attorney who carried 
out the leases happened to be a countryman of Dowdall's and perfectly known to him. 
When Dowdall saw him, it occurred to him that the name of Prazer, which was the 
name he assumed, would not answer upon that occasion, and, therefore, he attested the 
leases with his own real name. When the leases were executed and the parties retired 
from the house of Mr. Frayne, who, as executor of one Martin, was the lessor in the 
lease, Mr. Tyrrell, the attorney, asked him if he knew the gentleman with whom he had 
concluded the bargain ; he said he did not, but his co-executor, one Rooney, who had 
made the agreement originally and received the money, might know something about 
them, but he believed he was equally uninformed with himself. I fear, said Mr. Tyrrell, if 
they are all like Dowdall, that they can be about no good purpose. He never was dis- 
tinguished as a very good subject, and I fear his visit to Fort-George has not much im- 
proved his constitutional feelings. 

Gentlemen, we were at that time in profound domestic peace. Every man thought 
himself secure. — He knew what might be expected from abroad and we were prepared to 
meet it with firmness and composure. But with regard to domestic treason, the mild 
conduct of the government towards the people, and the clemency extended even to 
traitors themselves, gave reason to hope we should no longer be disturbed by intestine 
machinations. But there is an evil spirit in some which no mercy can subdue, and it has 
been unhappily found that where the generous feelings of the human mind are extinct, 
it is easier to intimidate than convert. Mr. Frayne was deceived, tho' he saw no furniture 
in the place but one mattrass upon which they occasionally slept, as if they were in camp, 
though he found them frequently visited by strangers and yet seldom by more than one 
at a time, and that they sat up late at night, as if upon consultations, yet he entertained 
no suspicion for the public safety — if in truth he had suspected their mischievous designs, 
in one hour the whole party would have been taken. But he did not interfere or molest 
them. Providence permitted them to proceed that the proof of their guilt may be more 
notorious. — These persons continued in this retreat, under these suspicious circumstances, 
until the explosion in Patrick-street, which took place on the 16th of July; this circum- 
stance made it imperative upon them to do something quickly, or their treason would be 
discovered. Accordingly, if I am not mis-instructed, immediately after this explosion, 
these gentlemen, who had been theretofore occasionally absent for a night or two, alto- 
gether deserted their habitation in Butterfield-lane, and took up their residence in the 
City of Dublin. 

Gentlemen, I impute to the Prisoner that, immediately after this explosion, he not only 
came into town for the purpose of forwarding the rebellion, but that he made that cele- 

Butterfield Lane 


brated depot, which was afterwards discovered, the place of his residence and his rest. — 
I trace him to that depot, as I would trace any of you to your houses. — You will find him 
there the master of the family — superintending the formation of pikes and ball cartridges — 
inspecting the ammunition — inspecting the arms — occasionally writing at his desk — once, 
I think, taking out the original manuscript from which the proclamation was afterwards 
printed and reading it to the Rebel Guards, which surrounded him — at another time in a 
playful and sportive mood taking his regimentals from his desk — putting them on and 
telling his admiring audience what mighty feats he intended to perform in them ; and in 
short, you will find him in this depot what he expected to be in the country at large — 
the acting manager, making every thing his own, and every person obeying his directions. 

Gentlemen, it will appear to you that there was in that depot, a mattrass, upon which 
we suppose that he occasionally slept; if indeed, under such circumstances, it is not going 
a little too far to suppose, that any man could sleep — his mind must have been of more 
than ordinary temperature, if his slumbers were not a little disturbed. — Surrounded as he 
was with the implements of death, prepared and collected by himself for the purposes 
of civil war, and the destruction of his fellow-citizens, he could not easily enjoy soft 
natural repose. 

If he did, it must have been produced by that wearying perturbation of mind, 
agitated by enthusiasm, which listens not to reason, but shaping every thing to its own 
hopes, and believing that probable which is remotely possible, gives to the phantoms of 
a disturbed brain, the substance and stability of truth. — Under such circumstances, no man 
could lay his head upon his pillow, and call upon his God to lighten the darkness which 
surrounded him and to preserve him from the perils and dangers of the night. What 
mind could take refuge in the consolations of religion, while it was occupied in medita- 
tion how to drag our gracious Monarch from his hereditary throne, and to immerse him 
in the blood of his subjects? But the reflections of reason cannot be applied to the 
ravings of enthusiasm ! 

I shall be able by reading an extract from a paper (which was found in the 
depot, and which I personally attribute to the prisoner), to give you a better 
description than my own of that disturbed and infatuated mind, which throws itself 
down the precipice, unconscious of its ruin. It is inimitably descriptive of that in- 
fatuated state of mind, which, unfortunately for him, and unfortunately for mankind, 
has produced so much modern mischief — speaking of himself, he says — "I have 
little time to look at the thousand difficulties which still lie between me and the 
completion of my wishes — that those difficulties will likewise disappear I have ardent, 
and I trust, rational hopes, but if it is not to be the case, I thank God for having 
gifted me with a sanguine disposition; to that disposition I run from reflection, and 
if my hopes are without foundation, if a precipice is opening under my feet, from 
which duty will not suffer me to run back, I am grateful for that sanguine dis- 
position which leads me to the brink, and throws me down, while my eyes are still 
raised to the vision of happiness, that my fancy formed in the air." 

No man, who has not felt enthusiasm could describe it so well. Ill-fated and 
delirious passion, which bestows the colour of virtue upon the extravagance of vice, 
and feeds with rapture upon the delusions of hope, to the moment of its dis- 
solution. — But let me call upon the sober understandings of those who never felt its 
operations, and ask why they participate in its madness? Can the deluded peasantry 
be brought to join in wild projects without feeling the impulse which gave them 
birth? Can they listen to the voice of a man, who avows that he acts not from the 
dictates of reason or reflection, but who flies from both to the delusions of fancy, 
nor suffers the delicious dream to evaporate until the unhappy victim is relieved 
from his disturbed imagination, and sinks into eternal rest? Do they mean to unite 
their fortunes to his, or do they not rather imagine when they hear of "The Pro- 
visional Government" that it is composed of wisdom, caution and prudence? — They 
little know, that it is a composition of heated minds, and disordered passions, which 

Officers of the Provisional Government 

supersede the judgment and annihilate the understanding. — If they doubt the fact, I 
request they may take it from the Conspirator himself — Let them listen to his 
voice, and not to mine, and let them learn to withdraw from that precipice, the peril of 
which is not within their calculation, when they embark in his designs. 

Gentlemen, to the same unhappy feelings is to be attributed the conduct of the 
Prisoner upon 'the day of the attack. I find him in the morning vaunting of his 
powers and promising victory — I find him in idle exclamations, declaring that "he 
will make the Castle tremble that night!" — I trace him to the depot, and there I find 
him haranguing his men, encouraging them to action — inspecting his ammunition 
anew— arming himself, and dressing in his regimentals — I find him clothed in green, 
assuming the rank and title of General. I find upon one side of him the same 
William Dowdall, as his Lieutenant-General, and upon the other side a man of no 
superior distinction, one Stafford, a baker. I am unwilling to mention any names but 
those which of necessity must appear in the prosecution of this enquiry; and one great 
object, while enquiry is afloat, is not to bring forward more than must necessarily appear 
upon the particular indictment before you. A further disclosure would not only be 
unnecessary, but unjust. Another of his Lieutenant-Generals whom I may mention was 
Michael Quigley, formerly an eminent bricklayer, and who had been sent to travel for life 
under The Banishment Act. Of three persons, you see that one was a man whose former 
conduct had been passed over, and who was not excluded from a residence in this country 
— another was a man sent into temporary banishment and who after a slight purgation at 
Fort George, was permitted to return, and the third, who had been transported for his 
treasons forfeited his life by the very act of returning amongst us. So that when I give 
this glance of the Provisional Government, I am happy again to observe, that I find no 
new talent, no new property, no new character embarked in this conspiracy; and if the 
people of Ireland, who are not insensible to the influence of rank and character, could but 
take one glance at the precious materials of which this Provisional Government is formed, 
I think it would for ever cure them of revolutionary speculations. 

Gentlemen, I do not wish to give any description of the Prisoner. Let him be 
spoken of by others — I wish not, in his present unfortunate circumstances, to say any- 
thing that could appear to depreciate his situation ; but from his years, he was not 
calculated to become the key-stone of such an arch — the head of this conspiracy. The 
second is a man who was originally known to you as Secretary of the Whig-club, who 
afterwards resided at Fort George, and who has latterly been an itinerant clerk with little 
lawful occupation. The third had been banished by Act of Parliament for Treason, 
and the fourth has been a baker in Thomas-street. These were the principal conspira- 
tors, and General officers upon that memorable night, and I do repeat it, that if the de- 
luded people of Ireland would take a glance behind the scene and discover this highly 
vaunted "Provisional Government", sitting upon that second floor of a malt-house, med- 
itating without means, and marshalling armies that they had never enlisted, — if they could 
see the prisoner, the prime leader of this all-powerful authority, and his immediate 
supporters, composed of clerks, bankrupts and mechanics, and those again surrounded 
by 50 or 60 persons distinguished only for their crimes; I say, they would form a very 
different notion of that "Mighty Consulate" ! with whose fortune they have united, from 
that which perhaps they have been for a moment seduced to entertain. 

But the appointed hour arrives — the prisoner puts himself at the head of his 
motley Banditti — the party at this time amounts not to 100 men, but there is an 
expectation of numerous recruits arriving from the country, they are expected to ap- 
proach through every avenue. He marches out with his pistols on either side, and his 
sword glittering in the air — the implements of death are distributed amongst his 
crew. He leads them into Thomas-street, and even there this mighty army does not 
amount to as many men as have since attended the execution of any of these un- 
fortunate persons. The people took a moment for reflection — they saw the misery 

Lack of Support 


to which they were devoting the country, and the immediate destruction in which 
they were involving themselves; they refused to assemble at the call of this self- 
created government, and when the moment of attack arrived, after eight months 
premeditation, there was to be seen a General without an army — Colonels without 
regiments — Captains without companies. They had counted recruits upon paper — 
they had prepared ammunition, they had stored up arms, and had every necessary 
ingredient for rebellion, — but men. — I am happy to dwell upon every circumstance 
that can contribute to shew the returning good sense of the people. Their manner 
of reasoning upon the subject may have been very simple and conclusive: "Shall we 
enlist in the Rebel Army — without bounty — shall we serve in it without pay — shall we 
incur the risk of being killed in the battle — and the still greater danger of being 
hanged, if we survive?" Arguing thus, they find, that his Majesty's is a more hon- 
ourable, a more secure, and a more profitable service. When they wish to join his 
ranks they are paid bounty upon enlisting, they receive pay while they serve, they 
share an honourable danger in the field of battle, and the survivors live to receive 
the thanks and the gratitude of their country.* The loyal soldier feels not like the 
rebel, whose worst fears arise when the danger of the battle is over, when the 
sword is removed from his view, the still more formidable halter swims before his 
eyes and haunts him with a terrific vengeance better adapted to his guilt. Upon this 
fatal evening, the infatuated few who composed the mob came forward only to fly, and 
that rebellion which was to have taken the Castle, annihilated the Government and de- 
throned the King, fled precipitately in every direction, and I am at a loss to say whether 
the General led the way, or became a follower in the flight. 

What part did the prisoner take in that remarkable transaction, after we left 
him in Thomas-street at the head of his paltry band, I am not instructed to de- 
tail. The pusilanimous cruelty of his rabble, though it shrunk from combat, in- 
dulged itself in the indiscriminate massacre of the unoffending and unprotected. 
He either continued with them and participated in their crimes, or what is per- 
haps a more charitable conjecture, he retired to some other malt ware-house to 
receive in council the keys of His Majesty's Castle, or possibly his understanding 
returned when it was too late, and finding at length the result of his boasted effort 
to accomplish the revolution, he and his brother generals fled. But without pursuing 
them further in their progress, for a minute I will call your attention to the depot, 
which he abandoned, and the papers which were found in it. I shall not harass 
your feelings or distress my own by stating the atrocities of the night — excesses 
were committed which disgraced the capital. It is unnecessary and painful to dwell 
upon them. This famous arsenal of treason, so strongly garrisoned at an early part 
of the evening, and which contained such stores of ammunition, was carried by the 
assault of a private soldier with a pistol in his hand. The contents of this depot, 
now so notoriously known will be detailed to you in evidence. There were found 
in it several suits of regimentals — some stands of rebel colours, and particularly a 
small desk, which belonged to the prisoner, and from which it appears he had oc- 
casionally taken his regimental coat and several papers, and at which he was in 
the habit of writing. Amongst the papers found there was a letter from Thomas 
Addis Emmet, the Prisoner's brother; it is directed to "Mrs. Emmet", but at the 
inside appears to be addressed and written to the Prisoner himself. I mention it 
not on account of its contents, but as shewing along with other circumstances, the 
Prisoner's presence in the depot, and his property in the desk : — there was found 
a song addressed to him under the name of Robert Ellis, Butterfield, which not only 

*If the people of Ireland who had been working with Robert Emmet during the eight preceding 
months held any such views as are here credited to them he was fully justified in the bitter expressions 
he is said to have uttered when he realized that he had been misled and finally deserted. We shall see 
from the testimony during the trial that he is reported to have said the Irish people were incapable and 
unworthy of redress for their barbarous desertion and want of unanimity shown towards him at the 
time of the uprising. Robert Emmet would never have discredited the Irish people at large had he 
known or fully appreciated the truth as to his surrounding on the night of his desertion. 


The Proclamations 

connects him with the desk and papers, but confirms a former transaction which I 
stated to you; there was found also a long treatise upon the art of war, which is 
a further circumstance to connect him with the design; there was also found a copy 
of the greater part of the large proclamation; some of the foremost papers have 
been lost, but sufficient remains to shew it was an original draft; and that the 
printed copy was taken from it; it is in various parts interlined, and words are 
altered, which give to it every appearance of a composition; and, indeed, to suppose 
a man would sit down to write out in manuscript, of which he had several 
thousand printed copies, is a loose conjecture, which, if it should be pretended, it 
will be scarce necessary to refute. There were also found not only a great number 
of those proclamations, which have been so often proved upon former occasions; 
but also another to which I shall shortly call your attention. The large proclama- 
tion is addressed by "The Provisional Government to the people of Ireland", the other 
is addressed "to the citizens of Dublin" only, and it avows what I before stated, 
that there is a connexion between this and the late rebellion, and indeed it appears 
upon every occasion that those who provoked the present were amongst those who 
escaped the punishment due to the former. 

It begins — "A Band of Patriots, mindful of their oath, and faithful to their en- 
gagement as United Irishmen, have determined to give freedom to their country 
and put a period to the long career of English Oppression". And what is the oppression 
which is exercised over us? We live under the same King, we enjoy the 
same constitution, we are governed by the same laws, we speak the same 
language*, the same fleets and armies protect us, we have common friends and 
common enemies, in short, we are united by every tie of interest, affinity and affec- 
tion. — But this is justly considered oppression by the same species of logic which 
considers a connexion with the despotism of France as the means of promoting 
our freedom. — This proclamation then goes on to state "that from the extremity 
of the North to that of the South there is an universal co-operation". And I am 
happy to say that there has been a co-operation very different for that which was 
projected, a zealous and hearty concurrence of all ranks of people in support of 
their King and constitution. You will recollect, gentlemen, that in the large proc- 
lamation there was a studied endeavour to persuade a large portion of the people 
that they had no religious feuds to apprehend from the establishment of a new 
government. But the manifesto upon which I am now animadverting has taken 
somewhat a different course, and has revived religious distinctions at the very 
moment in which it expresses a desire to extinguish them. "Orangemen, add not 
to the catalogue of your follies and crimes; already have you been duped to the ruin 
of your country in the legislative union with its tyrant ; attempt not an opposition, 
return from the paths of delusion, return to the arms of your countrymen, who will 
receive and hail your repentance. 

"Countrymen of all descriptions, let us act with union and concert, all sects, 
Catholic, Protestant, Presbyterian, are equally and indiscriminately embraced in the 
benevolence of our object". I will not apply to this passage all the observations 
that press upon my mind, because I am sincerely desirous that one feeling and one 
spirit should animate us all; I cannot but lament that there should be so many 
sectaries in religion, but trust in God there will be found amongst us but one 
political faith. But this manifesto is equally unfortunate in every instance in which 
it prescribes moderation. — Attend to the advice by which it instigates the citizens 
of Dublin : "In a city each street becomes a defile and each house a battery ; impede 
the march of your oppressors, charge them with the arms, of the brave, the pike, 

*The speaker, as an English sympathizer and with the same high appreciation of the truth, must, 
if he possessed any sense of humor, have greatly enjoyed this Utopian sketch, knowing, as he did, 
that eight out of every ten of the population, as a "Papist," and sneaking only the Irish language, had 
no legal existence or protection of the law in the country. Every law then existing was without 
exception issued for the benefit of only two-tenths of the population. 

Remember Against Whom You Fight ! ' ' 

and from your windows and roofs hurl stones, bricks, bottles, and other convenient im- 
plements, on the heads of the satellites of your tyrant, the mercenary, the sanguinary 
soldiery of England". Having thus roused them, it throws in a few words of com- 
posure, "repress, prevent and discourage excesses, pillage and intoxication" ; and to 
insure that calmness of mind which is so necessary to qualify them for the adoption 
of this salutary advice, it desires that they will "remember against whom they 
fight, their oppressors for 600 years, remember their massacres, their tortures, 
remember your murdered friends, your burned houses, your violated females". 
Thus affecting to recommend moderation, every expedient is resorted to, which 
could tend to inflame sanguinary men to the commission of sanguinary deeds. 

Gentlemen, you must by this time be somewhat anxious to know the progress 
of the general, who escaped the memorable action which was intended to be fought; 
and the first place in which I am enabled to introduce him to you, is at the house 
of one Doyle, who resides near the Wicklow mountains. There the general and his 
companions took refuge at the commencement of the following week; they arrived 
there at a late hour; the general was still dressed in his full uniform, with suitable 
lace and epaulettes, and a military cocked hat, with a conspicuous feather. The 
two other persons I have already mentioned were also decora teJ in green 
and gold. They represented themselves as French generals, and spoke the 
French language, in expectation of stimulating the people with the prospect of 
foreign aid. The prisoner, it will appear, occasionally spoke broken English; and 
that the lieutenant-generals followed his example; there were fourteen men in the 
party, all armed, thirteen with blunderbusses, and one with a musquet. The generals 
went to bed with their host, leaving their followers in the true spirit of equality to 
shift for themselves — you will find them altogether under these circumstances and 
observing such conduct as will leave no doubt upon your mind as to who they were, 
or for what purpose they fled. Indeed if any mark was wanting, they supplied it, 
for they left one of the small proclamations behind them, which I have already 
described. From thence they proceeded to the house of Mrs. Bagnall, and finally 
they left the mountains and returned to the city of Dublin. What became of the 
other persons is foreign to the present inquiry; but we trace the prisoner from those 
mountains, to the same house in Harold's-cross in which he formerly resided, and 
assuming the old name of Hewitt, — he arrived there upon the Saturday after the re- 
bellion; he had then abandoned his hat, his regimental coat, and the title of general; 
but he retained his black stock, his regimental breeches, and waistcoat, and his 
Hessian boots; these he could not with such readiness change. The vicissitudes of 
fortune at all times call upon the mind for reflection, and even when they are 
occasioned by the discomfiture of guilt, they draw with them some involuntary share 
of commiseration. What a distressing picture does this young man exhibit in this 
afflicting situation! — he who was lately preparing arms and ammunition for the 
thousands he was to command, and laws and constitutions for the ten thousands he 
was to conquer, he who was to have been seated in his Majesty's Castle, and to 
have shaken the British Empire, is fallen from his fantastic dreams, reduced to be- 
come a voluntary prisoner, and to confine that ambition which embraced a nation, 
within the narrow limits of a cell, here he lay trembling at every blast, and 
meditating plans, not of conquest, but escape. His chief consolation appears to 
have been in the occasional society of those friends who received him. 

The entire amount of his conversation with them I do not expect to disclose, but it 
will appear that they turned upon the discomfiture of his schemes, and his defeat at 
Thomas-street, he spoke of the splendour of the uniform, acknowledged he wore it in 
the battle and spoke of the depot in such lamentations as a general would regret the loss 
of his magazine; he spoke of the proclamation as if he was the composer of it; we find 
him occasionally betraying his fears, by stating that upon any alarm he would get out of 
the back window of his room and so escape, through the fields ; in short, numberless 


"All Fair in War" 

circumstances will occur, if they were necessary to corroborate the several witnesses who 
will be produced against him. Having remained a month in this concealment, information 
was had, and Major Sirr to whose activity and intrepidity the loyal citizens of Dublin 
are under much obligation, did confer an additional and a great one, by the zealous dis- 
charge of his duty on this occasion. He came by surprize on the house, having sent a 
countryman to give a single rap, and the door being opened, the Major rushed in, and 
caught Mrs. Palmer and the Prisoner sitting down to dinner; the former withdrew, and 
the Major immediately asked the Prisoner his name, and as if he found a gratifica- 
tion in assuming a variety of titles, he said his name was Cunningham ; that he had 
that day arrived in the house, . having been upon a visit with some friends in the 
neighbourhood; the Major then left him in charge with another person and went to 
inquire of Mrs. Palmer, concerning him ; she said he was a very proper young man 
of the name of Hewitt, and that he had been in her house about a month; the Major 
at this moment heard a noise and he found that the Prisoner was endeavouring to 
escape, but having been struck with a pistol by the person who had the custody of 
him, he was by that means detained; immediately further assistance was called in 
from a neighbouring guard-house, and an additional sentry was put upon him ; the 
Major then again proceeded further to interrogate Mrs. Palmer; when the Prisoner 
made another effort, got into the garden through the window, but was at length 
overtaken by the Major, who, at the peril of his life, fortunately secured him; when 
the Major apologized for the roughness with which he was obliged to treat him, 
the Prisoner replied "all was fair in war", — there were found upon his person a 
variety of papers, but it will only be necessary to call your attention to a paragraph 
or two in one of them, as applicable to our present inquiry ; there was another 
paper found in his room upon a chair immediately near him, and which we impute 
personally to him, but being found constructively in his possession, it is as strong 
evidence against him as if found on his person, and if there was no other cir- 
cumstance in the case than this paper it would be sufficient to shew that we have 
not been mistaken in the accusation which we have preferred against him. 

The first paper I allude to appears to have been written by a brother conspirator 
acquainted with his schemes and participating in his crimes; it shews, I think pretty 
clearly that the Prisoner maintained an intercourse with foreign countries, it also 
shews that every intelligent rebel is not without his share of apprehensions from 
his allies in France; and it also gives pretty nearly the same view of the conspiracy 
with respect to its strength, its union and its respectability, which I took the lib- 
erty to suggest upon the first opening of this commission; the first paragraph is 
this : "I should wish to know particularly from you how matters stand at present 
(if you would not be afraid), and particularly what are your hopes from abroad, and 
whether if they pay us a visit we shall not be worse off than before". 
What a natural reflection for a person who has probably been no inattentive 
observer of the French Revolution; that revolution commenced for the redress of 
grievances, which were admitted to exist; but when those were done away, the 
wild spirit of modern philosophy would not permit it to stop. It fought for an 
universal Equality in which there should be no one to command; and no one to 
obey, against the dictates of reason and the ordinances of God. Its first efforts 
were attended with anarchy and blood, many painful struggles succeeded, until at 
length the sufferings of the people subsided into submission. Having shaken off 
the sceptre of a lawful King, they were obliged to take refuge, from their dis- 
tractions, in the power and authority of a military usurper. They have since en- 
dured him in silence — the turbulence of freedom has sunk into a tranquil tyranny. 
But to preserve the discipline and affections of that army with which he enslaves 
his people, he finds it necessary to procure it occupation and plunder. He accord- 
ingly inflicts it upon every neighboring nation, either as a friend or as a foe, 
robbing the weak and cheating the credulous. 

Yeomanry to be Treated as Rebels 


And therefore the infatuation and blindness of conspiracy has not gone so far 
as not to feel that the moment such an army takes possession of this country, there 
will be an end of law, of justice and of religion; all will be superseded by a military 
and merciless despotism, and therefore the conspirator himself, when he invokes 
French assistance to subvert our government, deprecates the notion of their estab- 
lishment amongst us; but who can let them enter and then prescribe the limits of 
their course and the extent of their dominion? who can draw a line around them and 
say, thus far shall death and desolation spread but no farther? Nothing but blind 
infatuation could wish to make the experiment. — I shall now state to you a passage 
which I think of the greatest importance, not only as it discloses the opinion of a 
brother conspirator upon what has happened, but intimates pretty strongly what 
may be expected in future; the words are — "He is very desponding, however, and 
says, the people are incapable of redress and unworthy of it; this opinion he is con- 
firmed in by the late transaction, which he thinks must have succeeded but for their 
barbarous desertion and want of unanimity; as to the French invasion, he thinks it 
may not take place at all, and that their plan may be to wear down the English by 
the expense of a continual preparation against it." 

I shall trouble you, Gentlemen, with a few extracts from a paper which was found 
upon a chair near the Prisoner at the time of his arrest. It appears to have been 
dictated by a wish to arrest the administration of justice and to deter government 
from pursuing that temperate but inflexible course which has been adopted*. Gentle- 
men, there is no breast so hardened, no conscience so callous, that has not in the 
progress of guilt some momentary compunction ; — the Prisoner felt them ; he heard 
of the persons who were apprehended, and of this commission which issued for 
their trial ; he expected the conviction and the death of those whom he had con- 
tributed to seduce, and having vainly conceived that the threats of this proclamation 
had intimidated government in the first instance from proceedings by courts martial; 
he was resolved to try the effect of another effort to suspend altogether the ordinary 
administration of the law; he accordingly addressed a paper to government which 
begins with the words, — "It may appear strange that a person avowing himself to 
be an enemy of the present government and engaged in a conspiracy for its over- 
throw, should presume to suggest an opinion to that government on any part of 
its conduct, or could hope that advice coming from such authority might be re- 
ceived with attention." 

It then goes on to state that the writer, "As a man feels the same interest with 
the merciful part, and as an Irishman, with at least the English part of the present 

Here you will allow me to observe that in all their proclamations they en- 
deavored to draw an odious distinction between the English, who support in this 
country the Administration and those of Irish birth, who presume to do so. The 
King's army is to be treated as prisoners of war, but Yeomen are to suffer as rebels; 
the same threat is held out to the Irish militia; if taken in battle they are not to be 
honoured with the appellation of prisoners of war, but are to be tried by court 
martial and suffer death for their infidelity. 

He then says he will "communicate to them in the most precise terms that line 
of conduct which He may hereafter be compelled to adopt, and which however pain- 
ful it must under any circumstances be, would become doubly so if He was not 
conscious of having tried to avoid it by the most distinct notification." 

He then proceeds to tell them in the language of an ambassador, "that it is not 

*This is a fair illustration of how completely all semblance of truth had disappeared from Ireland; 
it was something of which English officials from the highest to the lowest seemed to have no knowledge. 
Every prisoner, if a Catholic Irishman, was put to death by means of false swearing and a packed 
jury; innocent persons all over the country were being put to death as though in an effort to exterminate 
the Irish race. Lord Norbury had. at this time, the reputation of hanging every one brought before 
him. Daniel O'Connell gives an instance where Norbury condemned and hung ninety-nine out of a docket 
of one hundred, the one having escaped. 


"Household - Conspiracy 

the intention of the Undersigned, for the reason He has already mentioned, to do more 
than state, what Government itself must acknowledge, that of the present con- 
spiracy, it knows comparatively speaking — Nothing". In this unsuspecting moment 
of confidence He little knew that his plans were all developed and his retreat ascer- 
tained. But let us follow the paper a little further, and here let me entreat the 
attention of all parts of my audience, — "Instead of creating terror in its enemies or 
confidence in its friends, it will only serve by the scantiness of its information to 
furnish additional grounds of invective to those who are but too ready to censure 
it for a want of intelligence which no capacity could have enabled it to obtain." 

This passage is directed to those who suppose when any disturbances take place, 
that rebellion rages in every parish, and is to be found in every house; who im- 
mediately exclaim at the supineness of government, if it does not instantly trace by 
intuition or magic the most remote and hidden sources of treason or disaffection. 
And who still more charitably conclude, that the Government knows nothing which 
it does not proclaim, without considering how many things the public interests 
require to be concealed. When any disaster occurs, such persons delight to go about 
amongst their friends, describing with wonderful precision the accuracy with which 
they foresaw every circumstance that has taken place; indulging in a species of 
retrospective prophecy, which certainly can never bring their sagacity to disgrace. 
But what greater proof need there be of the vigilance of our Government than the 
necessity which these three Constitution-Mongers were under of confining their 
treasons to an obscure house, under feigned names, without any communication of 
concert with the people. The circumspection of Government had so encompassed 
them, that their rebellion did not venture out of doors. Is it very surprising, gentle- 
men, that under these circumstances, and during a period of domestic tranquillity, the 
prisoner, the bricklayer and the clerk, should have been permitted for a few months 
to indulge in a little household-conspiracy ; concealing arms and ammunition, but 
overlooking the trifling circumstance of providing men to make use of them? But 
when their schemes grow bolder, when the circumspection of Government could be 
no longer eluded, you see how treason was dwarfed by the narrow limits within 
which vigilance had restrained it. The moment it burst it evaporated. — Within an 
hour, and with a force not amounting to one hundred men, this formidable rebellion 
was extinguished; and the mighty mass of eight months preparation melted into 

This paper then interrogates, "Is it only now we are to learn, that, entering into 
conspiracy exposes us to be hanged?" I do protest from the readiness with which 
some men enter into treasonable pursuits, it would appear as if this salutary lesson 
remained to be taught, and I wish that no man would embark in these dangerous 
projects, without seriously asking himself whether he is prepared to submit to the 
forfeiture which will be incurred by his offence — the loss of life and fortune, and 
the abandonment of a wife and family to the pains of want, and the re- 
proaches of the world. It further asks "Are the scattered instances now to be 
brought forward, necessary to exemplify the statute? If the numerous striking 
examples which have already preceded were insufficient — If government can neither 
by the novelty of punishment, nor the multitude of its victims, impress us with 
terror; can it hope to injure the body by a conspiracy impenetrably woven as the 
present, by cutting off a few threads from the end of it?" 

Here in a very feeling pathetic address, the government is called upon not to 
sacrifice the victims in their possession, because they were not the heads of the 
conspiracy, but as expressed in this paper, a few threads at the end of it. 

Gentlemen, I could wish that such feeling and compassion had come upon the 
prisoner at an earlier day; that he had revolved in his mind the train of calamities 
inseparable from civil war and internal commotion, and — that he had a little adverted 
to the possibility of punishment, before he had incautiously provoked the com- 

Recommendation to the Jury 


mission of the crime. I could wish he had reflected sooner, — that by heading that 
furious mob, which burst into Thomas-street, more human blood must be sacrificed 
than could be shed by this commission were it to sit for a year — three times a 
greater number of his rebel friends fell upon that fatal evening than has been since 
devoted to the offended justice of their country. But how shall I speak of the loyal 
and unoffending? That rebellion lasted but a little hour, and within that short 
period, it deprived our Country of more virtue, than this Commission could strip it 
of, were its Administration to be eternal. 

I do, however, sincerely lament, with him, that some of those who have been 
hitherto brought to justice, were, comparatively speaking, insignificant persons. 
They were not, I admit, prime movers of the treason. But I trust the Commission 
may not pass over without some distinguished examples. It is certainly of much 
greater importance that the web itself should be cut than that we should merely take 
a few threads from the end of it. But it will be found absolutely necessary that 
both should be done. The unhappy instruments, as well as their principals, must 
atone for the mischief they have committed. For though it is true that there would 
be no rebellion if there were no conspirators, so it is equally true, that there would 
be no conspirators if there were no instruments to be worked with. If perpetrators 
were not easily supplied, and if some unhappy people were not too ready to connect 
themselves with the avarice and ambition of others, treason could not be harboured 
for a moment, even in the most heated imagination, and therefore examples among 
the lower orders are as necessary sacrifices to justice, as the first conspirator in the 
land. But I acknowledge the former move to the scaffold with different feelings and 
an easier mind. The man who by his schemes has forfeited his own life, and sacrificed the 
lives of others, is doubly guilty, and at the awful moment of retribution must labour under 
accumulated remorse. 

Gentlemen, I have upon all former occasions felt a considerable anxiety, that 
any warmth which may be induced by the discharge of my duty, should not lead me 
to exceed it. I have pressed upon every successive jury, mildness, clemency and 
moderation. I am sure, in those feelings you anticipate any recommendation of 
mine. I request, that nothing which has fallen from me, and which I have stated 
only with the view of making the mass of evidence intelligible, may have any other 
operation. My statement is merely intended to make you more readily understand 
that evidence which shall proceed from others, not to make any impression itself. 

If I have said anything to incite within you an additional indignation against 
the crime, I am not sorry for having done so; but I do not mean in expressing my 
horror of the crime to prejudice the criminal; on the contrary in proportion to the 
enormity of the offence should the presumption be that he has not committed it. 
I must also request, if you have heard before this day of the Prisoner's name that 
you will endeavour to forget it; the vague and uncertain rumours of popular mis- 
representation should be entirely forgotten — that which may have been matter of 
idle conversation, should not work against the Prisoner at the awful moment of 
trial. You have the life of a fellow subject in your hands; by the peculiar benignity 
of our laws, he is presumed to be an innocent man until your verdict shall find him 
guilty. But in leaning against a bias you must not take a direction the other way. 
If upon the whole we shall lay such conclusive evidence before you as no human 
mind can resist, you will be bound to discharge your duty and to find the Prisoner 
guilty. But in the investigation of that evidence every former feeling of your minds 
must be discharged — listen with attention — give the Prisoner the full benefit of any 
defence, which he may make, and dispassionately consider the nature of his vindi- 
cation. But on the other hand, Gentlemen, you have a duty to discharge to your 
King and your Country. Many victims have fallen, who undoubtedly may not, 
abstractedly taken, have incurred any very considerable proportion of guilt. Men 
who incapable of deciding for themselves have been absorbed in the guilty ambition 


Emmet the Prime Mover 

of others ; but, if it shall appear that the Prisoner was the prime mover of this re- 
bellion, that he was the spring which gave it life and activity, then I say, no false 
feeling of pity for the man, should warp your judgment, or divert your understanding. 
I know the progress of every good mind is uniform ; it begins with abhorrence for 
the crime and ends with compassion for the criminal; I do not wish to strip mis- 
fortune of perhaps its only consolation. But it must not be carried so far as to in- 
terfere with the administration of public justice. It must not be allowed to separate 
punishment from guilt; and therefore if upon the evidence you shall be satisfied that 
this man is guilty, you must discharge your duty to your king, to your country 
and to your God. If on the other hand nothing shall appear sufficient to affect him, 
we shall acknowledge that we have grievously offended him, and will heartily par- 
ticipate in the common joy that must result from the acquittal of an innocent man. 

I have seen the most vjanton insults, the most cowardly oppression, practiced upon many 
of all ranks and conditions — in a part of the country as free from disturbance as the 
City of London, — but from prudential motives I wish to draiu a veil over more 
aggravated facts. 

Lord Moira, in Parliament. 

The truth is outrages ivere not committed by the rebels until they had been taught innumer- 
able lessons in barbarity by their foes. 

Gen'l Lake, English Commr. in Chief to Castlereagh. 

Chapter XVII 

Examination of witnesses — Joseph Rawlins, Esq., testifies to acquaintance with 
Emmet, his visits to the Continent — Cross examination by Burrowes brings out that 
he condemned Napoleon's methods — George Tyrrell, second witness, gives evidence 
regarding leasing of house in Butterfield-lane, about Dowdall and identity of "Ellis" 
—Michael Frayne testifies about leasing house in Butterfield-lane, connection of 
Rooney in matter, identity of Emmet and Ellis, also about Dowdall — John Fleming, 
ostler, fourth witness, gives evidence regarding himself, house in Marshalsea-lane, 
used as depot, making of pikes, seeing other weapons and fire-arms and cartridges — 
Saw Emmet to know him Tuesday after explosion in Patrick-street — This witness 
states many details of Emmet's direction of affairs, uniform-making, of Quigley and 
Colgan, Emmet's handling of papers at desk, of soldiers said to be deserters, of 
Emmet, Quigley and Stafford putting on uniforms; also of his accompanying "Mr. 
Ellis" and party night of July 23rd — Swears he had never given information before 
July 23rd — Reason for giving himself up to government — Quigley's alias — Terence 
Colgan, tailor, fifth witness, describes himself as having been kidnaped at Dillon's 
in Thomas-street and taken while in a state of drunkenness to a place full of arms 
and poles — Put to work making white pantaloons and green jackets — Recognizes 
prisoner who seemed to be chief — Saw him go to desk; did not remember name by 
which he was called — Lived at Lucan, came to town to Counsellor Vickars to ask 
for work — When he left house went to Counsellor Vickars and was taken to Lucan — 
Supposes he was arrested, because some one informed — Gave information for sake of 
family — Would not have informed if not arrested — Patrick Farrell, grocer's steward, 
sixth witness, lived with Ormsby in Thomas-street — Night before July 23rd when 
passing through Marshalsea-lane heard noise in a house— Stopped — While waiting 
men came out, seized and took him in — Kept till next night. Asked did he know 
"Graham" — One man said witness was a spy — Saw Quigley, whom he knew as a 
bricklayer at Maynooth — Some one came in who ordered him into care — Recognized 
him in Prisoner — Saw pikes, arms, boards with nails through them, chains, tubes 
and bottles filled with powder — Gives many details as to movements of Emmet and 
others — All seemed hearty in work — Heard printed paper read — Escaped and in- 
formed master next morning — Serjeant Thomas Rice, seventh witness, proves large Proc- 
lamation found in store — Proclamation of Provisional Government to People of Ireland 
read in Court. 

Joseph Rawlins, Esq. 

Examined by the Attorney-General. 

Q. Are you acquainted with Mr. Rob- 
ert Emmet, the Prisoner at the bar? 
A. I do know him. 

Q. Pray, sir, do you recollect seeing 
him about Christmas last? 

A. I do recollect seeing him some time 
in the month of December last, before his 
father's death. 

Q. Had he been long in Ireland or did 
you collect from him that he had been 
long abroad? 

A. I understood from him that he had 
been to see his brother in Brussels. 


Rawlins Repays Hospitality 

Cross-examined by Mr. Burrowes. 

Q. Did you understand that from him- 

A. Yes, from himself. 
Q. You had conversations with the 
Prisoner shortly after his return? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Had you many? 

A. No. — I had conversations with him 
shortly after, as I understood from him, 
his arrival from Brussels — at the time his 
father was dying. 

Q. Did it turn upon continental poli- 

A. Yes: he said the inhabitants of the 
Austrian Netherlands execrated Buona- 
parte's government. 

Q. Did you not from the whole of the 
conversation collect, that he highly con- 
demned that government? 

A. It certainly made that impression 
upon my mind*. 

George Tyrrel, Esq. 
Examined by the Solicitor-General. 
Q. I believe you are an attorney? 
A. I am. 

Q. Are you acquainted with Mr. 
A. I am. 

Q. Where does he live? 
A. No. 62 South Great George 's-street. 
Q. Were you ever employed by him to 
prepare a lease to any person? 

A. I was. 

Q. To whom was the lease to be made? 
A. To Mr. Robert Ellis. 
Q. Of what premisses was the lease? 
A. Of a house and land in Butterfield- 
lane near Rathfarnham. 

Q. Did you prepare the lease? 
A. I did. 

Q. Did you go to any place to have it 

A. I went to the house to see it exe- 

Q. Is that the lease? — (producing a 
lease to the witness.) 

A. It is. 

Q. Did you see it executed? 
A. I did. 

Q. Are you a subscribing witness to it* 
A. I am. 

Q. By whom was it executed? 
A. By Robert Ellis. 
Q. Do you see that person in Court? 
A. I do; he is the Prisoner at the bar. 
Q. Did he execute that lease in your 
presence, in the name of Robert Ellis? 
A. He did. 

Q. Who was the other witness? 

A. William Dowdall. 

Q. Did you know him before? 

A. I knew his name and person, but 
was not acquainted with him. 

Q. Where did you go to have the lease 

A. To the house itself. 

Q. Whom did you see there? 

A. Mr. Ellis, Mr. Dowdall, and another 
person, sitting at dinner. 

Q. Was that in the house demised by 
the lease? 

A. Yes it was. 

Q. Did he execute the lease there? 

A. Not immediately. — He went from 
that to the house of Mr. Frayne, which 
joins the premisses, and there the lease 
was executed. 

Q. You say that Mr. Dowdall's person 
was familiar to you? 

A. It was. 

Q. What part of the country did he 
come from? 
A. He lived near Mullingar. 
Q. And you are a native of that country? 
A. I am. 

Q. Did you know any thing respecting 
Dozi'dall before? 
A. I heard 

Mr. Burrowes. You cannot give evi- 
dence from hearsay. — The witness must 
speak from his own knowledge. 

Lord Norbury. No doubt he must. His 
hearsay is no evidence. 

'The reader will he interested in the following extract from "The London Courier", of September 
23, 1803, showing Rawlins' perfidy in voluntarily giving information to Government about Robert 
Emmet's movements when he became a witness for the Crown at Emmet's "trial" on the 19th of 
September, 1803: "Mr. Rawlins, attorney, identified the prisoner at the bar as Robert Emmet. 
He met him at his father's. Dr. Emmet's, house, soon after his return from Brussels, where he 
had an interview with his brother." Mr. Robert Holmes never afterwards employed him in the 
various transactions arising out of Dr. Emmet's affairs, and they were many. I point this out as 
a striking instance showing that Holmes venerated the memory of his brother-in-law, and resented 
Rawlins' disclosure of a confidential visit made to Casino. 

Lease of Butterfield House 


Mr. Solicitor-General. My Lord, I did 
not intend to offer such evidence.— I had 
interrogated the witness as to his knowl- 
edge, and finding he can only answer 
hearsay, I do not press the question. 

Q. At what time was the lease exe- 

A. In the month of June. 
Q. Was it executed the day it bears 
A. It was. 

Q. Did you ever see the Prisoner be- 
fore to know what his name was? 
A. No. 

Cross-examined by Mr. MacNally. 

Q. Did you ever see the Prisoner be- 
A. No. 

Q. You never saw Mr. Ellis since? 
A. Not by the name of Ellis. 

Michael Frayne, 
Examined by Mr. Plunket. 

Q. Had you been executor to a person 
of the name of Martin, an attorney? 

A. He appointed me an executor, but 
I never acted. 

Q. Who was the other? 

A. James Rooncy, a Brush-maker, in 
Great George' s-street. 

Q. Had Martin any house or property 
to be disposed of? 

A. He had. 

Q. Where situated? 

A. In Butterficld-Lane, near Rathfarn- 

Q. Do you recollect any application by 
any person for taking it? 
A. I do. 
Q. When? 

A. I believe upon the 21st of April — I 
was going through George's street, and 
stopped at Rooney's door. — He told me 
he had a gentleman in the parlour. 

Mr. Burrowes. I must object to the wit- 
ness stating any conversation with Rooney. 

Q. Did you go into the parlour? 
A. I did. 

Q. Did you see any one there? 

A. I did — a gentleman who went by 

the name of Ellis, to whom Mr. Rooney 
introduced me, and said, he was to be 
my neighbour. 
Q. What passed? 

A. Mr. Rooney said he was after get- 
ting sixty-one guineas fine, and that the 
gentleman was to pay sixty-one guineas 
a year. 

Q. Look about, and try if you see that 

A. That is the gentleman (pointing to 
the Prisoner). 

Q. You have no doubt that is the per- 

A. Not the smallest in the world. 

Q. Was that the gentleman who paid 
the fine of 61 guineas? 

A. That very gentleman — there was 
no other present. 

Q. You live in Butterficld-lane? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Did you get any direction about 
giving possession? 

A. Yes, as I was upon the spot, I was 
desired to give possession to any one 
who should come from Mr. Ellis. — Upon 
the 23d, a servant came to me from Mr. 
Ellis, with a note, but I do not recollect, 
whether the note was from Mr. Rooney 
or Mr. Ellis. — I walked over to the place 
and gave the servant possession. 

Q. You live near the place? 

A. Very near. 

Q. Had you any opportunity of seeing 
the conduct of that person afterwards? 

A. Mr. Emmet did not come for a fort- 
night after the servant had got posses- 
sion — there were workmen making up the 
fences and doing other things — it was 
a fortnight after that I saw him there. 

Q. Did you see any other person there 
with him? 

A. I did. 

Q. Did you know them? 

A. Only one, who signed his name 
Dowdall; there was another person there, 
but I do not think I would know him. 
They kept themselves in such a manner 
that they did not make free with me, 
nor did I think proper to be free with 

Q. About how long did the Prisoner 
continue to reside there? 
A. As near as T can examine or con- 


John Fleming 

sider, not more than two months — for in 
June the lease was executed; he came in 
a fortnight after the agreement was 
made, which was the 21st of April, and I 
did not see him for a fortnight before the 
breaking out of the disturbances. 

Q. He got possession before the lease 
was executed? 

A. He did. 

Q. Had you an opportunity of making 
any observation upon the manner in 
which these two persons lived while at 

A. They lived very quiet — no noise 
nor drink; they lived in a sequestered 
manner, as if they did not wish to see 
any people. 

Q. Did they live constantly there? 

A. I met them very often on the road, 
going to town, though I did not speak 
to them, as they did not make free with 

Q. Did you see how the house was 

A. Only the day the lease was execut- 
ed. — The Attorney called upon me and 
asked me what kind of people they 
were ? — I said I did not know ; that they 
were an odd sort of people — we went 
there to have the lease executed — we 
rapped at the door — and the servant said 
her master would come down. — We 
walked into the garden, and Mr. Ellis 
came down. — Mr. Tyrrel said he had the 
leases in his pocket, and as he was go- 
ing circuit, he wished to have them ex- 
ecuted. — Mr. Ellis brought us into the 
parlour, — where were two other persons 
at dinner — they asked us to dine — but 
there being no chairs, we felt a little 
awkward, and I said I had dinned, and 
that Mr. Tyrrel was to go to town — I 
brought Mr. Tyrrel over to my house 
with Mr. Ellis — there the leases were 

Cross-examined by Mr. Burrowes. 

Q. Have you often seen Mr. Dowdall? 
A. I have. 

Q. Did you ever hear him go by any 
name but that of Dowdall? 

A. I never heard his name but on that 
day; — he was with the prisoner back and 

By Mr. Emmet. 

Q. Did you ever see Mr. Dowdall lie 

A. I do not know whether he did or 

not — I never saw him in a bed-room. 

By Mr. Plunket. 

Q. Can you tell whether Mr. Emmet 
slept there or not? 

A. I can not, only one morning I called 
there with Mr. Rooney, and the maid said 
he was not up. 

By Mr. Burrowes. 

Q. You considered Mr. Emmet as the 
inhabitant of the house? 
A. I did. 

Q. Did you ever see any parties there, 
to dinner or for any other purpose? 

A. No, I never saw any party there of 
any kind. 

John Fleming, 

Examined by Mr. Mayne. 

Q. Pray, Fleming, where did you live 
in the last year before the 23d of July? 
A. At Dillon's, The White Bull. 
Q. Where is that? 
A. In Thomas-street. 
Q. A public house, I believe? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Were you in any employment 

A. I was ostler, Sir. 

Q. What countryman are you? 

A. County Kildare man. 

Q. About how long had you lived at 

A. From harvest last. 

Q. Do you know the lane called Mass- 
lane, or Marshalsea-lane? 

A. I do. 

Q. Is it convenient to Dillon's house? 

A. Dillon's yard reaches to Marshal- 
lane; getting the carts in is from that 

Q. From what street to what street 
does it run? 

A. From Dirty-lane up to the Marshal- 

Q. Were you ever in any particular 
house or store in that lane? 

Prisoner Identified 


A. I was in that store; the depot as it 
is now called. 
Q. It opens into Marshal-lane? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And part of it is next Dillon's prem- 
A. Yes. 

Q. How came you to be there, did you 
know any people there? 

A. I did, different people, more than I 
can mention at present. 

Q. Were you in confidence with them? 

A. I was so far in confidence with 
them that I brought them ammunition 
and other things; I obeyed the orders 
of my master, and he desired me to do 
what they bid me. 

Q. Then you brought several things 

A. There were several things brought 
through our yard, and some from Dirty- 

Q. About how long were you in this 
store before the 23d of July? 

A. I can not say; I knew it a few days 
after it was taken from Mr. Coleman; 
I was told it first was for a timber-yard, 
but afterward I was told the business 
it was for. 

Q. Were you often in it before the 
23d of July? 

A. Sometimes three or four times a 
day, sometimes once or twice a day, 
sometimes to the door: — Of a day I had 
a throng I did not communicate with 

Q. They knew you were a person who 
had permission to go in there? 

A. They knew I had liberty to go in 
or out without asking me any questions. 

Q. What did you first see there? 

A. First, making pike handles; second- 
ly, heading them. 

Q. With the iron part do you mean? 

A. Yes. 

Mr. Burrowes. My Lord, I must ob- 
ject to this evidence as not affecting the 
Prisoner at the bar. 

Mr. Mayne. We will connect it with 
the Prisoner at the bar; at present we 
offer this evidence as showing a con- 
spiracy and the preparations made for it. 

Lord Norbury. As proving a general 

conspiracy, it is admissible evidence; 
and I hope the trial will not be embar- 
rassed by objections that do not bear 
argument; the constant practice is, first 
to prove a general conspiracy, and then 
to shew the prisoner connected with it. 

Mr. MacXally. In Hardy's case the 
acts of the Prisoner were first proved 
and then they gave evidence to shew 
the extent of the conspiracy. 

Mr. Mayne. Q. Did you see any other 
kind of arms in that store-house besides 

A. I saw blunderbusses, firelocks and 

Q. About how long before the 23d of 
July might you have seen them? 

A. I saw some shortly after they took 
the place first. 

Q. Can you tell how long before the 
23d of July they took the place first 
and began to store it? 

A. I cannot say. 

Q. Was it a quarter of a year? 

A. It was more than a quarter of a 
year they took it. 

Q. Did you see many of the blunder- 
busses, pistols, and firelocks brought there? 

A. I did. 

Q. Did you see any thing done with 
any ammunition? 

A. I saw them making cartridges. 

Q. Was there much of that? 

A. They made a great deal of that, 
more than I can describe. 

Q. (By the Court. What kind of cart- 
A. Ball cartridges). 

Q. Look at the Prisoner at the bar? 
A. I know him — Mr. Emmet there. 
Q. Have you seen him before? 
A. I have. 

Q. When did you see him first to know 

A. The Tuesday morning after the 
blowing up in Patrick-street. 

Q. Was there an explosion there? 

A. So it was mentioned, there was a 
man blown up there. 

Q. Was that the first time you saw 

Fire - Arms and Ammunition 

A. The first time to know him. 

Q. That was a week before the 23d 
of July? 

A. I cannot say. 

Q. Where did you see him? 

A. In the lane; I opened the gate of 
the yard to let out Quigley, and he met 
Mr. Emmet and Palmer. 

Q. Where did he go to? 

A. Into the store. 

Q. The place you have been describ- 
A. Yes. 

Q. (By the Court. Who went into 
the store? 

A. Palmer went away to send in am- 
munition and others went in.) 

Q. How do you know it was for am- 

A. They asked me for three sacks. 

Q. Was the Prisoner present? 

A. He was; I told him they had got 
sacks before, which were not returned: 
that I w r as accountable for them and got 
them only from people who had corn 
and other things. 

Q. How did you know it was for am- 
munition ? 

A. I was told of it. 

Q. Was the Prisoner present? 

A. He was. 

Q. What was said? 

A. They said the ammunition was re- 
moved from Patrick-street to another 
place, and they went to remove it and 
have it examined at the store. 

Q. Did you see the Prisoner after that 
morning in the store? 

A. I did. 

Q. Did you see him often? 

A. Mostly every time I went in I 
would see him. 

Q. Were you there every day? 

A. Mostly every day, and sometimes 
three or four times a-day; I saw him 
every day either in the store or at Dil- 

Q. When you saw him in the store, 
did you see him do any thing? 

A. From the instant he came in they 
would not do any thing without applying 
to him. 

Q. Then he directed the business 
which was going on? 
A. He did. 

Q. He knew of the making of the 
pikes and other things? 

A. He was the head man of it — he 
gave directions to Quigley, and he to 
the others. 

Q. Did you now any thing of that 
Quigley before ; or what situation in life 
was he in? 

A. I never saw him, to my knowledge, 
till I saw him there. 

Q. What line of life was he in? 

A. I was told 

Mr. Burrowes. I object to the wit- 
ness stating what he was told, unless 
it was in the presence of the Prisoner. 

Q. What was the general account or 
reputation of his trade; did you happen 
to hear it mentioned in the presence of 
the Prisoner? 

A. In the presence of Mr. Emmet? No; 
I never heard Quigley mention it in his 

Q. Did you hear any thing read in the 

A. I heard a little sketch; I did not 
take very much notice of it. 
Q. Who read it? 
A. Mr. Emmet. 

Q. What was the purport of it? 

A. That every officer, non-commis- 
sioned officer and private, should share 
equally every thing they got; and have 
the same laws as in France. 

Q. What was it they were to share? 

A. What they got when they were to 
take Ireland or Dublin. 

Q. Did you see any uniform cloathes 
making there? 

A. I saw green jackets making. 

Q. In that store? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Who was making them? 
A. Different taylors. 
Q. Can you name any of them? 
A. Yes; there was one Colgan. 
Q. You need not mention any others ; — 
you saw him there? 
A. I did. 

Q. As I understand, you were per- 
mitted to hear and see every thing going 

Emmet's Uniform 


A. I was. 

Q. Did you hear what these uniforms 
were for? 

A. I suppose they were for officers 
and non-commissioned officers. 
Q. Did you see any particular uniform? 
A. I did. 

Q. What sort was it? 

A. A green coat with gold lace. 

Q. Was there much lace? 

A. There %vas upon the sleeves and the 
shirts, and there were gold epaulettes, 
like a general's dress. 

Q. Did you see any person do any 
thing with it? 

A. The Prisoner took it out of a desk 
and shewed it to us all there one day. 

Q. Where was the desk? 

A. In the store. 

Q. Whereabouts? 

A. In the first loft. 

Q. What did it stand upon? 

A. I can't say whether upon a frame 
or some boards. 

Q. Look at this (shewing a desk, which 
was put upon the table), was it like this? 

A. It was the same; to my opinion 
this is it. 

Q. You saw the Prisoner take out of 
the desk there, and which you think is 
this, the fine uniform you described? 

A. I did. 

Q. About what time before the 23d 
of July did you see him take it out first? 

A. I cannot rightly say. 

Q. Was it a week? 

A. It was a few days. 

Q. Was there any other desk or thing 
of that kind in the store but one? 

A. I never saw any but the one. 

Q. Were you much through the store? 

A. I was in every part of it, and there 
could not be a desk in it unknown to 

Q. Did you see Mr. Emmet do any- 
thing at the desk besides taking out the 

A. Not with regard to uniforms. 

Q. But did you see him do anything 
else there? 

A. I saw him take out papers, and put 
papers into it. 

Q. Did you see any other person go 
to that desk? 

A. Quigley did. 

Q. Was there any other? 

A. Xot to have any thing to say to it. 

Q. Did you at any time see there per- 
sons having the appearance of soldiers? 

A. There were two men; I was in- 
formed by themselves they deserted 
from the barracks. 

Q. Were they received there? 

A. They were. 

Q. Did they stay there? 

A. They did. 

Q. Were you in that store upon the 
evening of the 23d of July? 
A. I was. 

Q. Did you see the Prisoner there that 
A. I did. 

Q. Did you see him in any particular 
dress that evening? 

A. I saw him when he dressed himself 
in his uniform. 

Q. What uniform? 

A. The green coat with gold epau- 

Q. Did you observe the rest of his 
dress, besides the coat? 

A. Yes : — I observed he had a white 
waistcoat and white pantaloons, and a 
pair of new boots. 

Q. Did you observe his hat? 

A. He had a sword, and a hat and 
white feather. 

Q. Was it a round or a cocked hat? 

A. It was a cocked hat. an officer's 

Q. Can you say whether he had any 
sash on? 

A. He had a sash on. 

Q. Had he any other arms but the 

A. He had a case of pistols. 

Q. (By the Court. What colour was 

the sash? 

A. I can't say; because it was only by 
randle light I saw him dressed.") 

Q. Did you hear him use any partic- 
ular expression that evening, when he 
was dressing? 

A. Yes, when he was dressed, he asked 
for a big coat. 

0. Did he say for what person? 


"Come on, Boys!" 

A. He said it was to disguise his uni- 
form till he went to the party that was 
to attack the castle. 

Q. Did you see any other uniform of 
this particular kind with gold lace, ex- 
cept the one which the Prisoner had? 

A. I did. 

Q. How many? 

A. Quigley and Stafford had uniforms 
of that kind ; but only one epaulette. 
Quigley had a white feather and Stafford 
a green one. 

Q. Did you know Stafford? 

A. I did. 

Q. What was he? 

A. A baker in Thomas-street. 

Q. Were there many people of that 
party working at the pikes, making cart- 
ridges, bringing in arms, and receiving or- 

A. There were a good many. 

Q. How many do you suppose were 
there upon the 23d of July? 

A. More than I can mention. 

Q. How many do you think? 

A. There were fifty men, as far as I can 
judge, in the depot. 

Q. Were there more at that time than 
upon any former evening? 

A. A good many. 

Q. Did they get any arms there? 

A. They did:^-pikes, pistols, blunder- 
busses and firelocks, and ammunition 

Q. Did they get them that evening? 

A. They did. 

Q. Did they take them out of the 
A. They did. 

Q. To what place did they go? 

A. Towards Thomas-street. 

Q. Did you see the Prisoner going 
out, or afterwards? 

A. I saw him at the door — he drew his 
sword and called out, "Come on, boys", 
and his attendants did the same. 

Q. About what hour do you think that 

A. As close as I can guess, it was nine 

Q. Was it dark, or was it growing 

A. The lamps were lit. 

Q. Pray did you see which way the 

Prisoner went? — Did he go with the 
A. He did. 

Q. Which way did you see them go? 

A. I was with them myself. We went 
into Dirty-lane, and up to Thomas-street, 
and they began to fire. 

Q. Were you there when that began? 

A. I was. 

Q. (By the Jury). You say when they 
got to Thomas Street they began to fire? 

A. As soon as they got into Dirty-lane, 
they began to fire. 

Q. Was Mr. Emmet with them then? 

A. He was in the centre of them. 

Q. What name did he generally go by 
in the stores? 

A. The first name I heard was Mr. 

Q. Did he answer to that name when 
spoken to? 

A. I never heard him called by any other 

Q. Did you hear him called by that 
name ? 
A. I did. 

Q. In the course of the time you were 
there, did you hear anything among the 
people about their mode of proceeding, 
the time, or the notice of it? 

A. The most particular in that respect 
which I heard was that they were mak- 
ing preparation to assist the French 
when they would land. 

Q. As I understand, it was given out 
there, that the French were expected? 

A. Undoubtedly it was; — I was told so. 

Q. In the store? 

A. Yes ; and out of the store. 

Q. Did you hear the Prisoner called 
by any name of rank or title? 

A. I was often told he was to be The 
General, or head of the business. 

Q. Did you hear that stile given to 

A. I did. 

Cross-examined by Mr. Burrowes. 

Q. I believe you had been frequently 
in these stores, before you ever saw the 

A. I was. 

Fleming's "Horror of Rebellion " 

Q. And you said that all persons you 
found there readily admitted you? 
A. They did. 

Q. Were there many persons there be- 
fore you saw Mr. Emmet there? 

A. There were some — one in partic- 
ular that I knew. 

Q. Was there many, whether you knew 
them or not? 

A. I cannot say; I did not know their 

Q. Did you know what all these mili- 
tary preparations were for? 

A. At the time I went in? Yes, I did. 

Q. Did you make any discovery of 
your knowledge of it in order to pre- 
vent it? 

A. Never — while the preparation was 
going on, I never did. 

Q. When did you first give any in- 

A. I cannot rightly tell. 

<J. Was it after the 23d of July? 

A. It was. 

Q. How long after? 

A. I cannot well inform you. 

Q. Was it a week or ten days or 

A. It was near a month, I believe. 

Q. Were you taken a prisoner under a 
charge of being guilty of High Treason? 

A. I was taken under suspicion of be- 
ing in that rebellion that night. 

Q. Where were you taken? 

A. At Ballinderry, in the County of Kil- 

Q. Are your wounds healed? 
A. Yes, they are. 

Q. Were they at the time you were 

A. I never got the least wound, but a 
little scratch upon the leg. 
Q. When did you get that? 
A. In the night of the 23d. 
Q. After the party quit the depot? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Upon your oath, have you been 
promised any pardon, in consequence of 
making discoveries? 

A. I have not been promised any thing. — 
I gave myself up to Government to be- 
come a good subject. 

Q. Do you expect to be prosecuted? 

A. I cannot say. 

Q. What do you believe? 
A. To the best of my opinion, I cannot 

Q. On your oath, do you not think that 
you would be prosecuted, if you did not 
give information? 

A. If there would be evidence against me, 
surely I would be prosecuted. 

Q. On your oath, did you give the in- 
formation you did, from a horror of the 
rebellion, or in hopes that it would be of 
service to yourself? 

A. I gave it from a horror of the re- 

Q. And not from an expectation of being 
benefited thereby? 

A. I never expected any thing; only in 
regard of Government I gave information. 

Q. In order to benefit the Government? 

A. Yes. — I had no interest in it. 

Q. Was that your only motive — merely 
to serve Government and not yourself? 

A. To serve Government, and from a hor- 
ror of the rebellion. 

Q. You say that Mr. Emmet put on a 
great coat to hide his uniform? 

Mr. Mayne. — I beg pardon, the witness 
did not say that. He said, that Mr. Emmet 
asked for one. 

Mr. Burrowes. Did he get a great coat? 
Witness. No, he did not. 

Q. (By the Court. What name did 
Quigley go by? 
A. Graham). 

Terence Colgan, 

Examined by Mr. Townsend. 

Q. What is your trade? 
A. I am a tailor. 

Q. Do you recollect the insurrection 
which happened in Dublin upon the 23d 
of July? 

A. I do recollect to hear talk of it. 
Q. Do you recollect the Sunday before 
A. I do. 

Q. Where were you upon that day? 

A. I came into town that day. 

Q. Do you recollect meeting any person 

in Queen-street? 


Colgan's Evidence 

A. Yes; a friend of mine, who brought 
me to drink. 
Q. To what house? 

A. To Thomas-street, to a house I was 
since told belonged to Mr. Dillon. 
Q. Did you drink there? 
A. I did ; a good deal. 
Q. Is it a public-house? 
A. I believe it is a carman's-inn. 
Q. Do you know the ostler? 
A. I do, John Fleming. 
Q. You drank a great deal, you say? 
A. I did. 

Q. Were you completely drunk? 

A. I believe so — I fell asleep. 

Q. Where did you find youreself when 
you awoke? 

A. The next morning I found myself in 
a place I never was in before. 

Q. Was it day light? 

A. It was. 

Q. What place was it? 
A. A large out-house — full of arms and 

Q. How were the poles placed? 
A. Some against the wall and some were 
lying down. 
Q. Were there any pikes to the poles? 
A. There were. 

Q. Did you see any people there? 

A. There was a number. 

Q. Were you asked to do any thing? 

A. I was set to work to make white 
pantaloons and green jackets. 

Q. Look at the prisoner at the bar — Did 
you see him there? 

A. I did. 

Q. How did he appear among them? 
A. Indeed he seemed to be the chief in 


Q. Did you hear him give any orders? 
A. I think he did ; it was by his direction 
every thing was done in it. 
Q. Did he see you at work? 
A. Yes, he did. 

Q. Where did you commonly work while 
you were there? 

A. At first I worked in a place off of it, 
where there were some mattrasses, and 
then I was removed to another floor. 

Q. Did you see any desk there? 

A. I did. 

Q. How many? 

A. I do not recollect more than one. 

Q. Look at this. — 

A. I did not take so much notice as to 

swear it. 
Q. Was it like this? 
A. It was. 

Q. Did you ever see Mr. Emmet go to 
the desk. 
A. I did. 

Q. What was he doing at it? 

A. Taking things out, but I do not recol- 
lect what. 

Q. Did you ever see him write there? 

A. I think I did, but I have a bad recol- 

Q. Did you see any arms there besides 


A. Yes, I did ; I saw blunderbusses and 

Q. Did you see any musquets? 
A. I saw two soldiers musquets, brought 
there by two deserters, as I was told there. 
Q. Did you see Fleming, the ostler there? 
A. I did. 

Q. Of what sort of cloth were the jackets 
and pantaloons made; was it coarse or fine? 
A. Coarse cloth. 

Q. Do you recollect the name by which 
the gentleman now upon his trial was called 

A. I do not. 

Q. Did you hear in that place for what 
purpose these preparations were making? 

A. I believe I did, but I cannot parti- 
cularly say. 

Q. How near was that house you were in 
to Dillon's inn? 

A. The next door. 

Q. To the back -yard? 

A. I think so. 

Cross-examined by Mr. MacNally. 

Q. Where do you live when you are at 
A. In Lucan. 

Q. Do you live at home at present? 
A. No. 

Q. Where do you live now? 
A. In the town. 
Q. Do you swear that? 
A. No, I am now upon the bench. 
Q. Was it accident that brought you to 
town from Lucan f 

Why Colgan Turned Informer 

A. No, it was not; I came upon business. 

Q. Honest business I suppose? 

A. I came upon honest business, I came 
to town to Counsellor Vicars to get work. 

Q. Does he live in Thomas-street? 

A. No, he lives in Holies-street. 

Q. Then what brought you to Thomas- 

A. A friend of mine. 

Q. Do you not believe that your friend 
was a great rogue? 

A. He was a great foe to me. 

Q. He was a great rebel? 

A. I believe so. 

Q. Had he no suspicion of your being 
from Lucan? 
A. I can't say 

Q. What, did you get drunk without 
speaking together? 

A. We said a great deal, I suppose, but I 
do not remember it. 

Q. You recollect that you fell asleep? 

A. I do. 

Q. When you awoke in the depot did you 
think that you were dreaming? 

A. I did not know rightly where I was. 

Q. When you awoke did you find your- 
self working? 

A. No. 

Q. When did you go to work? 
A. I can't say. 

Q. Was it by day-light or candle-light? 
A. By day-light. 

Q. Was there no candle there at any 
A. There was not. 
Q. Do you know Fleming? 
A. I do. 

Q. Is he as honest as yourself? 
A. I suppose so. 

Q. If he said he saw candles there, would 
he swear true? 

A. I can't say, he had more recourse to 
the place than I had. 

Q. Could there be a candle there without 
your seeing it? 

A. There might. 

Q. You said you saw the prisoner there, 
will you swear it was Mr. Emmet you saw 
and not another person? 

A. I saw Mr. Emmet there, but I will not 
say that I did not see another person there. 

Q. Did you think you were in hell when 
you awoke? 

A. I would rather be out of it 
Q. Where did you go when you got 

A. To Counsellor Vicars. 
Q. Where were you taken? 
A. In Lucan. 

Q. Did you tell what you saw to Mr. 

A. I did not. 

Q. He would have gone to a magistrate? 

A. He would. 

Q. And prevented much mischief? 
A. I believe so. 

Q. How came you to be taken? 
A. I can't say. 

Q. Was it because some person gave in- 
formation against you? 
A. I suppose so. 

Q. And then you recovered your speech 
and gave information? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Were you sworn to it? 
A. No. 

Q. Were you never sworn till you 
came upon the table? 
A. No. 

Q. When did you give information? 

A. Some time last week. 

Q. You heard of the rebellion — of the 
murders which were committed — and the 
mischief which was done, and never 
recollected or mentioned you were in 
the depot until you were taken? 

A. No. 

Q. Would you have given information 
till the day of judgment, if you had not 
been taken? 

A. I believe not. 

Q. Was it for the sake of public jus- 
tice that you gave information? 

A. It was for the sake of my family. 

Q. How for the sake of your family? 

A. To recover my liberty to earn 
bread for them. 

Q. But you would not have told any- 
thing of the matter if you had not been 

A. No. 

Q. (By the Jury. Do you believe you 
fell asleep in that depot, or was you 
carried there while you were asleep? 

A. Indeed, I believe I fell asleep 


Farrell is not Dropped 

Patrick Farrell. 

Examined by Mr. Mayne. 

Q. Do you remember Saturday night 
the 23d of July? 
A. I do. 

Q. Where did you live before that 

A. I lived with Mr. Ormsby in Thomas- 

Q. What business does he follow? 
A. A Grocer. 

Q. What was your business? 
A. Steward to him. 

Q. Do you remember anything partic- 
ular happening to you on the Friday 
night before the 23d of July? 

A. Nothing particular happened — but 
I was passing by that night upon busi- 
ness of my master's. — I passed through 
that lane where the depot was after- 
wards found. 

Q. About what time? 

A. Between nine and ten o'clock. 

Q. You know where that store of arms 
and ammunition was found? 

A. I do. 

Q. What lane is it in? 

A. In Marshal-lane. 

Q. Did you stop there? 

A. At no place but at that very place. 

Q. What place? 

A. That malt-house. — I heard a noise 
in it — and thinking it was a waste house, 
I was surprised. 

Q. What happened there when you 

A. I was not over two minutes there, 
when a man opened the door and 
catched me and asked me what I was 
doing there? 

Q. What was done with you? 

A. I was brought in. 

Q. Were there any other people there, 
besides the man who brought you in? 

A. There were. 

Q. How many as you can tell? 

A. Between fourteen and fifteen — as 
near as I can guess. 

Q. Were you kept there? 

A. I was asked, what brought me there? 
or was I ever there before? — I said I was 
not. — They asked me, did I know Graham, I 
said, I did not — they asked me, what 

brought me there? I said, nothing — but that 
I was going by and heard a noise — One 
of them said I was a spy, and called "Drop 
him immediately". 

Q. What did they mean by that? 

A. To shoot me, as I thought. — They 
brought me upstairs, and, after some con- 
sultation, which I could not hear, they 
agreed to wait for some person to come in. 

Q. They asked you, did you know 

A. Yes. 

Q. Did any person come afterwards? 
A. Yes; a person came in about half an 

Q. Did the person whom they agreed to 
wait for to decide upon you, come in? 

A. Yes, he did. 

Q. Did he question you? 

A. He asked me, did I know Graham. — I 
said not — at the same time a light came in, 
and I looked about me and was asked did I 
know anybody there — I knew Quigley, and 
said, I knew him. — I was asked, "where?"! 
said about five or six years ago at May- 
nooth, as a bricklayer or mason. 

Q. You knew him? 

A. I did, and I understood he was the 
person who went by the name of Graham. 

Q. How long were you kept there? 

A. From that time till about the same 
time next night. 

Q. Then the person who came in decided 
for you, and you were not dropped? 

A. He ordered me into care, and desired 
me not to be let out. 

Q. Look at the bar? 

A. That is the gentleman who came in — 
{pointing to the prisoner). 

Q. Are you sure that is the gentleman 
who came in and decided for you, that you 
were not to be killed? 

A. I am positively sure. 

Q. You say, you were kept the whole of 
the next day. — Did you see him often that 

A. At different times in and out. 

Q. Did you see him take any part? 

A. I did see things done by his directions 
in it. 

Q. Did you see him often that day? 
A. I did. 

Q. You say you were kept a prisoner? 
A. I was till near nine o'clock, when I 

Bottle Machines 


was set to work about the house among 
the rest. 

Q. What did you do? 

A. The first thing was to take in boards 
from off a car. 

Q. Was any use made of them? 

A. I saw them made into cases and pikes 
put in them. 

Q. How do you mean, made into cases? 

A. The boards were nailed together and 
pikes put into them. 

Q. Did you observe were there many? 

A. There was. 

Q. Were any sent out while you were 
A. There were. 

Q. Can you describe more accurately for 
the Jury what the cases were? 

A. They were made of the outside slabs 
of a long beam, taken off about an inch or 
something more thick — four or five inches 
at each end of the beam was cut off — the 
slabs were nailed together, and these pieces 
put in at the ends, so that it appeared like 
a rough plank or beam of timber. 

Q, Were they filled with pikes and sent 
out while you were there? 

A. They were 

Q. Did you see any pikes that were not 
put into the cases? 

A. A great number — more than I could 
reckon, piled up, standing against the wall, 
and lying down. 

Q. Did you see any other kind of arms? 

A. I did — blunderbusses and pistols. 

Q. Were there more persons there in the 
course of Saturday, than there had been on 

A. There came a good many in and out- 
most of them country people. 

Q. Had you attempted to escape during 
the day? 

A. I could not get near the door, nor 
would I be let. 

Q. Did you see any other things there 
calculated for mischief besides what you 

A. I saw boards with nails drove through 
them up to the head. 

Q. Did you understand the use of them? 

A. I heard them express, that they were 
to annoy the cavalry, by throwing them 
into the street. 

Q. Did you see any bottle machines? 

A. I did — there were small bottles, like 
thumb bottles, covered with shot, and linen 
and clay, and there was powder within side. 

Q. Did you see any other? 

A. I did, larger ones, with balls and linen 
or canvas tied over them and clay also. 

Q. Did you see any chains? 

A. I did. 

Q. Were these things seen by you while 
the prisoner was there? 

A. He was in and out. 

Q. What were they doing with these 

A. I was obliged to do something to them 
myself — I was brought up, and was obliged 
to fill tubes with powder and put it into the 

Q. Who commanded or gave directions 

A. All the directions I heard were from 
the gentleman at the bar. When he was 
absent, others gave directions; but I under- 
stood they were from him. 

Q. Did you see any beams of timber 

A. I did ; with hollow tubes through them, 
and a three-inch diameter hole bored at the 
top, into which powder was put. The tube 
was also filled with powder, and stones were 
put on the top to keep it down. 

Q. Did you see many of them? 

A. I saw three or four at any rate. 

Q. Did you see any clothes? 

A. I saw green clothes. 

Q. And cartridges? 

A. I did — ball-cartridges and flints. 

Q. Did you see any particular uniforms? 

A. I saw three men in the evening 
dressed in green uniforms. 

Q. Was that upon Saturday evening? 

A. It was. 

Q. What was there particular in the uni- 

A. This gentleman present wore two gold 
epaulettes, the other two men but one each. 
He had also a cocked hat, a sword and 

Q. Was there gold lace upon any part of 
the coat? 

A. There was lace upon the button holes 
and sleeves. 

Q. Were there more people there in the 
evening than there had been in the morn- 


McNally Cross-Examines 

A. Towards evening they were gathering 
pretty smart into it. 

Q. How did you get away? 

A. On that evening, when they were 
carrying away one of these large beams, I 
was called down to assist, and then I made 
my escape. 

Q. Did you get away before they went 
to work that evening? 

A. They were just going out — the pikes 
were thrown out, and one of these beams 
was put upon a car which was going off. 

Q. How did they throw down the pikes? 

A. From the first floor of the warehouse 
above the ground, they let them fall down, 
with the spikes uppermost. 

Q. About what hour did you leave them? 

A. I think about nine o'clock; Lord 
Moira's bell had just rung. 

Cross-Exam in ed. 

Mr. MacNally. My Lords, I did not in- 
tend to ask any questions of this witness 
in the way of cross-examination ; but at 
the express desire of my client, I shall be 
excused in putting such questions as he 
suggests to me; and which will be con- 
sidered as coming directly from him. 

Q. You say you saw Quigley? 
A. I did. 

Q. The prisoner wishes to know what 
business he is? 

A. I do not know what he is ; but he was 
employed about Maynooth as a mason. I 
knew him, and remember him well, and can 
not be mistaken. 

Q. Did you see Dowdall there? 

A. If I did, I did not know him. 

Q. How many people did you see there 
who appeared to be active men, having com- 
mand in different situations? 

A. There were a good many, and every 
man very hearty in the business. 

Q. Did many go in and out, who had no 
residence in the place? 

A. There did. 

Q. What appearance had they? 

A. Some of them country people, and 
some like citizens, and some well-dressed 

Q. Were there any like esquires? 
A. I can't say. 

Q. Were you not well fed while you were 
there, and treated with lenity and humanity? 
A. Middling. 

Q. You had the same allowance as 



I had a little milk. 


Any meat? 


Not a bit. 


Any beer? 




Whiskey ? 




Any bread? 




Was it cold? 


It was not very warm. 


Did you hear any printed paper read? 


I did — part of it only. 


What did it state? 


I cannot recollect it all now; but it 

appeared to me as if the man reading said 
that nineteen counties were ready to rise. 

Q. Was anything said about the French? 

A. Not the smallest, as I heard ; — they 
said they had no idea as to French relief, 
but to make it good themselves. 

Q. Do you recollect that any person ob- 
jected to the paper when it was read, or 
that any observation was made as to its 
being proper or improper? 

A. The observation I heard, listening like 
another, was, that it was very good. 

Q. Was there no observation of any 
other kind? 

A. No. 

Q. Did you hear any person object, that 
the paper was too merciful? 
A. No, I did not hear it. 

Q. (By the Court.) How soon after 
you saw this did you give information of 

A. Sunday morning, at eleven o'clock. 

Q. Was that the next day? 

A. Yes. 

Q. To whom ? 

A. To my master. 

Serjeant Thomas Rice, 

Examined by Mr. Attorney-General. 

(Rice proved the finding of the large 
Proclamation, issued by the Irish Pro- 
visional Government, in the stores, the 
testimony being the same as given during 

The Provisional Government 

T G 




among nations, that you have 
their ecognizance of y" 

ariinft pro. %. From th* f.T» transfers of landed 19- The w»nty comiriit , tt , , f fe 

«, fefSJvK property are prohib.ted. each perfoi,, hold- "fter ff or l„ s ffirtrJ fcr « <»e 

p-ej„dice,- fog writ he „o„ polTeffes. or, paying Went W ami » p , T , o| fuch 

' We will" onril the national government i, effabl.fhed py^. fea Is on iheu effe&, ,„ , pp U m p „ 

the national 1 
juftice organizi 

declared, and the courts c 

b£f bWailfe they 3 'From the~fame dare, all transfer of Bonds. on the f a ,e of ' 

"\^U are now called on to lnewto+he world vernmont, fuch trifhmen as have been fold or and our Cotrwy. W« war no 

_ :„!„. y our place rranfported, by it for their attachment to free- perty— We wr AgainR no religi 

jilt to clam dom , and for this purpofe, lr will retain as war not againl paft minions o 

independent hoftages for their fafe return fuch adherents We war agaiH Englilfi domini 

country bythe only fatisfaclory proof you con of that government as (hall fall , ato its hands, not however any, rtot there are ome men 

fumifliV your capability of maintaining your It therefore calls upon the neople to refpecl who, not becme they have fu pporcd the go 

independence, -your w re fling » thole hoflages, nnd to recollect that in fpillmg vernment ofar opprtlfors, but be:aufe thej 

With iyour own hands. their blood, they would leave their own cou.n- have violated he con mon laws of morality, 

Jn rhe developeuient of this fyflero, winch trymen in the handsof their enemies. which exifl alje under all or underno govern- 

hasbecn organized within the lafl eight months, The intention of the provifional government, ment;haveputt beyond >urpowerto give tothem 

the clofe of internal defeat nnd without the it to rcfign its functions, as foon as the nation the protection >f ■ government. We will not lw . JM »- 

hazard ib« ZLn* we may have with the + . The Irilh general* drtnA-, *«■ The coumy commiriec fhal! 
may give us of pre- fhall feizefuch of the P*"" ao V:,i ."J* *-- 


andall public, arc in like »0. The County 
and form forbidden, and declared manner, with 
void, for the fame time, ..nd for the fame oarochial eftat, 

hope- of foreign afliflauce ; which has been con- (rail have ch rj fen its delegates, but in the m 
dueled with a tranquillity, miftaken r or obedi- tine, it is determined to enforce the regulat 

ftces. lhall acl in like 
all Pate and church lands, 
and all public lands and edi- 

: which neither the failureof a 
tempt in England has retarded, 

people, and th. rfoi 

hereunto fubjoined ;— It in ennfequehee takes venting the eitefles of revolution, by under- 
he renew- fie property of the country under its protection, taking to place .n tranquillity the min who has 
ui vi nojuiiuc* '"•> accelerated; in the deve- ind will punifh with the utmoft rigour any bctn g-ulty of torture, free quanen, rape and 
lopement of 'this fyflem you w ill fhew to the pffon who fhall violate that property, and murder, by th fido ot'ihe bitterer or their re- 
people of England, that there is a fpirit of per- (icreby injure the prefent refourees and toe lununs; hut ii the fnoknefs with which we 
reference in ihli country, beyond th>lr powet fiture profpenty of Ireland. »'am thefe moi of :h*ii danger, U-'.hofe who 
to calculate or to reprefs j you will Ihew to Whoever refbfes to march to whatever part <i« nor feel th -they have pafTed this boundary 
them that as long as they think to hmd unjufl ofihe country he is ordered, a gultiy ff dif- of mediation, ouni on tbeir fafety. 
domin'uin Irebud, under no change of cir- obedieoce to the government, wnicb atMteis We had h iped for (fie fake of our enemies 
cumfiances can tliey count on its obedienev; competent to decide in what place bis lervtces to have taken hern b« furpnze, and to have 
under no afperfl of affairs can they judge of its ire necetTary, and which defires him to recol- com mined rite aufe ot'i'ur country before t hey 
intentions ; you will fhew to them that trtequef- *ect, that in whatever part of Ireland could have time -to con mit themfelves agaiufl 
tion which it now behoves them 10 ntke into iighting, he is Hill fighting for its freedom, it j but though wo ha-e not altogether been 
furious and infant con fide rat ion, " r "nr, whe- Whoever prefumes by atfls or ocberwrfe to able to fucceed, we are et rejoiced to find that 
t her they will refill a fepurarinn, whr-"it is our give countenance to the calumny propagated by they have not oome forf »rd wirh promptiiude 
tixed determination to cfictft, but ther or our enemies, that this vj a relig' 011 * c «»teft. <i* the Cde of ihofe whi have deceived them, 
tbry wiir drive ui befoad JkfarathM,\ whe- guilty of the grievous crime cf bely' 

hoftages, and fhall api 
rhe Englifh commander oppofed to them, 
that a Uriel retaliation fhall take place if any 
outrages contrary to the laws of war fhall be 
committed by the troops under his com- 
mand, or by the partizans of England 
diflrict which be occupies. 
5. That the Irifh generals are to treat (except 
where retaliation makes' it necefJary) the 
Engiifh troops who may fall into their hands, 
or fuch Irifh as ferve in the regular forces of 
England, and who fhall have acled conform- 
laws of war, as prtfoners of 

. in the interim 
receive nil the rents and debts of futh perfons 
r e V L a 'f. S ' 3nd fhal1 g' ve rccei P» t»r the 
lame, lhall tranfmit to the provihonal govern- 
ment an exacl account of their value, extent 
and amount, and receive the directions of 
the provifional government thereon, 
the 22. They fhall appoint fome proper houfe in 
the counties where the fheriff is permanently 
to refide, and where the county committee 
fhall afiemble, they fhall caufe all the re. 
- rds and papers of the county k> be there? 

iged, and kept, andtheorders 


of government t 
and received. 

> be iraiifmmed 

all Irifh militia, yeomen, or volunteer 23- The county committee is hereby em now- 
corps, or bodies of Irifh, or individuals, 


ich the prefemeffor 

a fanguinary refiltane create rives of his 
I antipathy bctwe \i he two is but one of the many g 
Jtherthey will take tie only Ireiand has to complain- ( 
Rill Irfi, of driving fuch a feniment remove not that only, but every other oppref. 

j pnmpr, manly, ant faga- fion under which wc labour. We fight, thnt 
, in our julf and Uualcrable all of us may hnve our country, and that done 
—each of us fhall have his religion. 

We arc aware of the apprehenfions which 
you have exprefkd, (hat in quitting your own 
counties, ynu leave yonr wives and children, in 
the hands nf your enemies ; but on this hmd 
have no uneafinefs. If there are ill men bare 
enough to perfecute thole, who are unable to 
refifl.fhew them by yourvidlories that wc have 
the power to pun-fh, and by your obedience, 
that we have the power to protect, nnd we 
1 of pledge ourrelves to' yon, rhat thefe 
made t« feel, rhat the fafety of 
they hold dear, defends on the condj*5l they 
obferve to yolt. Go forth then with confi- 
dence, conquer the foreign enemies of your 
Country, and leave to us the care of preferring 
its internal tranquillity ; recollect that nor only 
the victory, but alfo the honour of your coun- 
try, is placed m your hands j give up your 
= iiur win- private refentmints, onu ihew to i he world, 
of Irean d . that the lri% are not only a brave, but alfu a 
In calling ot our countrymen to come(or- generous and forgyjjng people, 
ward, we feelourfclves bound, at ihe fame i.r.f. 

tojuitifyourclaim«theircoi,Hdeinx-byo V MENv-p MUN&TER and CONNAUC0T 

cife decfararion of ouc n^iLvie^- t * ■ , w ™r. r ,,rrt ructions, werrutt that you 

fore U.^ mo iy d«bre. that our o^ ,s%tf- l£l '^The example of the reft 

ra bIi( h a ^ a ndL.dependentrepub l r n/rH:^ "r'^^n^men is now oefL you , your 
rhat the purfiiit of (hsobpA we will rehuqofh ^ ft "™ ^broken ; -Rvemonthsago y, r. 

r days will undeceive :hem. I'hai :onri- 
denie. which was once lull, by trufling o cx 
icrnal fupporr, and fuffering our own meins t 
be ftradually undermined, has been agan re 
tared. We have been mutually pledged 1 
each other, to look only in our own ftraigrn, 
and that the firft introducli 'n of a fyfbrr " 
terror, the firft oticmpt to execute an indn 
dual in one county, Iho ild be the fi^nat of i 
furreflion in all. Wc have now, without 1! 
lofsof a man, with our means of cumm-nt 
tion untouched, brought our plans to them 
'mcntwhen they are ripe f 
the promptitude wirh w hich n 
will come forward at 
wilt be found that neither confidei 

' (all on them befor 
Kion late, not to commit rhetifelves further againfl 
hich a people they 1'eunablB refift. and infupport 
ol a governmcru, which, by thcirown declara- 
tion has forfeited Vi rl^Vn to their allegiance. 

To that government jwwhofe hands, though 
not the'ifTie, at leaft in. features with which 
the prefent contcfl is to ll- marked, are placed, 
we now turn. How i,|u to be decided t U 
open and hono'Tablc forte alone to be refor"' 1 
10, or isit you' iatcntiuwto employ 'b" c 5 VVS 
« hich c u Horn l*>s pH.-***- ^ - ifrffls, ai.a to 
jjoy the latv of retaliation in our 

fhall be -ready had 

defence ? 

Of the ineffcacyof ■ fyftem of terror, m 
the people of Ireland from coming 
afTrrt their fredora, you have nl- 
fxperience. O'Hie effecl which ftirh 
a fyl'tem will hn*"c on ourminds in cafeoffuc- 
cefs, we have already forewarned you — We 
now addrefs in you anoiher confideraiion— If 
in rhequeftion \vnich unoriVt receive a folemn 
and we irufl final deciOon if we have been de- 
ceived refleclion would p,int r«it that condud 
fhould be rcforted to, wtveh was the bef) cal- 
culated to produce conviction on our minds. 
What would that conduct be? ft would be to 
mew to us that ihediftrrcnfr of flrenath between 

the r 

, fuch, 

our i»n, untill the acknow Wgmeift*eT its' 1- We now "pen you 10 ihew 
dependence is obtained from England; and tbt wdared yoa only wanted th' 
■we will enter into no negociation (but for «- pf<>"i&' that 

ft Wttferee 4 to 

1 the-port of thupeople, but a greater 
enderedflill greaer Dy foreign afiift. 
ance: Itvtouldbe fofhewiom that what m 
have vainly funpofed 

fourteen days from rhe promulgai 
date hereof, lhall be found in arms, fhall be 
confidered as rebels, committed for trial, and 
their properties confifcated. 

6. The generals are to afTemble court-martials, 
w ho are to be f*orn to adminifter juflice ; 
who nre not to condemn -without fofneient 
evidence, and before whom all military of- 2*5 Thecounty 
fenders are to be rent inftantly for trial, 

7. N't man U to fuffer death by their fentence, 
except for mutiny ; the fentences of fuch 
others as are judged worthy of death, fhall 
not be put in execution until the provifionil 
government declares its will, nor are court- 
mirnalson any pretext to fentence, nor is any 
Officer to fuffer the punifhmeni of flogging, 
or any fpecies of torture, to be infhe'ted, 

8. The generals arc to enfore the ftriclefi difci- 
pline, an< -o fend offenders immediately be- 
fore coiirt-msnials, and are errjoined to chacc 2 7 ■ Thi 
away from the Iri'ct armies all fuch as fhall c«nm 
difgrace themfelves being drank in pre- 
fence of the enemy. 

9. The generals are io appri-r* their refpeclive 
armies, that all military flores, arms, or 
ammunition, belonging to the Englifh g>- 

ment, be the property of the' cap- 
and the value is to be divided equally 
out refpedl of rank between them, ex- 
■ thai 

gilt rates whom 

rhange of prifor 

rich the government of ben y and the'fune courage 

j (hew, what you the 
ed the opportunity of 
, pofTefs the fame love of li- 


vhifch the 

thai country while a Britifh 
Irelond, Stich is the dechrarion w'hich we c»ll 
on the [1 . | lr of Ireland to fupport — And ye 
•"Ml firft un that part of Ireland wlhich wasonce 
parnlyred by the want of .utelligtnce, to (hew 
ihat to tliat caufe only was its inaiJ>, in to be at- 
tributed; on rhat port of Ireland which *is 
once foremoft, by its fo"(tiiude in fuff'rtng ; 
on that part of Ireland which Once offered to 
take the falvation of the conntrv on itfelfj 01 
that part of Ireland where "fhfffrme of t : *a«.ty 
firft glowed; wecall upon the NORTH to i'^_,d 
up and fhake off their Slumber and their op- 


J YOD (l A X Its, 

To the courage which you have already difphy- 
ed, is your country inacbted for the conhdenc^ 
which it now feels in its own ftrengih, and for . 

the difmay with which our enemies will be fhe has been obliged 
overwhelmed w lien 1 hey (hall find rhis effort to unprecedi 
be univerfaV Bui men ot Leinfter, you owe " 
more to your country than the having anima- 
ted it by your paft example ; you owe more to 
your own courage.^thunthe having obtained, by 

We now turn to that portion ol our coun- 
trymen whofe prejudices we h .d rather over- 
come by a frank declaration of our intentions, 
thatj conquer iheir pertons in the field j and in 
maWing this declaration, ue do not wtfh to 
dwell on events, svinch. however, they may 
bring tenfold odium on their authors, muft 
ft til -.tend to keep alive in the minds boihol the 
mftrumenr* and viflims of them, a fpirit of 
□nimofity which it is our with :o deflroy. We 
will therefore enter into no detail of the atro 
cities and oppreffion which Ireland has laboured 
under during iis connexion with England ; but 
wejuftifyour determination to feparate from 
tint country on the broad hiflorical ftatement, 
th.udunng'fix hundred years fhe has been un- 
abL- to conciliate the aftedi.ons of the people of 
Ireand; that during that time, five rebellions 
to fhake off the yoke; that 
to refon to a fyHem of 
._ in her defence ; that fhe 
hasbroken every tie of voluntary connexion by 
takng even the name of independence from 
IreLna, through the intervemion'-of a parlia- 
meit notonoufly bribed, and not reprefentmg 
the ivSH of the people ; that in her vindication 
of i\it meafure fhe has herfelf given the jufti- ^ , 
of the United Irifhrnen, ficaciou , 
, ■ < n..-. mintftcrs mode of 

tfae widows, orphans, parents,- or 
oioer hairs of fut.Ii n g,'(orioufiy fW'ii (a (be 
aitack^fhall be enthWd to o double fharc. 

land, all Engiifh Ipe^y^WpTor olh^X 
•rie t# fubjecl to the feme rule, and all 
transfer of them is forbidden and declared 
void, in lilvs. vraasia -v. "is exprr/ffei ^ -&<r. 
t and 3. 

thepreTure of your hand Blj The generals of the different diftriCTs are 
form. But tor your nam, fake hereby empowered ro confer rank upto colo- 
nels include, on fuch as they 
■ : " from the 

bp I rjroftjrMtv yinn 

■"• "^ly a psma exube- 

1 proterflion. .If fix years ago, when you 
rofe without arms, without plan, without co- 
oDcrcnon, with more troops againfl you alone, ficat'n\t of the 
-than are now in the counrry at large; you were; by declaring i-- - 
able to remarnforfix weeks in open defiance of " Th^: Ireland never hnd, And 
the government, and witbuia few milesof the 
capita what will you not now effect, with that 
c»piral.-«llll "cry other part of Ireland ready to 
fuDoort you? But h is not on this head that 
we have need to addrefs you. No we now 
fpcakto you, and through you, to the reft of 
Ireland, on a fubject, dear to us even as the fuc- 
«fs ofou r country, — its honour. You are accu fed 
by your enemiesofhavingviolared that honour; 
excefTes w'hich they themfelves had in their 
fulleft ex-rent provoked, but which they have 
gro&ly exaggerated, have been attributed 

do not refort to a fyfiero, which whim it 
crcafed the acrimony of our minds would leave 
us under jhe melancholy delufion that we had 
been forced to yield, not tothe found and tem- 
perate exertionsof fuperior fftength.but tothe 
frantick flrugglej of weakmls, concealing itfelf 
under defperaricn. Confidrr alfo thst the dif. 
tindion of rebel and enemy is of, a very fluctu- 
aring nature; ihat during the courfe of vour 
own experience you have already been obliged 
to lay it afide j that fhould you be forced to 
abandon it towards Ireland vou cannot hope to 
do fo as tranquilly as you nave done towards 
America, for inthe exafperated ftate to which 
you have raifedthe minds of the Irifh people ; 
a people whorr you profefs to have left in a 
ftate of barbarifm and ignorance, with what 
confidence can you fay to ihat people " while 
" the advantage jof cruelty lay upon our fide, 
" we (laughteredyou without mercy, but the 
" meafure of our own blood is beginning to 
" preponderate, it is no longer our intereft that 
" this bloody fyflem fhould continue, fhew as 
" then, that forbearance which we never taught 
" yoti by precept or example, lay afide your 
,l refentments, gve quarter to us, and let us 
" mutually forger, thar we never gave quarter 
" to you." Ceafe then -woentreat you ufelefsly 
:o violate human tv by reforting to a lyflem 
— fficaciouB as as inftrument of terror, inef- 
modt of defence, inefficacious as a 
ieliot, ruinous to the fu> 

tioos of the .-wo cnonrries in cafeof ourfiiccefs, 

enj^ under the then circumitances the he- mQ aeRm ^ of tKofe inflrumenls ,f defence 

refilof Briiifh connexion ; that it nffCefTanly wKieJ . WfJ , [hcn ^ u flo|]b , heceflary to 

mut happen when one country is comtetfted fcy fe prrferve d unimpaired. But if your de- 

wirh another, that the interelts ot the teller rerminationheQcherwife, hearours. Wewill not 

wllbebomedownbythofcof the greater.* imiMie lncnlt Uy. we will put no man ,0 England had fupported and encouraged death j n ' coW blood, the prifaueri wh.:h 11: I 

th- Engiifh colonifts in their oppreffion to- in[0 Qur hands ^ M ^ wi(h , hf ref ■ - 

w:rds the natives of Ireland; that Ireland due to the unfortumre . but il the life of a (in- 

hal been left jn a ftate of igno™n«. rude- gte , rifh foMier is [aken af[fr rhf ba[(|( . ig 

ties and barbarifm, worle in its eaects, and the ordffrl thenix f orlh to ^ i(rueQ I(1 t h e Irifh 

m're degrading in us nature, than that m army are neither to give or takequarter. Coun- 

wHch it was found fix centuries belore. t trymen if a cruel necefTity forces us to retaliate. 

The "ormortunity of vindicating yonr- N'»w to what caufe are thefe things to be at- we wl |[ bury our refentmentsin the field of bat- 

fevesby anions, isnow for the firfl time before tribucd ? Did the curie of the almighty keep t i e ,if W eare to fall, we will lull where we fight 

vou; ond «e call upon you to give the lie to a'ire 1 fpirit of obftmacy m the minds of the f or our country— Fully impreuedwith this de- 

fuch aflenions, by carefully avoiding e-crvap- Irifh people for fix hundred years I Uitltncooc- termination, of the neceffny of adhering ro 

pearancc of plunder, into, "cation, or revence j rrines of the French revolution produce five re- whtch paft experi ence has but too fatally con- 

recolleaing that you loft Ireland before, noi hellions I Could the mifreprerentations ot am- vinced us ; fulfy 
from want of courage, but from no, havmg hitious and defigning men dnve from the mind 
tl^t courage rightly direcled by difapline. of a whole people, the tecoUeclwn c 
But we irnft ihat your pafl fuflerings, ha-e and raife the infant from the cradle, 
taught you experience, and that you will re- fame feelings with which his father lunk 
fpeii rhe declaration which we now make t l« grave r Will this grofs avowal which 
and which we are determined by every means enemies have made of their own views, ren 
r power to enforce. none of the calumny that has been thrown 

pofTefrcsthe right of PU- onours? Will noneofthecredit hai :been lav fhed y^W. 
. r ■ V, r*. uu _ L — 1.. .^Hjlcrrcd 10 the folemn declara- 

make in the face of god I. From the dare and promulgation hereof, 
tithes are for ever aboliftied, and church 

1 paft experience has tut too fatally 
vinced us ; fully impreflcd with tha juftii 
our caufewhich we now put to iflue. We 
le, ihe tecoUection or deleat, ma k e our laft an d folemn appeal to the fword 
a Heaven; and as the caufe of Ireland do- 
ferves to profper, may God give it Vidlory. 

Cwformaitj it ibi alrve prulamatie; tbt Prt- 
viJTtwal Gwtr*mtnt l.tlo-J, dtatc list <U 

ith the 


nifliing individuals, and whofoever fliall put 
another peifon to death, except in battle, with- 
out a fair trial by his country, is guilty of mur- 
Thc inieniton of the provifional govern- 

meat of Ireland, rt to claim from the Engiifh go- lort AvckUni 

ihem, be 1 
tion which w< 

w c.«™,v.S<.A rf >fl . . b ^ h/ land, ,« ,he pr.otr.y.fS.'i,^ " 

— to make 

colonels than one for fifteen hundred 
men, nor more Lieutenant-Colonels than one 
for every thoufand men, 
2. The generals fhall feize on all fumsof pub- 
lie money in the cuftom-houfes in their 
difirifll, orin the hands of the different 
collectors, counry treafurers, or other 
revenue officers, whom they fhall render r c - 
fponfible for the fums in their hands. Th- 
generals thai! pafs receipts for the amount, 
and account to rhe provifional government 
lor the expenditure, 
j. When the people elect their officers up 10 
rhe colonels, ihe general is bound to confirm 
it—no officer can be broke but by fentence 
of a court-martial. 

t . The generals fhall correfpond lT ith the pro- 
vifional government, to whom they fhall give 
details ol all theiroperations, they are to cor- 
refpond with the neighbouring generals to 
whom they are to tranfmit all neceffary in- 
telligence, and toco-operate with them, 
'$- The generals commanding in each county 
fhall as foon as it is cleared of rhe enemy, ai- 
feniblc the county committee, who fhall be' 
elected conformably to the conftitution of 
Uniifd Irifhrnen, all the req-iifuions neceffary 
for the army fhall be made in writing by the 
generals to the committee, wh» are' hereby 
empowered and enjoined to pafs their re- 
ceipts for each article to the owners, to the 
end thai they may receive their full value 
from the nati.m. 
16. The county committee h charged with 
the civil direction of the county, th- care of 
the national property, and the prefervarion 
of order and juflice in thecounry ( for which 
purpofe thecounty committees are ro appoint 
a high-fheriff and one or more fub-fheriffs 
to"xecute their orders, a fufficienr number of 
jnftices of the peace for the county, a high 
and a fufficient number of petty conftables 
in each barony, who are refpeclively charged 
with the duties now performed by, thefe ma- 

17. The county of Cork on account of its ex- 
tent, is to be divided conformably to the 
boundaries for railing the militia into the 
counties of north andfourh Cork, for each of 
which a county conftable. high-fheriff and 
all mtigiftraics above directed are to be ap- 

IS. The county committee are hereby em- 
powered and enjoined to iffue warrants to 
apprehend fuch perfons as it fhall appear, 
on luHicient evidence perpetrated murder, 
torture, or other breaches of the acknow- 
ledged law, of w flr and morality on the peo- 
r° P i C ^ £ ' ie *" d 'fc« they may be tried 
for thofe offences, & ft on a, t fc e competent 
courti of juflice atteflablifhed by the nation. 

ered to pay out of thefe effects, of by a'lJelT- 
ment, reafonable falanes for themfelves 
fherrff juQicej and other 
they fhall appoint, 
14. They (hall keep a written journal of all their 
proceedings figned each day by the mem- 
bers of the committee, or a fufficient oum- 
f them for the infpechon of government. 

mitteeihall correfpond with 
government on all the fubjetfU with which 
they are charged, and tranfmit 10 the gene- 
ral of the diftncifich information as they 
may conceive ufeful to the public. 
t6 The county committee fhall lake care that 
the fiaie prifoners, however great their of- 
fences, fhall be treated with humanitf, and 
allow them a fufficienr fupport to. the end 
that all the world may know, that the Irifh 
nation is not actuated by rhe fpirit of revcope, 
out of juflice. 

provifional government wifhing 10 
commit ns foon as jioffib'e the fotereign au- 
thority to the people, di reel ihat each county 
and city fliafl eleel agreeably to the codAi- 
turioa of United Inlhmen, reprefeni 
to meet in Dublin, to whon ' 
they afTemble the provifional government will 
refign itsfundionsj and without prefumin' 
to dilate to the people, they beg to fug-eft, 
that for the important purpofe to which thefe 

erectors are called, integrity of character 
flboufd be the firft object. 
2.8. The number of rrpreren'.Rtives btin^ ot- 
adopttd. that o'f ihe iate h.Mife of commons, 
three hundred, and according to the beil re- 
turn uf thopopulation of the cities aodcoua- 
r following numbers are to be return- 
ed eachr^-Antnm it-Armapho- 
Belfatl town 1— Carlo w 3 -Cavan 7 -Clare 9 
Cork .onnty, nonh 14— C.rk co f „th 14— 
Cork city 6- -Donegal 10— Down iC— Drog. 
hedai — Dublin county + -Dublin ciryi^ — 
Fermanagh 5— Gal way to— Kerryo— Kildare 
4— Kilkenny 7— King 5 * county 6— Leitrim c 
— Limerickcnuniy 10— Limerick cnyj — Lon- 
donderry 9— Longford 4— Louth 4— Mayo 
— Meath 9— Monaghan 9— Queen's county 
•Tipperary 13 — 

city 2 

-Rpf common? — Slic 




county 6 — Waierlord 
-Wexford 9— Wick- 

!p. In the cities the fame fon of regulations as 
in the counties fhall be adopted; ihe ciiv 
committee fhall appoint one or more flieriffs 
as they think proper, and fhall lake poffefhoii 
of all the public and corporation properties 
in theirjurifdiclion in like manner as is di- 
rected for counties. 
30. The provifional government ftriclly exhort 
and enjoin all magiflrsies, officers, civil and 
military, and the whole of the nation, to 
caufe ihe laws of Morality to be enforced 
and refnecled, and to execute as far as in them 
lies juflice with mercy, by wheih alone liber- 
ty can beeflablifhed, and the bleflings of di- 
vine providence fecured. 


Serjeant Thomas Rice 


Kearney's Trial as reported by Ridgeway, 
page 53.) 

Q. Were you on any service on the eve- 
ning of the 23rd of July last? 

A. I was with Lieutenant Coultman, my 

Q. Did you go into any house? 
A. We went into stores, Marshal-lane. 
Q. Do you mean the place leading into 
Dirty-lane ? 
A. I do. 

Q. What did you see there? 
A. I brought out a bundle of proclama- 

Q. Is that one of them? (presenting 

A. It is ; I wrote my name upon it, and 
put a private mark; there it is. 
Q. There were others? 

A. There were a great many; but that 
is the only one I took. 
Q. Were the others of the same kind? 
A. I believe so. 

Q. Did you find this one by itself? 

A. No, I took it off a bundle, for my 
own curiosity. 

Q. Do you know what grappling irons 
and scaling ladders are? 

A. I do. 

Q. Did you see any that night? 
A. I did. I saw ladders and irons for 
fastening to walls. 

Mr. Attorney-General. It would only 
be a repetition of what the former witness 
said to examine this man any farther. 

The Proclamation was then read — 

The Irish nation can never forget that it ovjes the Union and all its lamentable conse- 
quences to the Irish aristocracy. 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh. 

[In the Union] they [the Irish aristocracy] perpetrated the most extraordinary act of 
legislative suicide Tuhich ever stained the records of a nation. 


Chapter XVIII 

Examination of witnesses continued — Colonel Spencer Thomas Vassal, eighth witness, 
testifies he was field officer of the day, July 23rd — Went to Marshalsea Lane. — Found 
proclamation, took 12 copies quite wet — Remained quarter of an hour, left giving 
charge to Major Greville — Large quantities of powder about — Things sent to Barracks — 
Saw a desk like one in Court — Was at depot between 3 and 4 on Sunday — Frederick 
Darley, alderman, ninth witness, remembers July 23rd ; was at depot in Marshalsea 
Lane, found papers addressed "Robert Ellis, Butterfield". — Also "Treatise on Art of 
War", and other papers. — Did not mark it. — Captain Henry Evelyn, tenth witness 
examined, deposes a manuscript draft of more than half the proclamation — Robert 
Lindsay, soldier, eleventh witness, was employed Sunday morning taking things 
including desk, which he recognizes, from depot to Barracks — Michael Clement 
Frayne, Quarter Master 38th Regt., twelfth witness, received things brought to 
Barracks — Desk given him in charge by Col. Vassal; opened it out of curiosity, saw 
letter signed "Thomas Addis Emmet" directed to "Mrs. Emmet, Milltown, near 
Dublin", beginning "My Dearest Robert" — Had a foreign postmark — Edward Wil- 
son, Peace Officer, Workhouse Division, thirteenth witness, details circumstances of 
explosion in Patrick-street, July 16th, where he found arms, etc. — Expecting riots 
night July 23rd, went out armed with eleven others to Thomas Street — Details oc- 
currences during which he was wounded and quit — Felix Brady, Esq., Lieut. 21st 
Fusiliers, fourteenth witness, testifies to circumstances connected with attempted 
rescue of Col. Brown — John Doyle, Farmer, Tallaght, fifteenth witness, describes 
arrival at his house of a party during night July 25-26, apparently refugees, two 
dressed in coats with gold lace and tassels — Identifies prisoner as one — He spoke 
language that was neither English nor Irish — Passed as French officer — Next morn- 
ing found a paper (small proclamation) which-he handed to John Robinson, Barony 
Head Constable, the Thursday after — Rose Bagnall, sixteenth witness, lived eight 
miles from Dublin — Describes midnight arrival at her house of 16 or 17 armed men, 
Tuesday after Dublin rising — Three had green clothes; one, called "General", stayed 
one night — John Robinson, Barony Constable, seventeenth witness, confirms evi- 
dence of Doyle — Joseph Palmer, clerk to Mr. Colville, eighteenth witness, describes 
circumstances connected with Emmet's arrest by Major Sirr — Details Emmet's con- 
versation at Palmer's mother's house — Was sick in bed at time of arrest — Procla- 
mation read in Court — Major Sirr, nineteenth witness, after usual question as to 
recollection, fully describes all circumstances of Emmet's arrest — With the reading 
of proclamations, case is closed on part of the Crown. 

Colonel Spencer Thomas Vassal. 
Examined by Mr. Townsend. 

Q. Do you remember the 23d of July? 
A. I do; I was field-officer of the day. 
Q. In the course of your rounds I 

understand you went to Marshalsea-lanef 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did you find that paper there? (shew- 
ing him the small Proclamation addressed to 
the Citizens of Dublin.) 

A. I did, and many others — I took 


Emmet's Desk 


twelve of them, quite wet; this one has 
never been out of my possession 'till I gave 
it to you. 

Q. How long did you remain there? 

A. About a quarter of an hour. — I left 
directions with Major. Greville not to allow 
any person to go in ; for there was great 
danger from the quantity of loose powder, 
and I am surprised it was not blown up be- 
fore I got there. 

Q. You sent the articles which were 
found there to the barracks? 

A. I did; with a party to attend each 

Q. Did you see any desk in the depot? 
A. I saw such a desk as this. 

Q. (By the Court. At what hour were 
you at the depot? 

A. Between three and four o'clock in 

the morning of Sunday. It was consider- 
ably after day-light before I was permitted 
to go my rounds.) 

Not cross-examined. 

Frederick Darley, Alderman, 

Examined by Mr. Townsend. 

Q. Do you recollect the night of the 23d 
of July? 
A. I do. 

Q. Do you recollect having been in the 
depot in Marshalsea-lane? 
A. I do. 

Q. Did you find that paper there? 
A. I did. 

[This was a paper directed to Robert 
Ellis, Butterfield.] 

Q. Did you find this paper there? (shew- 
ing him another — this was the Treatise on 
the Art of War.) 

A. I saw several other papers there — 
this was one of them. It was handed to 
Capt. Evelyn. 

Q. Did you mark it? 

A. I did not. 

Not cross-examined. 

Henry Evelyn, Esq. 
Examined by Mr. Townsend. 

Q. Were you in the depot on the night 
of the 23d of July? 

A. I was there on the morning of the 
24th, before the things were removed — I 

went there for the purpose of taking them 
out of the depot. 

Q. Look at this paper [shewing him a 
paper — this was a manuscript draft of more 
than half of the large Proclamation, 
altered and interlined in some places]. Did 
you find that there? 

A. I did. 

Not cross-examined. 

Robert Lindsay, Soldier. 

Examined by Mr. Townsend. 

Q. Do you remember the night of the 
23d of July? 
A. I do. 

Q. Was you at the depot? 

A. I was employed the next morning in 
taking things out of it. 

Q. Do you know that desk? (pointing to 
the desk which had been shewn to the 
other witness, and which remained upon 
the table in the Court.) 

A. I do. — I put it upon an Artillery car. — 
There was a piece knocked off it here, by 
which I know it. 

Q. Where was it taken from? 

A. It was handed down to me from the 
upper part of the depot. 

Q. What was done with it? 

A. It was carried to the Barrack with 
the other things found there. 

Not cross-examined. 

Michael Clement Frayne. 

Q. Do you remember Sunday the 24th 
of July? 
A. I do. 

Q. You were Quarter-master Serjeant of 
the 38th Regiment? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did you receive any things which 
were brought to the Barrack that day? 
A. I did. 

Q. Was that desk brought to the bar- 
rack that day? 
A. It was. 

Q. Was it given to you in charge there? 

A. It was, by Col. Vassal — it was put 
into the Magazine, and the other articles 
which arrived after were put over it. 

Q. Was the Magazine locked? 

A. It was. 

Q. Who kept the key of it? 


Wilson on the Stand 

A. I had the charge, and kept the key. 

Q. Did you open that desk afterwards? 

A. On the Monday after I opened it. 

Q. Do you recollect any difficulty you 
had in getting at it? 

A. I got two pioneers along with me, 
having a curiosity to examine it: We 
were a considerable time before we could 
get at it, through the heap of other articles. 

Q. Did you find any paper in it? 

A. I found this letter in it. 

[This was the letter signed "Thomas 
Addis Emmet", directed to "Mrs. Emmet, 
Milltown, near Dublin", and beginning 
withinside, "My Dearest Robert". — It had 
a foreign Post-mark.] 

Witness not cross-examined. 

Edw. Wilson, Esq. 

Examined by Mr. Plunket. 

Q. You are a Peace-officer in the city of 

A. I am Chief Peace-officer of the Work- 
House Division. 
Q. Do you recollect the 23d of July last? 
A. I do. 

Q. Do you recollect of any explosion 
which took place before that? 

A. In consequence of an explosion, I 
visited a house in Patrick-street. 

Q. What day was it? 

A. The 16th of July — I found prepara- 
tions for making powder, and I found 
pikes, and pike-handles there. 

Q. Now Mr. Wilson, proceed to state, 
as shortly as you can, the transactions of 
the night of the 23d of July, as far as you 
saw them. 

[The reader is referred to the testimony 
of Wilson, as given in Kearney's trial, the 
first in Ridgeway's Official Reports, of 
which the following is a copy as there 
given, on page 37.] 

A. I went there about nine o'clock that 
night ; I had received information about 
six o'clock from the superintendent magis- 
trate that it was expected there would be 
riots there that evening, and I was directed 
by him to be upon the alert to prevent 

Q. Did you take any steps in conse- 

A. I sent an order to the Peace-OfHcers, 

who generally act with me, to meet me at 
the Watch-house in Vicars-street. 
Q. Where is that? 

A. It runs into Thomas-street, near tht 

Q. How many met you? 

A. Eight, five of whom had pistols, and 
I examined them to see that they were 
loaded, and I proceeded with the men to 
Thomas-street, and Richard Cooley, a 
Watch Constable, and two men, making in 
all eleven men, exclusive of myself. 

Q. Were you armed? 

A. I had pistols and a sword. 

Q. When you arrived in Thomas-street, 
what did you perceive? 

A. I saw an unusual number of persons 
assembled in the street, especially about 
Dirty-lane, and a fountain there. 

Q. What description of persons? 

A. They seemed to be common working 
people, many of them seemed to have come 
from the country; they had frize coats 
upon them ; they seemed to be unarmed ; 
they were in groups of three or four stand- 
ing together, as if consulting together; I 
thought they were about something im- 
proper; I ordered them to disperse, and 
told them that if they did not, I would 
take them into custody. 

Q. What did they do upon that? 

A. On hearing me, they all, as if know- 
ing each other's minds, went towards 
Marshalsea Alley, and even those from the 
opposite side also walked into that alley, 
which astonished me. 

Q. They moved as by a preconcerted 

A. Yes. 

Q. Had they arms? 

A. They had then no arms that I saw. 

Q. Have you since seen the place where 
the arms were deposited? 

A. I have. The mob went into Marshal- 
sea-lane alley, and there is an angle that 
turns from that lane into Dirty-lane. 

Q. (By the Court. Was there access 
from that place to where the depot was? 

A. There was.) 

Q. How far was that turn down the 

A. A few yards from the Four Courts, 
Q. What did you do? 

The Peace- Officers Encounter the Rebels 


A. They had scarcely got down as far as 
Marshalsea when I heard three shots fired, 
and I imagined they had attempted to 
break open the prison with intent to liber- 
ate the prisoners ; I thought so at that time. 
I knew there was a guard at the Marshal- 
sea, and I thought the guard would beat 
them of?. I then brought my party down 
Dirty-lane, to attack the mob in the rear, 
and met them in their retreat. 

Q. What happened then? 

A. When I got into Dirty-lane I observed 
a great number of persons about the first 
public-house on the left hand. I went to 
the door and desired them to shut up the 
door. One fellow made a sudden effort 
to get out, but I drove him back; and the 
woman of the house knowing me (as 1 
had punished her before for keeping im- 
proper hours), called out to shut the door, 
and it was sfiut. I then proceeded to the 
lane, which leads into Marshal-lane, and to 
my utter astonishment found myself at the 
head of a column of men with pikes on 
their shoulders; they were moving in a 
slow manner. 

Q. Were there many? 

A. The lane was quite full — they were 
moving regularly, and seemed as if they 
were waiting for the men in the rear to 
get arms. 

Q. How many do you suppose there 
were ? 

A. I suppose three or four hundred. 

Q. There was some time occupied while 
you were at the Public-house? 

A. A very little. 

Q. What did you do then? 

A. I found myself so close on them that 
it was impossible to retreat. If I thought 
I could, perhaps I would have done so, but 
I thought it best to attack them. I called 
out (holding a pistol in my hand), that if 
they did not lay down their arms, I would 
fire upon them. 

Q. Did this produce any effect? 

A. They seemed surprised at being ac- 
costed in this manner, and seemed to look 
for the place where the voice came from, 
and some laid their pikes against a wall. 
I advanced and called out again, when a 
tall man muffled up with a great coat to 
his chin, and of better appearance than the 
rest, made a full lunge of his pike at me. 

Q. Were you wounded? 

A. I was — it struck me in the belly. In 
the action of his making the thrust I fired 
and he received my shot in the breast; he 
and his pike fell to the ground. Three or 
four of the Peace-officers fired and killed 
two or three of them, which threw them 
into some confusion in the front, but they 
recovered in a very short time. I thought 
I was killed. I bled an immensity and re- 
treated towards Thomas-street, with my 
hand upon my wound. The pikemen 
opened right and left, and left an open 
space for some men in the rear to fire 
upon us, which they did. 

Q. Did their fire take place [effect] ? 

A. One of the watchmen whom I saw a 
few moments before was unfortunately 

Q. What further passed? 

A. When I got to Thomas-street, hav- 
ing the cover of a corner house, I halted 
the Peace-officers, thinking to have an- 
other shot at them, but they did not pursue 
— they only kept up a fire through the 
street. By the help of the Peace-officers I 
got down through Meath-street to New- 
market Watch-house, upon the Comb, and 
one of the officers went to the Comb and 
Cork Street Barracks to apprize the army 
there. I re-loaded and then gave the com- 
mand of the party to an old soldier among 
the watchmen and went through Black- 
pitts to New-street, where I lived. I called 
upon Mr. Bell, who had a corporal's guard 
of soldiers, and he planted sentinels upon 
the road. We took a number of prisoners 
that night. 

Q. You need not mention their names, 
but state what more passed. 

A. I continued on duty the whole night, 
not wishing to be taken in bed. 

Cross-examined by Mr. Bethel (Burrowes) 

Q. This was on a Saturday night? 
A. It was. 

Q. You know that Saturday evening is 
a time when a number of working people 
are returning to their employers, bringing 
their goods and receiving wages? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Have you not heard that some of the 
working people returning home were ar- 


The Rebels Dispersed 

: it. i r; ;eU 


A. I 

J M:aa: ~iz re: 
ear eli*j cf afs: 

:crtre :e 

~ ' . r . ". ~ ir 

;:lcv a=-e 

hr Mr. MiT>T 

r. ef Re- 

tee se — f ereer 


Q. What i c gimtau. do 30a belong to! 
A Tbe F.eyxl 
y. A Lie— f~-?.~a I 
.-: Yes. sr. sad Ad; 
O. Were yon span awy dwty on the rid 
of /v."n iser. — tbt expr— g" 

4. [ TO. 

0_ Where? 


~tr ~ ea rror 

I was to ruriil Colonel Brwmmt 
t?.z treat «rS5 1 r:: :r: er tee nr; eae 
tbsr orr drarr; bid ":e2: re sraas. 
O- What ban tras? 
-- Abo— dae-tir aere. 

.-£. I — e: 2 — in vr:r 2 pike ir las bard 

to the wdddk of the street. 

Q. Were there anr oerscrf * a.*~. bar ' 

A. No one. 

O. What did yon do? 

A. . >t.Irl "1— art —Hi 2 —fit 

-.x: - r_ e r i :c~; » 2r rcr.; : r c — 2 win- 
d: ±t Iff: sat err -y -sr. 2rd 2 

sre: t. u r.rer erea 2r eatry er tre t\zzz. 

Q. Is dot ana thing or dead? 
.-£. He is dead. Ke died oa Satnrda) 

O- What did yon uhjtiiL afterwards? 
A I reard 2 barai ir try front, and I 

r:ae ::" tde fee: e: ae 

Q- Were there 

A. I caaaot say. a was -very dark. There 
= ere re: 2 tret: — ir. rue;- r 

Q. What did yoa then? 

A. At the tare I left Cork-street Bar- 
rier I did ::: era-e aea earee art 
.:2i . iir: :i; " ' er_ - 2:; 

re: - -< 2 ere": -:ad 2.rr=:k rre: bat 
wbea the she: --2= bred I feared — to a 
saece— aer 2a e 2 ee — ea rrare 2rt 
:i: 2rf dre freer the drst 

O. Did yon observe 

A ¥mmm the hgfc of the totog I saw ana 
iaaed -srae tdkes. 25 ferae iaea-arti 
tbej -srere. They ■■jrared to rae zo be 
■srbite fr: I did re: kr:w 2: dee 

thne they were fwses. My mem kept wp am 
:tir:iriit: drt. ard tee Oreele red ir id 
de rr rr : r ? 

O- Did yon hwd awrlhtog afterwards? 

A. I ferrd • di2t erd ere ntr dyrtg. 
7 - : erer - 'v .i-:;r ire ;: - 1; rercrted 
-: rrt tat: trey dad tie; at teeer birds 

Q. Is there any person hi court who »aj 

— \- ^~ ---- — - 

.~ . _ te re: *ee tee — irerr _ " t ■ ' * 

Bradv's Evidence - - 

Q. Horn soon after the ire? 

Taexe were 
Q. There, and abed tbzt <— e ? 

.4. Yes. 

Q. Where fid jkm proceed afterrads? 
After -.-.litr.irx rit xies. rrj -ai 
wbo iaf beer -s:rriri ra-.g" — t rj rif 


A At the head of "Dwty-imme^ . 

Cnss-ermmmud by Mr. C Baa. 
O. Sow off the soldiers took this 


Kearney Taken 

Q. Is it your opinion that he did not 
observe your approach, until you came 
within a yard of him? 

A. He might not have observed us 
until within a yard of him, and I be- 
lieve he did not. 

Q. Did you charge any person with 
presenting a pike at you? 

A. No, but I charged a man with hav- 
ing a pike in his hand, and he said he 
found it in the street. 

Q. Who was that? 

A. I saw him in Court today. 

(The witness was desired not to name 

Q. Had you at any moment suspected 
any other man besides that man to have 
presented a pike at you? 

A. No other man, from the time I saw 
him at daylight afterwards. 

Q. Are any of your men to be ex- 

A. There are some here. 

Q. At what hour did you charge the 
man with bearing a pike in his hands 
and presenting it at you? 

A. I charged no man with presenting 
a pike at me. 

Q. Did you give a person into cus- 

A. I did to the corporal, and he was 
sent to the Barracks. 

Q. Did you identify that man after- 

A. I did when I saw him in the 
Guard House. 

Q. How soon after? 

A. About fifteen minutes after. 

Q. Then in about 15 minutes you 
charged him with having a pike in his 

A. I did not know him to be the man 
who was taken with a pike. 

Q. Then there was a difference of 

A. I will explain that. When I was go- 
ing to General Fox with thirteen prisoners, 
there was a man making a great noise 
and kicking up a dust. I asked was 
that the rascal I took in Thomas-street? 
The man said it was not. 

Q. What noise was he making? 

A. He was endeavouring to make his 
escape, and the soldiers would have 

killed him if I had not prevented them. 
He threw himself down and tossed him- 
self about to get off, he would not come 
on by any means. This was the man at 
the bar (Kearney, being tried). 

Q. (By the Jury. Did he appear to be 
in liquor? 

A. The first man I took was standing 
still, and said he was a poor man and 
had many children; he did not appear 
to be in liquor.) 

Q. You did not see any pike in his hands? 

A. No, but the soldier brought him and 
a pike, and said that was the pike the man 

Q. (By the Court. Was that said in 
the presence of the Prisoner? 
A. It was.) 

Q. Did he say anything about it? 
A. No, he made no answer. 

Mr. Ball. What is said by another 
person and no answer is made to it by 
a prisoner, is not evidence against him, 
unless he makes it evidence, by acting 
upon it, or adopting it. 

Lord Norbury. It would extremely 
derogate from the dignity of these pro- 
ceedings to interrupt the trial by argu- 
ing a point of this nature. 

Mr. Attorney General. My Lord, I 
wish to have the matter cleared up. The 
witness states that one of the prisoners 
said, he found a pike in the street. 

Q. Which of them was that? 

A. The first man we took was brought 
before General Fox, and he said he 
found a pike in the street. 

Q. Was that the prisoner? 

A. It was not. 

Mr. Attorney General — My Lord, that 
ascertains the matter; and I am glad that 
it has been explained, that the prisoner 
may have the benefit of it. 

Felix Brady, Esq., before leaving the wit- 
ness stand then mentioned this additional 
circumstance, that upon examining the 
pikes which they carried away, four of 
them were found marked with blood about 
the points and the rings, and one or two 

Doyle's Guests 


were marked with blood near two feet 
above the handle. 

John Doyle, Farmer. 
Examined by Mr. Mayne. 

Q. Where do you live? 

A. Ballymeece, in the parish of Tallaght. 

Q. How far from town? 

A. Seven miles ; it is near Old Bawn. 

Q. Were there any particular persons at 
your place, shortly after the rebellion broke 

A. There was. 

Q. Tell the Jury what day it was? 

A. It was the 26th of July; at two 
o'clock in the morning they came to my 

Q. You were in bed in your house? 

A. I was: I had drank pretty heavy, and 
went to bed between ten and eleven — they 
came in — a party of people came up to my 
bed, and I was so heavy asleep, they were 
stirring and calling me, and I could not 
waken at once. — But when I looked up I 
saw a party of people, upon which I lay 
closer than before. They desired me to 
take some spirits, which I refused. They 
then lifted me over into the middle of the 
bed, and I gave them no assistance — they 
lay down two of them, one upon each side 
of me. One of them said, "I had a French 
General and a French Colonel beside me, 
what I never had before". Which was true 
enough, I never had — I lay there between 
them for some hours, but between sleep 
and awake — when I was awake, I found 
them asleep and then I fell a listening, 
and I got up and stole out of bed, and I 
found some blunderbusses and a gun and 
some pistols. 

Q. How many blunderbusses were there? 

A. I verily believe there was one again 
ever man of them. 

Q. How many persons were there? 

A. There were fourteen at breakfast. 

Q. Did you look at the persons who were 
in bed with you? 

A. I did. 

Q. Look at the prisoner? 

A. I see that young man, or boy, or what- 
ever you call him. 

Q. Was he in your bed? 

A. He was — he passed for a French 


Q. Did you hear him speak? 

A. I heard him striving to speak. 

Q. What was it? 

A. I can't tell, I did not understand it. 

Q. Was it Irish or English? 

A. It was neither. 

Q. How was he dressed? 

A. He did not dress for some time — but 
afterwards when he was going away in the 
evening, he put on a coat with a great deal 
of gold lace and tassets. 

Q. What colour was it? 

A. It was a dark colour, but I looked 
more at the things that were upon it than at 
the colour of the cloth. 

Q. Was there any other person in such 
a dress? 

A. There was one. 

Q. Were there any others besides those 
you mentioned ? 

A. There were two more walking about 
outside, while the rest were lying asleep in 
different parts. 

Q. What time did they go away from 

A. Between eight and nine in the even- 

Q. Did they take their arms? 
A. They did. 

Q. How was the Prisoner dressed? 
A. He put on that coat and a great jock 
over it. 

Q. What were the two men doing out- 

A. I cannot say, if they were not watch- 
ing for the rest. 

Q. Which way did they go? 

A. They turned up the hill. 

Q. Was any paper found after them? 

A. I found one next morning under the 
table they breakfasted at. 

Q. To whom did you give that paper? 

A. To John Robinson, the barony con- 

Q. Look at this paper (Shewing him one 
of the small Proclamations). 

A. It was exactly like that, having iron- 
mould upon the back of it; but I cannot 

Q. (By the Court. How soon after did 
you give that paper to the Barony Con- 

A. The Thursday after. 


Mrs. Bagnall 

Q. Had you it safe from the time you 
found it till you gave it to the constable? 
A. I had it locked up.) 
Not cross-examined. 

Rose Bagnall, 
Examined by Mr. Mayne. 

Q. Where do you live? 

A. In Ballynascorney. 

Q. How far from Dublin? 

A. About eight miles. 

Q. Do you know Doyle? 

A. I do; he worked for me some time. 

Q. How far from you is his house? 

A. About a mile. 

Q. Did any particular persons come to 
your house shortly after the rebellion 
broke out here? 

A. Not till the Tuesday following. 

Q. About what time of the night did 
they come? 

A. Between eleven and twelve. 

Q. How many came in? 

A. I did not reckon them. I was told 
there was about 16 or 17 of them. 

Q. Had they any arms? 

A. They had. 

Q. Was there any particular dress 
among them? 

A. Three of them, I think, wore green 

Q. Were they ornamented? 

A. They had yellow upon them? but 
I was so much frightened, I did not ob- 
serve them. 

Q. Were the clothes made in a mili- 
tary way? 

A. Yes, Sir. 

Q. Was there any thing upon their shoul- 

A. Yes. 

Q. Was it the colour of gold? 
A. It was. 

Q. What arms had they? 
A. They had some blunderbusses. 
Q. What kind of hats had they? 
A. They had large cocked hats. 
Q. Which of them? 
A. Those who wore green. 
Q. Did you understand from any of 
them what they passed for? 
A. I heard an alarm that day, that 

there was a parcel of men in arms at Bally- 


Q. But did you hear them say any thing 
about their title or rank? 

A. I heard one of them called a Gen- 

Q. Can you swear to any of them? 

A. I cannot; I was so much fright- 
ened I cannot swear to any of them. 

Q. Did they sleep in your house? 

A. They did, one night. 

Q. You say you were much alarmed? 

A. I was indeed, Sir, being a lone 
woman, with some children. 

Not cross-examined. 

John Robinson. 

Examined by Mr. Plunket. 

Q. Are you a barcy constable any 
A. Yes. 

Q. Of what barony? 

A. Upper-Cross. 

Q. Do you know John Doyle? 

A. I do. 

Q. Did he apply to you any time in 
the month of July last? 

A. He came to me the 27th of July, on 
Wednesday about nine o'clock, as we 
rode into town. 

Q. You need not state that; did he at 
any time hand you this paper {shewing 
him the small proclamation) ? 

A. He did. 

Q. When? 

A. On Thursday, at his house. 

Q. Did he tell you of it on Wednesday? 

A. He did. 

Cross-Examined by Mr. MacNally. 

Q. You say you got the paper at his 
A. I did. 

Q. Who gave it to you? 
A. Doyle himself, out of his own hand. 
Q. Why did not you say so at first? 
A. I did, Sir. 

Joseph Palmer, 

Examined by the Attorney General. 

Q. What occupation do you follow? 

A. A clerk. 

Q. To whom, pray? 

Palmer a Witness 


A. To Mr. Colville. 

Q. Do you reside in his house, or with 
any part of your own family? 

A. I resided at a house in Harold' s-cross. 

Q. With whom, pray? 

A. With my mother; I have a lodg- 
ing there. 

Q. Do you recollect her having had any 
other lodger in the month of January or 
February last, or in March? 

A. She had, Sir. 

Q. Do you recollect, whether a short 
time since any person was apprehended 
in your mother's house? 

A. There was. 

Q. Who apprehended him? 

A. Major Sirr. 

Q. Pray did that person lodge at your 
mother's house any time last spring? 
A. He did. 

Q. Pray, what name did he go by, when 
he first came to lodge there? 
A. Hewitt, Sir. 

Q. Was that Hewitt the same person 
who was afterwards arrested by Major 

A. Yes, Sir. 

Q. Pray do you recollect when he left 
your mother's house last spring? 

A. I cannot recollect. 

Q. Was it in February, March or April? 

A. I cannot say; it was about three 
months before the time he was taken. 

Q. Did he return at any time to lodge 
in your mother's house? 

A. He did. 

Q. Will you have the goodness to 
mention when he returned before he was 
taken prisoner? 

A. About three weeks or a month be- 
fore he was taken. 

Q. When he returned the second time, 
and before his arrest, under what name 
did he pass? 

A. Hewitt, Sir. 

Q. Do you recollect how he was 
dressed, when he returned? 
A. Yes. 
Q. Mention it. 

A. He had a brown coat, white waist- 
coat and white pantaloons, and Hessian 

Q. What were the pantaloons made of — 
linen or cloth? 

A. They were cloth. 

Q. What stock had he on? 

A. A black stock. 

Q. During the last month, did he re- 
ceive any visitors at the house? 
A. He did. 

Q. Did he ever receive more than one 
person at a time? 

A. I believe he did. 

Q. By what name did they enquire for 

A. By the name of Hewitt, Sir. 

Q. Pray, Sir, at the time he was ar- 
rested, was any label on the door of the 
house expressive of the inhabitants who 
lived in it. 

A. There was. 

Q. Who drew it? 

A. It was I. 

Q. Pray, Sir, was Mr. Hewitt's name 
mentioned in that label? 
A. No, Sir. 

Q. Was that lodger who passed by the 
name of Hewitt mentioned by any other 
name, or was he wholly omitted. 

A. He was omitted. 

Q. What induced you to omit his 
name upon that label? 

A. He did not wish it to be put on. 

Q. Did you collect in your conversa- 
tion with him, what his reason was for 
having it omitted ? 

A. Yes, Sir. 

Q. Will you mention it, if you please, 

A. He was afraid that Government 
would take him up. 

Q. Pray, Mr. Palmer, did he state what 
his cause of apprehension was; did he 
speak of the transaction of the 23d July? 

A. He did. 

Q. Will you mention the amount of 
those conversations? 

A. I cannot unless you ask me. 

Q. I do not wish to ask you partic- 
ulars, because it might have the appear- 
ance of suggesting them to you : I 
would rather you would mention them 
yourself — Did he say where he passed 
that evening? 

A. He said he passed part of it in 


The Uniform 

Q. Had he any conversation with you 
respecting the dress he wore? 
A. He had. 
Q. Mention it. 

A. He said he had the pantaloons and 
boots and waistcoat that I spoke of be- 

Q. Did he mention a coat? 

A. He did. 

Q. What coat? 

A. He said it was a very handsome 

Q. (By the Jury. Did he say it was a 
military dress? 

A. I do not recollect.) 

Q. Is not a uniform a military dress? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did he say anything more about 
it; what the colour was? 

A. I do not recollect he mentioned the 
colour, but he said it was very hand- 

Q. Had you any conversation with 
him about any loss he sustained that 

A. No, Sir. 

Q. Had you any conversation respect- 
ing a magazine? 

A. Yes, he said something about that. 

Q. Mention what he said. 

A. He mentioned there was a parcel 
of powder lost. 

Q. (By the Jury. Did he say where 
it was lost? 
A. At a depot. 
Q. Where? 

A. He did not say where.) 

Q. Had you any conversation respect- 
ing a proclamation? 

A. Yes, he said there was such a 

Q. Did he mention to you any partic- 
ular mode by which he could leave the 
house in case any person came to arrest 

A. He did. 

Q. What was it? 

A. That if any person came to arrest 
him he could go through the parlour 
window into the back-house and through 
the fields. 

Q. Pray, Sir, during the month or 

three weeks that he was latterly in the 
house, was he in the habit of writing? 

A. He might have wrote, but I did 
not see any of his writing. 

Q. Look at that paper, did you ever see 
it before? (shewing him the paper found 
upon the chair.) 

A. I did. 

Q. Where? 

A. With Doctor Trevor. 
Q. Did you ever see it in your 
mother's house? 
A. No. 

Q. Whose hand-writing is it? 
A. I cannot say. 

Q. By virtue of your oath is it the 
writing of yourself, or your mother, or 
any of the family? 

A. By virtue of my oath it is not. 

Q. (By the Jury. Are you acquainted 
with the handwriting of the person of the 
name of Hewitt? 

A. No, Sir.) 

Q. In what room did he lodge? 
A. In the back parlour. 
Q. Were you at the house the evening 
he was arrested? 
A. I was. 

Q. Did you see him under arrest? 
A. No, Sir. 

Q. Was there any other lodger there? 

A. No, not to my knowledge. 

Q. Do you know he was arrested by 
Major Sirr? 

A. I do; the Major came into my 
room ; I was in bed, unwell. 

Q. Was there any other person ar- 
rested in your mother's house this sum- 

A. No. 

Q. Was the prisoner that person who 
was arrested? 
A. He was, Sir. 
Not cross-examined. 

Extracts from the Proclamation found by 
Serjeant Rice were read: — It is stated at 
large in Kearney's Trial [Vide Note XX 
in the Appendix of this work.] 

Mr. MacNally suggested a wish on 
the part of the prisoner, to have a pas- 
sage read from this Proclamation. 

The Short Proclamation 


Mr. Attorney General said it might 
be read, when the prisoner went into his 

Mr. Burrowes. It will be better to 
read it now, particularly as the prisoner 
desires it. 

It was accordingly directed to be read — 
and No. 6 of the Decretal part was read 
as follows : — 

"6. The Generals are to assemble 
Court-martials, who are to be sworn to 
administer Justice; who are not to con- 
demn without sufficient evidence, and 
before whom all military offenders are 
to be instantly sent for trial." 

Mr. Emmet said that was not the part 
he desired. — And the printed part of 
the Proclamation was handed to him, 
and he pointed out this passage, which 
was read by the Clerk of the Crown. — 

"7. No man is to suffer death by their 
sentence, except for mutiny, the sentences 
of such others as are judged worthy of 
death, shall not be put in execution 
until the Provisional Government de- 
clares its will; nor are Court-martials 
on any pretext to sentence, nor is any 
officer to suffer the punishment of flog- 
ging, or any species of torture to be in- 

Mr. Burrowes. This proclamation has 
appeared in several publications, from 
which Mr. Emmet might learn its con- 

The short Proclamation addressed to 
the Citizens of Dublin, was then read. 

"A Band of Patriots, mindful of their 
oath and faithful to their engagement 
as United Irishmen, have determined to 
give freedom to their country, and a 
period to the long career of English op- 

"In this endeavour, they are now suc- 
cessfully engaged, and their efforts are 
seconded by complete and universal co- 
operation from the country; every part 
of which, from the extremity of the 
North, to that of the South, pours forth 
its warriors in support of our hallowed 
cause. Citizens of Dublin, we require 
your aid; necessary secrecy has pre- 

vented to many of you, notice of our 
plan ; but the erection of our national 
standard, the secret, though long de- 
graded Green, will be found a sufficient 
call to arms, and rally round it every 
man in whose breast exists a spark of 
patriotism, or sense of duty; avail your- 
selves of your local advantages; in a 
city each street becomes a defile, and 
each house a battery ; — impede the march 
of your oppressors, charge them with 
the arms of the brave, the pike, and 
from your windows and roofs, hurl 
stones, bricks, bottles, and all other con- 
venient implements on the heads of the 
satellites of your tyrant, the mercenary, 
the sanguinary soldiery of England. 

"Orangemen! add not to the catalogue 
of your follies and crimes; already, have 
you been duped to the ruin of your 
country, in the legislative union with 
its tyrant; — attempt not an opposition, 
which will carry with it your inevitable 
destruction, return from the paths of 
delusion; return to the arms of your 
countrymen, who will receive and hail 
your repentance. 

"Countrymen of all descriptions, let 
us act with union and concert : All sects, 
Catholic, Protestant, Presbyterian, are 
equally and indiscriminately embraced 
in the benevolence of our object: Re- 
press, prevent, and discourage excesses, 
pillage and intoxication ; let each man 
do his duty, and remember, that during 
public agitation, inaction becomes a 
crime: Be no other competition known 
than that of doing good; remember 
against whom you fight, your oppres- 
sors for six hundred years, remember 
their massacres, their tortures, remem- 
ber your murdered friends — your burned 
houses — your violated females; keep in 
mind your country, to whom we are 
now giving her high rank among na- 
tions, and in the honest terror of feel- 
ing, let us all exclaim, that as in the 
hour of her trial we serve this country, 
so may God serve us, in that which will 
be last of all." 

[This Proclamation "To the Citizens 
of Dublin" and generally attributed to 
Robt. Emmet, was written by Philip 


Sirr Describes the Arrest 

Major Henry Charles Sirr.* 
Examined by the Attorney-General. 

Q. Do you recollect having arrested 
any person at Harold's-cross? 
A. I do. 

Q. Without disclosing the information 
which you received : — state shortly what 

A. I went in the evening of the 25th 
to the house of one Palmer. I had heard 
there was a stranger in the back par- 
lour. I rode, accompanied by a man on 
foot; I desired the man to knock at the 
door — he did, and it was opened by a 
girl. I alighted, ran in directly to 
the back parlour. I saw the prisoner, 
sitting at dinner; the woman of the 
house was there, and the girl who 
opened the door was the daughter of 
the woman of the house. I desired them 
to withdraw. I asked the prisoner his 
name; he told me his name was Cunning- 
ham. I gave him in charge to the man 
who accompanied me, and I went into 
the next room to ask the woman and 
her daughter about him; they told me 
his name was Hewitt; I went back to 
him and asked him how long he had lodged 
there? he said he came that morning. 
He had attempted to escape before I 
returned, for he was bloody and the 
man said he knocked him down with a 
pistol. I then went to Mrs. Palmer, who 
said he had lodged there for a month. I 
then judged he was some person of im- 
portance. When I first went in, there 
was a paper upon a chair, which I put 
in my pocket; I then went to the canal 
bridge for a guard, having desired them 
to be in readiness as I passed by; I 
planted a sentry over him, and desired 
the non-commissioned officer to sur- 
round the house with sentries while I 
searched it. I then examined Mrs. Pal- 
mer, and took down her account of the 
Prisoner; during which time, I heard a 
noise, as if an escape was attempted ; I 
instantly ran to the back part of the 

house, as the most likely part for him to 
get out at; I saw him going off, and or- 
dered a centinal to fire, and then pur- 
sued myself, regardless of the order. 
The sentry snapped, but his musquet 
did not go off. I overtook the Prisoner, 
and he said, "I surrender". I searched 
him, and founa some papers upon him. 

Q. Did he say anything with regard 
to the wound he got? 

A. I expressed concern at being 
obliged to treat him so roughly; he said, 
"All was fair in war". 

Q. Look at this paper. 

A. I found this in the room of Mr. 

Q. You mean the prisoner? 

A. I do. 

Q. Was there any other person there? 

A. No other: — the woman and her daugh- 
ter had retired. 

Q. You found other papers in his pos- 

A. I did. 

Q. When he got to the castle, did he 
admit he bore any other name? 

A. He did ; he admitted he was Mr. 

Here extracts copied from these 
papers were offered to be read, having 
been previously shewn to the counsel 
for the prisoner, who consented to the 
reading of them ; but the court would 
not permit it. 

Lord Norbury. The gentlemen are 
pursuaded that this is intended with 
kindness towards the prisoner; but the 
court has a duty to discharge, and noth- 
ing can be read but what is legally 
proved; the papers themselves, or such 
parts as are called for may be read; but 
these copies cannot be received. 

Major Sirr 
Cross-examined by Mr. MacNally. 

Q. Was the paper upon the ground? 
A. No — it was upon a chair; the first 

•The "Dublin Monthly Magazine" (Feb., 1842), states: "In the year' 1796, Sirr was taken from the 
wine-vaults to act as an instrument of the State in Dublin Castle, and sent upon his mission with the 
injunction: — , 
* ... Be bloody, bold, and resolute; laughing to scorn the powers of man. 

"Such were the circumstances attending Sirr's connection with the State, and such the result of 
his subsequent promotion, the bravo of '98 ascended the public tribunal in a few years after, robed 
in the habiliments of justice! Monstrous transformation! He who had been hired to execute the 
brutal decrees of Martial law, and to trample upon liberty, was thenceforth to administer justice and 
to guard the public rights, equally and impartially amongst his fellow citizens?" 


Admonition to Government 


near the door, as I turned upon the 

Lord Norbury. I take the evidence to 
stand thus : — the witness went to the 
house and after examination of the 
woman, who stated that the prisoner 
lodged there, and the admission of the 
prisoner himself, that he came there 
that morning, and the evidence of the 
son proving that the prisoner lodged 
in that room, in which this paper is 
found upon a chair; and not being in 
the handwriting of any of the family, 
I think all these circumstances sufficient 
to let this paper go to the jury; and 
that it will be evidence against the 
prisoner, if they believe it to have been 
in his possession; and this is warranted 
by Lord Preston's case. 

Mr. MacNally. We do not object to 
the admission of the evidence. 

Lord Norbury. But we are counsel 
for the prisoner, and are not to admit 
any evidence against him, which is not 
strictly legal; if any question can arise, 
it is our duty to give him the benefit 
of it, and we have been suggesting this 
matter to each other; we think the paper 

The paper found on the chair was then 
read : 

"It may appear strange that a person 
avowing himself to be an enemy of the 
present Government, and engaged in a 
conspiracy for its overthrow, should 
presume to suggest an opinion to that 
government on any part of its conduct 
or could hope that advice coming from 
such authority, might be received with 
attention. The writer of this, however, 
does not mean to offer an opinion on 
any point, on which he must of neces- 
sity feel differently from any of those 
whom he addresses, and on which, 
therefore, his conduct might be doubted. 
His intention is to confine himself en- 
tirely to those points on which, how- 
ever widely he may differ from them in 
others, he has no hesitation in declar- 
ing, that as a man he feels the same 
interest with the merciful part, and as 

an Irishman with at least the English 
part of the present administration, and 
at the same time to communicate to 
them in the most precise terms that line 
of conduct which he may hereafter be 
compelled to adopt, and which however 
painful, it must under any circumstances 
be, would become doubly so if he was 
not conscious of having tried to avoid 
it by the most distinct notification. 

"On the two first of these points, it 
is not the intention of the undersigned, 
for the reason he has already mentioned, 
to do more than state, what government 
itself must acknowledge — that of the 
present conspiracy it knows (compara- 
tively speaking) nothing. That instead 
of creating terror in its enemies, or con- 
fidence in its friends, it will only serve 
by the scantiness of its information, to 
furnish additional grounds of invective 
to those who are but too ready to cen- 
sure it for the want of intelligence, 
which no sagacity could have enabled 
it to obtain. That if it is not able to 
terrify by a display of its discoveries, 
it cannot hope to crush by the weight 
of its punishments. Is it only now we 
are to learn that entering into conspir- 
acy exposes us to be hanged? Are the 
scattered instances which will now be 
brought forward necessary to exemplify 
the statute? If the numerous and strik- 
ing examples which have already pre- 
ceded were insufficient. If Government 
can neither by the novelty of punish- 
ment, nor the multitude of its victims, 
impress us with terror, can it hope to 
injure the body of a conspiracy so im- 
penetrably woven as the present, by 
cutting off a few threads from the end 
of it. 

"That with respect to the second 
point, no system however it may change 
the nature, can affect the period of the 
contest that is to take place; as to which 
the exertions of United Irishmen will be 
guided only by their own opinion of the 
eligibility of the moment for effecting 
the emancipation of their country. 

"That administration. . ." 

Extracts were then read from the 
paper found upon the person of the Pris- 
oner exactly as stated by Mr. Attorney 


Elements of War 

General [in his opening address to the 
Jury. See Page 156 sqq.] 

Lord Norbury. If the Prisoner wishes 
to have any other part of these papers 
read, he may. 

Mr. Burrowes. My Lord, the Pris- 
oner is aware of that, and throughout 
the trial will act under that knowledge. 

The title of a small manuscript book 
was read — "Plan of the Elements of War." 

And next, the paper which was also 
found in the depot, and which was stated 
by Mr. Attorney General beginning — "I 
have but little time to look, &c." [See page 

Case closed on the part of the Crown. 

No convocation or community of interests ever mill be equitably conducted <where both 
parties are not equally able to assert their own rights, and to resist the innovation of 
the other. 

Miss Emmet. 

A rebellion of staves is altvays more bloody than an insurrection of freemen. 

Lord Charlemont. 

Chapter XIX 

Mr. Plnnket's address — Reviews testimony — Speaks of Quigley and Dowdall as 
fellow "Consuls" of Prisoner — Declares their intention was to separate Ireland from 
England and make her a "Free and Independent Republic" — Follows with a de- 
claration against republics and republican ideas — Speaks of new-fangled French 
principles— Derides talk of 600 years of oppression — Upholds monarchical rule — 
Ridicules classes to whom prisoner appealed and his Provisional Government — 
Speaks of Emmet's followers as a "blood-thirsty crew" and invokes God to con- 
found and overwhelm their cause— Madden's criticism — Lines written by Dr. Dren- 
nan after Emmet's trial. 

'NALLY the informer, the false friend, the traitor to his 
country was quickly on his feet at the opening of Court, 
and, as if acting with zeal in the interest of his client, 
began his part. The records state : 

Mr. MacNally. My Lord, Mr. Emmet says he does not in- 
tend to call any witnesses, or to take up the time of the Court 
by his counsel stating any case, or making observations upon the 
evidence; and, therefore, I presume the trial is now closed on 
both sides. 

Mr. Plunket. It is with extreme reluctance, that under such 
circumstances, and in a case like this, I do not feel myself at liberty to follow the ex- 
ample which has been set me by the counsel for the Prisoner. 

Mr. MacNally. I beg pardon; I am then to call on the Court to decide a 
matter of practice. No doubt, the crown is entitled to the last word, that is a 
reply; but if I understand anything of the arrangement of criminal trials it is this. 
The counsel for the prosecution states the case; after the evidence given im sup- 
port of it, the prisoner is called upon to state his case; and if he does, the counsel 
for the prosecution has a right to reply; but I conceive that the word reply, accord- 
ing to its true meaning, is this; observing upon that which has been urged in 
answer to the charge; but if there has been no answer, there can be no reply. I 
believe the case is new; at least since the proceedings in treason were regulated 
by statute, there is no instance where there has not been a defence made by the 
prisoner's counsel, and an answer given to the evidence against him; therefore, 
I say, it is a new case. However, we do not intend to press the objection further, 
unless my learned friend, with whom I have the honour to act, should think 
proper to add anything in respect of it. 

Lord Norbury. Were it a matter of any doubt, it would be our duty to have it 
spoken to; but as there can be no doubt that the counsel for the Crown have a 
right to speak to a great body of evidence, and that the counsel for the Prisoner 
cannot by their silence, preclude the Crown from that right — we cannot prevent 



Plunket's Address 

the reply; if we did, we would introduce a novel practice, which never prevailed 
in any of the State trials : into many of which I have looked for some time past. 

Mr. Attorney General. My Lord, we feel that stating a case and observing upon 
evidence are different duties. I have had the burden upon me of stating the case 
for the Crown. The Prisoner, declining to go into any case, wears the impression, 
that the case on the part of the Crown does not require any answer; that is the 
most charitable way of considering his conduct, and, therefore, it is at my par- 
ticular desire that Mr. Plunket rises to address the Court and the jury upon 
this occasion. 

Mr. Plunket. 

My Lords and Gentlemen of the Jury — 

You need not entertain any apprehension that at this hour of the day I am disposed 
to take up a great deal of your time by observing upon the evidence which has been 
given. In truth, if this were an ordinary case, and if the object of this prosecution did 
not include some more momentous interests than the mere question of the guilt or in- 
nocence of the unfortunate gentleman who stands a Prisoner at the bar, I should have 
followed the example of his counsel ; and should have declined making any observation 
upon the evidence. But, gentlemen, I do feel this to be a case of infinite importance in- 
deed. It is a case important, like all others of this kind, by involving the life of a 
fellow-subject; but it is doubly and tenfold important because from the evidence which 
has been given in the progress of it, the system of this conspiracy against the laws and 
Constitution of the country has been developed in all its branches and, in observing upon 
the conduct of the Prisoner at the bar, and bringing home the evidence of his guilt, I 
am bringing home guilt to a person, who, I say, is the centre, the life, blood and soul of 
this atrocious conspiracy. 

Gentlemen, with respect to the evidence which has been offered upon the part of the 
Crown, to substantiate the guilt of the Prisoner, I shall be very short indeed in re- 
capitulating and observing upon it. I shall have very little more to do than to follow 
the statement which was made by my learned and eloquent friend, who stated the case 
on the part of the Crown; because it appears to me, that the outline which was given 
by him has been with an exactness and precision seldom to be met with, followed by the 
proof. Gentlemen, what is the sum and substance of that evidence? I shall not detain 
you by detailing the particulars of it. You see the Prisoner at the bar, returning from 
foreign countries some time before hostilities were on the point of breaking out between 
these countries and France. At first avowing himself— not disguising or concealing him- 
self — he was then under no necessity of doing so; but when hostilities commenced, and 
when it was not improbable that foreign invasion might co-operate with domestic treason, 
you see him throwing off the name by which he was previously known and disguising 
himself under new appellations and characters. You see him in the month of March or 
April going to an obscure lodging at Harold's-cross, assuming the name of Hewitt, and 
concealing himself there— for what purpose? Has he called upon any witness to explain 
it to you — if he were upon any private enterprize — if for fair and honourable views — 
or any other purpose than that which is imputed to him by the indictment? 

Has he called a single witness to explain it? No; but after remaining six weeks or 
two months in this concealment, when matters began to ripen a little more, when the 
house was hired in Thomas-street, which became the depot and magazine of military 
preparation, he then thinks it necessary to assume another character and another place 
of abode, accommodated to a more enlarged sphere of action— he abandons his lodging— 
he pays a fine of 61 guineas for a house in ButterHeld-lane, again disguised by another 
assumed name, that of Ellis. Has he called any person to account for this, or to excuse 
by argument, or even by assertion, this conduct ? Why for any honest purpose should he 
take this place for his habitation under a feigned name? 

Value of the Evidence 


But you find his plans of treason becoming more mature. He is there asso- 
ciated with two persons, one of the name of Dowdall. We have not explained in 
evidence what his situation is, or what he had been — the other is Quigley, he has 
been ascertained by the evidence to have been a person originally following the 
occupation of a bricklayer; but he thought proper to desert the humble walk in 
which he was originally placed, and to become a framer of Constitutions and a sub- 
verter of empires. 

With these associates he remains at Butterfield-lane, occasionally leaving it and 
returning again; whether he was superintending the works which were going for- 
ward; or whether other employment engaged him you will determine. Be it what 
it may, if it were not for the purpose of treason and rebellion, he has not thought 
proper by evidence to explain it. So matters continued until some short time before 
the fatal night of the 23d of July. Matters became somewhat hastened by an 
event which took place about a week before the breaking out of the insurrection; 
a house in Patrick-street, in which a quantity of powder had been collected for the 
purpose of the rebellion exploded. 

An alarm was spread by this accident; the conspirators found, that if they 
delayed their schemes and waited for foreign co-operation, they would be detected 
and defeated; and, therefore, it became necessary to hasten to immediate action. 
What is the consequence? From that time the Prisoner is not seen in his old 
habitation; he moves into town, and becomes an inmate and constant inhabitant 
of this depot. These facts which I am stating are not collected by inference from 
his disguise, his concealment or the assumption of a feigned name, or the other 
concomitant circumstances, but are proved by the positive testimony of three 
witnesses, all of whom positively swear to the identity of his person; Fleming, 
Colgan and Farrell, every one of whom swears he saw the prisoner, tallying exactly 
with each other, as to his person, the dress he wore, the functions he exercised; 
and every one of whom had a full opportunity of knowing him. You saw him at 
Butterfield-lane, under the assumed name of Ellis — you see him carrying the same 
into the depot, not wishing to avow his own, until the achievement of the enterprize 
would crown it with some additional eclat. 

The first witness, Fleming, appears in the character of a person who was privy 
to the conspiracy— he was acquainted with the depot from the moment it was first 
taken — he had access to it and co-operated in the design — he was taken upon sus- 
picion and under these circumstances he makes the disclosure. If the case of the 
prosecution rested upon the evidence of this man alone, though an accomplice in 
the crime, it would be sufficient evidence to go to you for your consideration, upon 
which you would either acquit the Prisoner or find him guilty. In general, from 
the nature of the crime of treason — from the secrecy with which it is hatched and 
conducted, it frequently happens that no other evidence can be resorted to, but 
that of accomplices; and therefore, notwithstanding the crime of such witnesses, 
their evidence is admissible to a jury. But doubtless every honest and considerate 
jury whether in a case of life or not will scrupulously weigh such evidence. 

If it be consistent with itself, disclosing a, fair and candid account and is not 
impeached by contradictory testimony, it is sufficient to sustain a verdict of guilt. 

But, gentlemen, I take up your time unnecessarily in dwelling upon this topic, 
which I introduced rather in justification of the principles which regulate such evi- 
dence, than as attaching any peculiar weight to it in the present instance. Because 
if you blot it altogether from your minds you have then the testimony of two other 
persons not tainted with the conspiracy; one of them brought in while in a state of 
intoxication, and the other taken by surprize when he was watching at the door, 
in every respect corroborating the testimony of Fleming, and substantiating the guilt 
of the prisoner. You heard the kind of implements which were prepared — their 
account of the command assumed by the Prisoner, — living an entire week in the 


' 'Badges of Rebellion" 

depot, animating his workmen, and hastening them to the conclusion of their 
business. When the hour of action arrived, you see him dressed in military array, 
putting himself at the head of the troops who had been shut up with him in the 
asylum, and advancing with his party, armed for the capture of the Castle, and the 
destruction of his fellow-citizens! 

Gentlemen of the jury, what was the part which the Prisoner took in that night 
of horrors, I will not attempt to insinuate to you — I hope and trust in God for the 
sake of himself — his fame — his eternal welfare, that he was incapable of being a 
party to the barbarities which were committed. I do not mean to insinuate that he 
was — but that he headed this troop, and was present while some shots were fired, 
has been proved by uncontroverted testimony. At what time he quitted them — 
whether from prudence, despair or disgust he retired from their bands, is not 
proved by evidence upon the table. But from the moment of the discomfiture of 
his project, we find him again concealed. We trace him with the badges of re- 
bellion glittering upon his person attended by the two other Consuls, Quigley, the 
bricklayer, and Dowdall, the clerk — whether for concealment, or to stimulate the 
wretched peasantry to other acts of insurrection, you will determine, — we first trace 
him to Doyle's, and then to Bagnall's; one identifies him — the other, from her fears, 
incapable of doing so. But the same party, in> the same uniforms, go to her house, 
until the apprehension of detection drove them from her. When he could no longer 
find shelter in the mountains, nor stir up the inhabitants of them, he again retires 
to his former obscure lodgings, the name of Ellis is abandoned, the regimental coat 
is abandoned, and again he assumes the name of Hewitt. What is his conduct in 
this concealment? He betrays his apprehensions of being taken up by the Govern- 
ment — for what? Has any explanation been given to show what it could be, unless 
for rebellion? There he plans a mode of escape, refusing to put his name upon the 
door. You find him taken a reluctant prisoner, twice attempting to escape and only 
brought within reach of the law by force and violence. What do you find then? 
Has he been affecting to disguise his object or that his plan was less dignified than 
his motive — that of treason? No such thing; — he tells young Palmer that he was in 
Thomas-street that night; — he confesses the treason — he boasts of his uniform, part 
of which was upon his person when he was taken. He acknowledges all this to 
the youn>g man in the house — a witness, permit me to remark, not carried away by 
any excess of over zeal to say anything to the injury of the Prisoner, and therefore 
to his testimony, so far as it affects the Prisoner, you may with a safe conscience 
afford a reasonable degree of credit. 

Under what circumstances is he taken? In the room in which he was — upon a 
chair near the door is found an address to the Government of the country; and in 
the very first paragraph of that address, the composer of it acknowledges himself 
to be at the head of a conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government, which he 
addresses, telling them, in diplomatic language, what conduct the undersigned will 
be compelled to adopt, if they shall presume to execute the law. He is the Leader, 
whose nod is a Fiat, and he warns them of the consequences! 

Gentlemen of the Jury, you will decide whether the prisoner at the bar, or Mrs. 
Palmer, was the person who denounced those terms, and this vengeance against the 
government. What is found upon him — a letter written by a Brother Conspirator 
consulting him upon the present posture of the rebellion, their future prospect and 
the probability of French assistance and also the probable effects of that assistance, 
if it should arrive. What further is found? At the Depot — and everything found 
there, whether coming out of the desk which he appears to have used and resorted 
to, or in any other part of the place which he commanded, is evidence against him — 
you find a treatise upon the art of war, framed for the purpose of drilling the 
party who were employed to effect this rebellion; but of war they have proved that 
they were incapable of knowing anything but its ferocities and its crimes. You 

The Crime of Projecting Irish Independence 205 

find two proclamations, detailing systematically and precisely the views and objects 
of this conspiracy, and you find a manuscript copy of one of them, with inter- 
lineations, and other marks of its being an original draft. It will be for you to con- 
sider who was the framer of it — the man who presided in the Depot, and regulated 
all the proceedings there, — or whether it was formed by Dowdall, the clerk — by 
Quigley, the bricklayer, or any of the illiterate victims of the ambition of this young 
man, who have been convicted in this court? Or whether it did not flow from his 
pen, and was dictated by his heart. 

Gentlemen, with regard to this mass of accumulated evidence, forming irre- 
fragable proof of the guilt of the prisoner, I conceive no man capable of putting 
together two ideas can have a doubt — why then do I address you, or why should I 
trespass any longer upon your time and your attention? Because, as I have already 
mentioned, I feel this to be a case of great public expectation — of the very last 
national importance, and because, when I am prosecuting a man, in whose veins 
the life's blood of this conspiracy flowed, I expose to the public eye the utter 
meanness and insufficiency of its resources. 

What does it avow itself to be? — A plan, not to correct the excesses, or reform 
the abuses of the Government of the country; not to remove any specks or imper- 
fections which might have grown upon the surface of the Constitution, or to re- 
strain the overgrown power of the Crown — or to restore any privilege of Parlia- 
ment; or to throw any new security around the liberty of the subject — No, but it 
plainly and boldly avows itself to be a plan to separate Great Britain from Ireland, 
uproot the Monarchy and establish "A Free and Independent Republic in Ireland", 
in its place! To sever the connection between Great Britain and Ireland! — Gentlemen, 
I should feel it a waste of words and of public time, were I to address you or 
any person within the limits of my voice, were I to talk of the frantic desperation 
of the plan of any man, who speculates upon the dissolution of that empire, whose 
glory and whose happiness depends upon its indissoluble connection. But were 
it practicable to sever that connection — to untie the links which bind us to the 
British Constitution, and to turn us adrift upon the turbulent ocean of revolution, 
who could answer for the existence of this country, as an independent country, for 
a year? God and Nature have made the two countries essential to each other, let 
them cling to each other to the end of time, and their united affection and loyalty 
will be proof against the machinations of the world. 

But how was this to be done? By establishing "A Free and Independent Repub- 
lic!" High sounding name! I would ask whether the mam who used them, under- 
stood what he meant? I will not ask what may be its benefits, for I know its evils. 
There is no magic in the name. We have heard of "free and independent Repub- 
lics", and have since seen the most abject slavery that ever groaned under iron 
despotism growing out of them. 

Formerly, Gentlemen of the Jury, we have seen revolutions effected by some 
great call of the people, ripe for change and unfitted by their habits for ancient 
forms; but here from the obscurity of concealment and by the voice of that pigmy 
authority, self-created and fearing to show itself, but in arms under cover of the 
night, we are called upon to surrender a constitution, which has lasted for a period 
of one thousand years. Had any body of the people come forward, stating any 
grievance or announcing their demand for a change? No, but while the country 
is peaceful, enjoying the blessings of the Constitution, growing rich and happy 
under it, a few, desperate, obscure, contemptible adventurers in the trade of revo- 
lution form a scheme against the constituted authorities of the land, and by force 
and violence to overthrow an ancient and venerable constitution and to plunge a 
whole people into the horrors of civil war? 

If the wisest head that ever lived had framed the wisest system of laws which 
human ingenuity could devise — if he were satisfied that the system were exactly 


The Question of Foreign Aid 

fitted to the disposition of the people for whom he intended it, and that a great pro- 
portion of that people were anxious for its adoption, yet give me leave to say, that 
under all these circumstances of fitness and disposition, a well judging mind and a 
humane heart would pause a while and stop upon the brink of his purpose, before 
he would hazard the peace of the country, by resorting to force for the establish- 
ment of his system; but here in the phrenzy of distempered ambition, the author of 
the Proclamation conceives the project of "A Free and Independent Republic", he at 
once flings it down and he tells every man in the community, rich or poor, loyal or 
disloyal, he must adopt it at the peril of being considered an enemy of the coun- 
try; and of suffering the pains and penalties attendant thereupon? 

And how was this revolution to be effected? The Proclamation conveys an insinu- 
ation, that it was to be effected by their own force, entirely independent of foreign 
assistance. Why? Because it was well known that there remained in this country few 
so depraved, so lost to the welfare of their native land, that would not shudder at form- 
ing an alliance with France; and, therefore, the people of Ireland are told "The effort 
is to be entirely your own, independent of foreign aid." But how does this tally with the 
time when the scheme was first hatched ; the very period of the commencement of the war 
with France? How does it tally with the fact of consulting in the depot, about co- 
operating with the French, which has been proved in evidence? But, gentlemen, out of 
the Proclamation I convict him of duplicity. He tells the Government of the country 
not to resist their mandate, or think that they can effectually suppress rebellion, by 
putting down the present attempt, but that "they will have to crush a greater exertion 
rendered still greater by foreign assistance", so that upon the face of the Proclamation 
they avowed in its naked deformity, the abominable plan of an alliance with the usurper 
of the French throne, to overturn the ancient constitution of the land, and to substitute 
a new Republic in its place. 

Gentlemen, so far I have taken up your time with observing upon the nature and ex- 
tent of the conspiracy; its objects and the means by which they proposed to effectuate 
them. Let me now call your attention to the pretexts by which they seek to support them. 
They have not stated what particular grievance or oppression is complained of, but they 
have travelled back into the history of six centuries, they have raked up the ashes of 
former cruelties and rebellions, and upon the memory of them, they call upon the good 
people of this country to embark into similar troubles — but they forget to tell the people, 
that until the infection of new-fangled French principles was introduced, this country 
was for one hundred years free from the slightest symptom of rebellion, advancing in 
improvement of every kind beyond any example, while the former animosities of the 
country were melting down into a general system of philanthropy and cordial attach- 
ment to each other. They forgot to tell the people whom they address, that they have 
been enjoying the benefits of equal laws, by which the property, the person, and consti- 
tutional right and privileges of every man are abundantly protected; they have not 
pointed out a single instance of oppression. Give me leave to ask any man who may have 
suffered himself to be deluded by these enemies of the law. What is there to prevent the 
exercise of honest industry and enjoying the product of it? Does any man presume to 
invade him in the enjoyment of his property? If he does, is not the punishment of the law 
brought down upon him? What does he want? What is it that any rational friend 
to freedom could expect, that the people of this country are not fully and amply in the 
possession of? And, therefore, when these idle stories are told of 600 years oppression 
and of rebellions prevailing when this country was in a state of ignorance and barbarism, 
and which have long since passed away, they are utterly destitute of a fact to rest upon ; 
they are a fraud upon feeling and are the pretext of the factious and ambitious working 
upon credulity and ignorance* 

*The special pleading resorted to by Mr. Plunket throughout this case is based entirely upon 
English so-called history of Ireland, with which the world at large has been misled for centuries. The 
student of today should need no prompting in accepting it at its true value. 

Emmet the Chief Conspirator 


Let me allude to another topic; — they call for revenge on account of the removal of 
the Parliament. Those men, who in 1798 endeavoured to destroy the Parliament, now 
call upon the loyal men, who opposed its transfer, to join them in rebellion; an appeal 
vain and fruitless. Look around and see with what zeal and loyalty they rallied round the 
Throne and Constitution of the country. Whatever might have been the difference of 
opinion heretofore among Irishmen upon some points, when armed rebels appear against 
the laws and public peace, every minor difference is annihilated in the paramount claim 
of duty to our King and Country. 

So much, Gentlemen, for the nature of this conspiracy and the pretexts upon which 
it rests. Suffer me, for a moment to call your attention to one or two of the edicts 
published by the conspirators. They have denounced, that if a single Irish soldier, or 
in more faithful description, Irish Rebel, shall lose his life after the battle is over, 
quarter is neither to be given or taken. Observe the equality of the reasoning of these 
promulgers of liberty and equality. The distinction is this: English troops are per- 
mitted to arm in defense of the Government and the Constitution of the Country, and 
to maintain their allegiance; but if an Irish soldier, yeoman or other loyal person who 
shall not within the space of fourteen days from the date and issuing forth of their 
sovereign Proclamation, appear in arms with them ; if he presumes to obey the dictates 
of his conscience, his duty and his interest — if he has the hardihood to be loyal to his 
Sovereign and his country, he is proclaimed a traitor, his life is forfeited and his prop- 
erty is confiscated. A sacred palladium is thrown over the rebel cause, while in the 
same breath undistinguishing vengeance is denounced against those who stand up in 
defence of the existing and ancient laws of the country. For God's sake, to whom are 
we called upon to deliver up, with only fourteen days to consider of it — all the advantages 
we enjoy? Who are they who claim the obedience? The prisoner is the principal; I 
do not wish to say anything harsh of him — a young man of considerable talents if used 
with precaution, and of respectable rank in society, if content to conform himself to its 
laws. But when he assumes the manner and the tone of a legislator, and calls upon all 
ranks of people, the instant The Privisional Government proclaim in the Abstract, a new 
government, without specifying what the new laws are to be, or how the people are to be 
conducted and managed — but that the moment it is announced, the whole constituted 
authority is to yield to him, it becomes an extravagance bordering on phrenzy; this is 
going beyond the example of all former times. If a rightful sovereign were restored he 
would forbear to inflict punishment upon those who submitted to the King de facto; but 
here there is no such forbearance. We who have lived under a King, not only de facto, 
but de jure in possession of a throne, are called upon to submit ourselves to the 
Prisoner ; to Dowdall, the vagrant politician — to the bricklayer, to the baker, the old clothes 
man, the hodman and the hostler. These are the persons to whom this Proclamation in 
its majesty and dignity calls upon a great people to yield obedience, and a powerful 
government to give "a prompt, manly and sagacious acquiescence to their just and un- 
alterable determination !" "We call upon the British Government not to be so mad as to 
oppose us." Why, Gentlemen, this goes beyond all serious discussion, and I mention it 
merely to show the contemptible nature of this conspiracy, which hoped to have set the 
entire country in a flame, when it was joined by nineteen counties from North to South, 
catching the electrical spark of revolution, they engaged in the conspiracy. The General 
with his Lieut. General, putting himself at the head of the forces, collecting not merely 
from the city, but from the neighbouring counties and when all the strength is collected, 
voluntary and forced, they are stopped in their progress, in the first glow of their valour, 
by the honest voice of a single peace officer, at which the Provincial forces, disconcerted 
and alarmed, but ran like hares when one hundred soldiers appeared against them. 

Gentlemen, why do I state these facts? Is it to show that the Government need not 
be vigilant, or that our gallant countrymen should relax in their exertion? By no 
means; but to induce the miserable victims who have been misled by those phantoms of 
revolutionary delusion, to show them that they ought to lose no time in abandoning a cause 


Republicanism Denounced 

which cannot protect itself, and exposes them to destruction and to adhere to the 
peaceful and secure habits of honest industry. If they knew it, they have no reason to 
repine at their lot. Providence is not so unkind to them in casting them in that humble 
walk in which they are placed. Let them obey the law and cultivate religion and worship 
their God in their own way. 

They may prosecute their labour in peace and tranquillity — they need not envy the 
higher ranks of life, but may look with pity upon that vicious despot who watches with the 
sleepless eye of disquieting ambition and sits a wretched usurper trembling upon the 
throne of the Bourbons. But I do not wish to awaken any remorse, except such as may 
be salutary to himself and the country, in the mind of the Prisoner. But when he reflects 
that he has stooped from the honourable situation in which his birth, talents and his edu- 
cation placed him, to debauch the minds of the lower orders of ignorant men with the 
phantoms of liberty and equality, he must feel that it was an unworthy use of his talents — 
he should feel remorse for the consequences which ensued, grievous to humanity and 
virtue and should endeavour to make all the atonement he can, by employing the little 
time which remains for him, in endeavouring to undeceive them. 

Liberty and equality are dangerous names to make use of. If properly understood, 
they mean enjoyment of personal freedom under the equal protection of the laws — and a 
genuine love of liberty inculcates an affection for our friends, our King and Country — 
a reverence for their lives, and anxiety for their safety — a feeling which advances from 
private to public life, until it expands and swells into the more dignified name of phil- 
anthropy and philosophy. But in the cant of modern philosophy, these affections which 
form the ennobling distinctions of man's nature are all thrown aside; all the vices of his 
character are made the instrument of moral good — an abstract quantity of vice may produce 
a certain quantity of moral good. To a man whose principles are thus poisoned and his 
judgment perverted, the most flagitious crimes lose their names — robbery and murder 
become moral good. He is taught not to startle at putting to death a fellow creature, if 
it be represented as a mode of contributing to the good of all. In pursuit of those phantoms 
and chimeras of the brain, they abolish feelings and instincts, which God and nature have 
planted in our hearts for the good of human kind. Thus by the printed plan for the 
establishment of liberty and a free republic, murder is prohibited and proscribed; 
and yet you heard how this caution against excesses was followed up by the recital 
of every grievance that ever existed, and which could excite every bad feeling of the 
heart, the most vengeful cruelty and insaciate thirst of blood. 

Gentlemen, I am anxious to suppose that the mind of the Prisoner recoiled at the 
scenes of murder which he witnessed — and I mention one circumstance with satisfaction — 
it appears he saved the life of Farrell, and may the recollection of that one good action — 
cheer him in his last moments. But though he may not have planned individual murders, 
that is no excuse to justify his embarking in treason — which must be followed by every 
species of crimes. 

It is supported by the rabble of the country — while the rank, the wealth and the 
power of the country is opposed to it. Let loose the rabble of the country from the 
salutary restraints of the law, and who can take upon him to limit their barbarities. 
Who can say he will disturb the peace of the world and rule it when wildest? Let 
loose the winds of heaven and what power less than omnipotent can control them? 
— So it is with the rabble — let them loose and who can restrain them? 

What claim then can the Prisoner have upon the compassion of a jury, because in 
the general destruction, which his schemes necessarily produce, he did not meditate 
individual murder? 

In the short space of a quarter of an hour what a scene of blood and horror was ex- 
hibited. I trust that the blood which has been shed in the streets of Dublin upon that 
night, and since upon the scaffold, and which may hereafter be shed will not be visited 
again upon the head of the Prisoner. 

It is not for me to say what are the limits of the mercy of God — what a sincere 

Dr. Drennan's Verses 


repentance of these crimes may effect. But I do say, that if this unfortunate young 
gentleman retains any of the seeds of humanity in his heart, or possesses any of the 
qualities which a virtuous education in a liberal seminary must have planted in his bosom, 
he will make an atonement to his God and his Country, by employing whatever time 
remains to him in warning his deluded countrymen from persevering in their schemes. 
Much blood has been shed, and he perhaps would have been immolated by his followers, 
if he had succeeded. They are a blood-thirsty crew, incapable of listening to the voice of 
reason, and equally incapable of obtaining rational freedom, if it were wanting in this 
country, as they are of enjoying it. They embrue their hands in the most sacred blood 
of the country, and yet they call upon God to prosper their cause, as if it were just. 
But as it is atrocious, wicked and abominable, I must devoutly invoke that God to con- 
found and overwhelm it.* 

Lines Written After the Trial of Robert Emmet. 

Prostrate, unarmed, no more alive, 

Had ceased Kilwarden's breath, 
The savage strife was then to give 

A death wound after death. 

When Emmet, self-convicted stood, 

In fate already hung, 
Longed to taste the blood 

And piked him with his tongue. 

Now, which of these barbarians say, 

Waged the most bloody war, 
The savage of the bloody fray, 

Or savage of the Bar? 


"Si qua fata aspera rumpas 
Tu, Marcellu9, eris". 

Ierne, ocean's fairest daughter, rise 
Awake from torpid thraldom, ope thine eyes ; 
In manly copious streams indulge thy tears, 
Now burst the galling yoke ; nor stoop to fears, 
Attune thy native harp, too long unstrung, 
Nor speak thy woes with British tongue; 
But pure Patrician, patriot sounds employ 
As erst did Erin's classic sons enjoy 
When Morven's sorrows were by Ossian sung, 
Nor dwelt such accents on M'Pherson'si tongue; 
Revive thy silenc'd language nor profane 
The dirge of sorrow with exotic strain, 

*Dr. Madden's criticism is as follows: — "Thus terminated Mr. Plunket's superfluous speech, with 
superfluous imprecation", and the writer would add — under a false pretence as to piety and with an 
absence of all Christian charity. It would be difficult to show a better example than Mr. Plunlcet gave 
of the false spirit of a Pharisee. Mr. Plunket's speech exceeded in length that of the Attorney General, 
and under the supervision given at the Castle before any document could be printed it was greatly 
curtailed, as shown by the dotted lines in the official issue at the end of different paragraphs, in the 
original report of the trial by Ridgeway. 

fLiterary Remains of the United Irishmen of 1798," by R. R. Madden, Dublin, 1887 (Heretofore 

{Literary Remains, p. 223. 

§"The translator and reputed author of the poems of Ossian, the original of which is now known 
to be of Irish composition." 


"Freedom with His Corse Entombed " 

Primaeval chaos sink that ruthless land, 
And scorpion venom wring its gothic hand, 
That drew its darksome veil o'er Gaelic lore 
And pour'd Britannic Omars* on our shore ! 
Behold Hibernia, freedom's victim son, 
Whom power debauch'd not, nor foul faction won, 

E 1 Hyperion essence of the sky 

Thus form'd creative nature's pow'r to try! 

Thine hero immolated? rudely torn, 

By felon hands, thro' which ten thousand mourn ! 

Thou P , second Judas ! oh forbear, 

To draw from mem'ry's eye the gushing tear! 
Unbidden base accuser, could'st thou lend 
Thy purchas'd voice to sacrifice a friend ! 
How oft the youth thine indigence he fed? 
But serpent venom fill'd thy foster'd head ; 
So parasitic hungry plants enclasp 
The tendril stems and kill them in the grasp ! 

Lo, patriot E to the axe consign'd, 

A heav'n of comfort beaming on his mind ! 

The axe's stroke no terror can convey, 

He shrinks at nought but what foul fame would say, 

His soul unconscious of a guilty thought, 

Smiles at his doom which self-sold Erin wrought ! 

He pleads the right of truth with force divine, 

As pure in motive so in act benign ! 

The madding lord to reason's test he calls, 

The vassal lordling reason's convict falls; 

This convict feels the culprit-angel's death ! 

(Hell's worst sulphureous steam arrest that breath) 

To Satan erst in Pandemonium sign'd, 

The death of virtue and of human kind ! 

Life's benefactor to the scaffold doom'd! 

His country's freedom with his corse entomb'd, 

Till laurell'd union raise her mighty hand. 

Unbind the slave, and fire the civic band ; 

His mind on heav'n, with dauntless step he trod 

The fatal plank, expir'd and met his God; 

Pure spotless spirit ! that now sit'st on high. 

Bend on our isle thy bliss-illumin'd eye; 

If parted shades regard this earth below, 

Watch o'er the length'ning measure of our woe! 

Forgive my zeal which breaks thy last command, 

The unrecording silence of the land; 

Be this thy Epitaph till other times, 

Convey thy deathless name to other climes. 

•"Omar, of infamous memory, by whose order the celebrated Alexandrian library was destroyed and 
therewith fuel supplied to an army of 70,000 men for six months; the abolition of Irish literature by 
the English, bears a striking resemblance to the conduct of the barbarian." 

If power listens to the voice of justice and reforms the law, it is the guilty hand thai 
draws the sword. When it refuses to do this it becomes tyranny. It may compel, 
but cannot claim obedience; for if the laws which it frames and enforces are unjust, 
they lack the very principle that render obedience to them a duty. 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh. 


An original drawing by Petrie, taken during the trial of Robert Emmet 

Armed resistance to authority is the last resort of the oppressed. It is a desperate remedy 
for a desperate disease, and only to be essayed <when all milder ones have failed. 

Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh. 

Chapter XX 

Lord Norbury's charge to the Jury — Indictment for High Treason, comprehending 
three several branches of Statute of Edward III — Connects acts of the Prisoner with each 
branch — Follows legal import of charge by a minute detail of testimony and occasional 
observations — States law as to evidence given by accomplices — Then reviews conduct 
of Prisoner before, during, and after rebellion — Concludes with usual admonition as to 
Juror's duty — Foreman of Jury, after consulting jurors, declares unanimous verdict of 
guilty — Attorney General prays for judgment — Clerk of Crown calls for Prisoner to be 
put to the Bar — MacNally asks that motion for judgment be deferred to following day — 
Attorney General declines — Clerk of Crown then reads indictment and states verdict in 
form with usual call to Prisoner to say why judgment of death and execution be not 
pronounced — Robert Emmet then makes an address which hitherto has not been authen- 
tically given to the public — Finally judgment of death is pronounced and execution is 
carried out on the following day. 

Lord Norbury, 


I shall not delay you longer, than I feel my indispensable 
duty requires. We have all a very serious duty to perform. I 
shall not consume a moment of your time by recapitulating any 
principles of law, for no difficulties exist in the case in that 
respect. If there had been an opportunity to make a defence in 
matter of law, there are no more able men for the purpose than 
those who have been assigned as counsel to the Prisoner; but 
they have comported themselves with a discretion and a manli- 
ness that is deserving of respect. 
Gentlemen, it is necessary that you should know what the overt acts are to which the 
evidence is applicable. The Indictment is for High Treason, comprehending three several 
branches of the statute of Edward the third. First for compassing and imagining the 
death of the King. Secondly, for adhering to the King's enemies — and thirdly for compass- 
ing to levy war. The first overt act in support of these charges, is that the Prisoner did 
with others meet, consult, conspire and agree to raise, levy and make cruel insurrection, 
rebellion and war against the King, and to procure great quantities of arms and ammuni- 
tion, for the purpose of the said rebellion, and to overturn the constitution. The second 
is, that he did procure great quantities of arms and ammunition and did procure to be 
made 1,000 pikes, with intent that divers traitors should be armed therewith, and should 
use the same in and for making and carrying on insurrection, rebellion and war against 
the King and for committing a cruel slaughter against his subjects. The third is, that 
he did become one of a society of persons associated under the name of The Provisional 
Government, for the purpose of levying war against the King, and overturning the Con- 



Norbury's Charge to the Jury 

stitution, he well knowing the purposes for which that society was formed. The fourth is, 
that he did compose and write a certain manifesto, purporting to be a proclamation of The 
Provisional Government, and purporting that they had determined to separate Ireland 
from England and for that purpose to make war against the King and his troops, with 
intent that said proclamation should be spread among the people to unite them to war 
against the King. The fifth is, that he did write that proclamation describing it to be 
the proclamation of persons unknown associated under the name of the Provisional 
Government, with the same intent as in the former. The sixth is, that he kept and con- 
cealed the Proclamation with intent that it should be published and spread amongst the 
people— and the seventh is, that he did ordain, prepare, levy, and make public war against 
the King. The same overt acts are stated in support of the second count, and there is one 
in support of the third, that he did with other persons actually levy war against the King. 

Gentlemen, having now disposed of that which is the legal import of the charge, I 
shall proceed with the evidence. 

(Here his Lordship minutely stated from his notes all the evidence which had been 
advanced, and accompanied this detail with occasional observations.) 

As has been observed on, if the witness appears to have been an accomplice in the 
crimes of the Prisoner, it has been long settled law, that an accomplice is a competent 
witness to be received to give evidence, otherwise many dangerous crimes would go un- 
punished, and undiscovered. But the Jury are to determine under all the circumstances 
appearing in the case, what credit he deserves, and where he tells a natural and con- 
sistent story. In the present instance the witness appears consistent and is corroborated 
in many particulars, and he is not contradicted in any. 

(After stating and observing upon the written evidence, his Lordship proceeded.) 

Now, Gentlemen, I have to conclude this duty of addressing you with one or two ob- 
servations. Probably you have made a clear arrangement of this case in your own minds. 
But it appears to me, that there are three distinct periods, into which the facts of the case 
may be divided. First, that which relates to the conduct of the Prisoner before the 
Rebellion. Second, that which relates to his conduct on the 23rd of July, when the 
rebellion was raging, and thirdly, that which relates to his conduct afterwards. Then 
you will consider upon the whole of the facts whether they all correspond and tend to 
support the general mass of charge, or whether you can form a just conclusion. It 
remains uncontroverted — that the Prisoner had been abroad lately, and that he returned 
to this country, and then appeared openly. But it has been proved that in the month 
of April, upon the breaking out of the war, he disguises his name and character, and from 
that time until he is taken, he never goes by his own genuine name. He lives in a 
sequestered way, he conceals his name, and assumes that by which he was afterwards 
known in the depot — he lives there for a week before the rebellion broke out, and as to 
his conduct there, many facts have been proved by the witnesses, who are not contra- 
dicted. He has been proved by three witnesses to have acted there as the first in com- 
mand, and to have had there that uniform in which he appeared at other places subsequent 
to the rebellion, and which was described to you by the farmer, and of which he spoke to 
his own friend, Mr. Palmer, of Harold's-cross, who also proved his lamenting the loss 
of the depot. 

Now, then, as to the third period, what happened after the 23rd of July? The 
Prisoner went to the country dressed in that same uniform. He proceeded to the neigh- 
bourhood of Tallaght, in company with others in rebel uniforms, Doyle identifies the 
Prisoner in that situation beyond controversy, and Mrs. Bagnall strongly corroborates. 
The Prisoner at the bar, during these periods, passed under different names; he was 
Ellis, he was Hewitt, he was Cunningham, and at last when made a captive, but not till 
then, he acknowledged his name to be Emmet. He took particular pains to disguise him- 
self at Harold's-cross, he refused to have his name put on the door — he endeavoured 
to escape, was secured by Major Sirr, and is now brought to the bar — and I am sure, if 
I could with just propriety express my concern at seeing such a young gentleman at this 



bar, that the accusation against him is well founded, it is well for the community that 
he is there. It was my duty to condense the evidence into as narrow a compass as 1 
could, and I have been obliged to state the facts which have been proved by the parol 
and written evidence, accompanying them with observations, which are submitted entirely 
to you, for you are to determine upon them all — and upon the credit of those who proved 

Gentlemen, no witnesses have been called for the Prisoner at the bar, and now you 
have your duty to perform. If you have a rational doubt, such as rational men may en- 
tertain upon the evidence, whether the Prisoner was engaged in these transactions you 
should acquit him; if you believe the evidence, it is direct proof of all the treasons charged 
against him. But I say, if you have a doubt, you should acquit him. If you do not 
entertain any doubt, but that you believe the evidence, and the criminal conduct and 
intentions imputed to the Prisoner, you are bound to decide between the Prisoner and 
the justice due to your country, and in that case you should find him guilty. 

The jury did not retire from the box and after a few minutes deliberation, the 
foreman addressed the Court : 

Foreman. My Lord, I have consulted my brother jurors, and we are all of opinion 
that the Prisoner is Guilty. 

Mr. Attorney General. My Lord, it remains for me to pray the judgment of the 
Court upon the Prisoner. 

Clerk of the Crown. Gaoler, put Robert Emmet, Esq., to the bar. 

Mr. MacNally. My Lords, I hope I am not intruding upon the Court, and that it 
is not incompatible with my duty, now that the verdict has been pronounced, to state a 
request of the Prisoner which probably ought to be addressed to the Attorney General, 
rather than to the Court — it is, that the motion for judgment might not be made until 

Mr. Attorney General. My Lord, I have made the motion and it is impossible for 
me now to comply with the request. 

The Clerk of the Crown read the indictment and stated the verdict found in the 
usual form. He then concluded thus: — "What have you, therefore, now to say, why 
judgment of death and execution should not be awarded against you according to law?" 

Mr. Emmet then replied in terms which have not been preserved. Ridge- 
way made a report which is printed with the minutes after the agents at 
Dublin Castle had prepared a version which the Government wished to reach 
the people, and probably no other political document connected with the his- 
tory of Ireland was ever more distorted from what Robert Emmet did say. 
The official version has not, therefore, been reproduced, but the reader will 
receive a rendering prepared with great care by Dr. Madden and with the aid 
of a number of persons who heard it as spoken by Robert Emmet himself. 

In some of the official versions of the trial, as reported by Ridgeway, the 
Attorney General is represented as saying : 

The Prisoner made a most animated speech, replete with the most eloquent language 
avowing his being one of the Provisional Government who issued the proclamation ; 
that he gloried in the cause, as he had already exposed his life for it, he would not now 
shrink from expresing his sentiments although with the halter nearly about his neck; 
that he trusted the court would allow him to express the sentiment that while he had life 
he would persist in it, and that death alone would prevent his acting on it. He partic- 
ularly disclaimed any intention of the Provisional Government selling the country to 
the French and disavowed that any treaty was entered into with them, save that of 
receiving a small body of troops, enough in number to operate with the insurgents to 
overturn the Government, but insufficient to establish a French preponderance. 


Norbury's Emotion 

"The Court heard him", it was claimed, "with a great deal of patience and although 
indignation was visible in the countenance of every person in Court at the public avowal 
of his guilt, yet, not a murmur was heard. 

"Lord Norbury made a salutary remonstrance to the Prisoner, paying a handsome 
compliment to some of the respectable members of the family to which he belonged, 
pronounced the awful sentence of the law in cases of High Treason."* 

The Court adjourned. 

Dr. Madden has placed on record, to Lord Norbury's credit, although 
there appears no great evidence in the printed reports of the trial, that : 

After an address which was pronounced with emotion never exhibited on any formei 
occasion by his lordship [he] pronounced the dreadful sentence, ordering the Prisoner 
to be executed on the following day, Tuesday. When the Prisoner was removed from 
the desk it was about half-past ten o'clock at night. 

Phillips, from whose work we have frequently quoted, states in relation 
to Emmet's speech : 

These were the last words which Robert Emmet ever spoke in public ; and these words 
deliberately avowed and justified the conduct for which his life had been pronounced 
the forfeit. Indeed he does not appear to have been a young man upon whose mind ad- 
versity could produce any effect. He was buoyed up by a characteristic enthusiasm; 
and this tempered as it was by the utmost amenity of manners, rendered him an ob- 
ject of love and admiration even in his prison. 

Dr. Madden states: 

In the dock he was likewise an object of love and admiration, of sympathy with all, 
even Lord Norbury. I should have said; with all, perhaps with one exception — that of 
a man of a cold heart, an ungenerous nature, and ungenial disposition. I have been 
acquainted with eight persons — all men of high intelligence and education, most of them 
members of the Established Church; two of them ministers of that Church; the majority 
of them, too, totally opposed to the politics and principles of Robert Emmet, who were 
present when he pronounced that memorable speech, and all concur in the opinion that 
the speaker of it was wonderfully gifted, and that he had made an impression on their 
minds which nothing ever could efface . . . They were Mr. Buchanan, of New York, 
(afterwards President of the United States), Dr. Macabe, the Rev. Dr. Hayden, the Rev. 

•The following is from "The Press", October 14th, 1797. 

On a Certain Musical Performer [Lord Norbury] 

"Tempora mutantur et nos mutamur in illis." 

Jack Savage was once a gay good-humoured thing, 
Rather shallow, 'tis true, but at all in the ring; 
With a shake of the head, and a shake of the hand. 
He made way with his brethren — a social band, 
Rather fond, it was said, of the duelist's name, 
But with Irishmen that is no subject of blame; 
With a catch, and a glee, and a pun and a song, 
He trifled and laughed with the mirth-loving throng, 
Fortune's frolic advanc'd him, and quickly behold 
This monkey, the claws of the tiger unfold! 
When plac'd on the Judge's tribunal was he, 
His catch was a halter, and murder his glee, 
With a smile the deep groan of affliction he hears, 
The sharp burst of distraction accords with his ears. 
With some frigid conceit, or some metaphor bold, 
He sports, while the victims of death stand appall'd. 
But justice ere long may lay hold on his throat, 
And again our musician must alter his note. 

Old Towler. 

These lines were taken directly from the newspaper. They are reproduced on page 111 of "The 

Beauties of the Press," published in London, 1800, but do not appear in "Extracts from the Press," 
printed by William Duane in Philadelphia, 180S. 

"My Doom is Sealed " 


Dr. Macartney, and others whose names I am not at liberty to disclose, and amongst them 
one whose retentive memory has preserved every striking passage. 

Emmet's refusal to make a defence or examine witnesses will be explained 
by the following from the "Memoir" of Peter Burrowes : 

The last member of this gifted family that remains to be noticed was the unfortunate 
Robert Emmet. He, too, possessed in an eminent degree all the mental and physical 
qualities necessary to an accomplished speaker. Moulded in nature's happiest combination, 
he gave an elevating influence to the society in which he moved, his learning, his taste, 
his talents, his fine sensibilities of heart, constancy in friendship, and firmness in prin- 
ciple gained him the love and esteem of all who knew him. The circumstances of his 
unfortunate insurrection (if the enterprise deserves a title of so much importance) are 
notorious. After he was arrested he wrote to Mr. Curran, requesting him to act for him 
as counsel. Curran was himself suspected by Lord Clare and the Privy Council of 
favouring revolutionary principles ; and the ardour of Emmet's attachment for his 
daughter lent strength to this opinion — an opinion which his old enemy, Lord Clare, was 
active in disseminating. Thus delicately situated, he declined to act in his professional 
capacity. Few were disposed to signalize themselves in the defense of the unhappy man. 
One, however, was found who accepted the task with alacrity. Emmet applied to Bur- 
rowes, whose attentions to his unfortunate client were unceasing, having sought and 
obtained permission to sleep in the prison with him for the few nights preceding his 
trial, with the view of preparing his defense. On the trial he rose to address the""jury, 
when Emmet laying his hand on his shoulder, pressed him down, observing as he did so : 
"Burrowes, let me entreat of you to be seated : I approve your zeal, my friend, but I 
well know your exertions on my behalf would prove unavailing; my doom is sealed." 

Ridgeway reports that when Emmet had brought his speech to a close, 
Lord Norbury added : 

I was in hopes that I might have been able to recall you to a more composed state 
of mind, suitable to the melancholy situation in which you are placed. I lament that it 
was vain to attempt it. A different conduct would more become a man who had en- 
deavoured to overthrow the laws and the liberties of his country, and who had vainly 
and wickedly substituted the bloody proscriptions of the Provisional Government, in 
the room of the most temperate, mild and impartial justice with which a free country 
was ever blessed. Had you been tried under the system of your own invention, you 
would not have been listened to for an instant; but your code would have crushed the 
inventor. And such has been the well-known fate of most of the leaders of modern 
republicanism, where such talents and dispositions as yours have been resorted to, that the 
prostituted pen of every revolutionary raver might be put in requisition to madden the 
multitude, and to give sovereignty to the mob. 

This reads very much like an interpolation of some one at Dublin Castle, 
and is not at all in keeping with Lord Norbury's character. 

Mr. Emmet answered, and these were his last words to the public if he 
said anything in addition to his speech : 

I beg pardon. I wish to mention one circumstance, which is to state expressly, that 
I did not come from France ; — I did not create the conspiracy — I found it when I arrived 
here; — I was solicited to join it — I took time to consider of it, and I was told expressly, 
that it was no matter whether I did join it or not — it would go on. I then, finding my 
principles accord with the measure — did join it, and under the same circumstances would 
do so again. 


Sentence Pronounced 

We are here met with the statement of Robert Emmet that he did not go to 

Ireland from France. As he was noted for his truthfulness, and even a pre- 
varication was uncalled for, there remains no known explanation. He cer- 
tainly left Paris for the purpose of going to Ireland, and we have the testi- 
mony of Lawless and others who met him at dinner the night before his de- 
parture and used every effort to detain him. He may not have gone directly 
to Dublin but there was little delay, and as his father was ill, there was some 
business to transact between them, and he was present at his father's death. 
Lord Norbury is reported to have replied to Mr. Emmet's last statement : 

The history of your trial, and the circumstances relating to it, are fresh in every 
man's recollection. 

Be assured that I have the most sincere affliction in performing the painful duty 
which devolves upon me, and let me, with the most anxious concern, exhort you not 
to depart this life with such sentiments of rooted hostility to your country as those 
which you have expressed. Be assured that far other sentiments will better contri- 
bute to give you comfort at your departure from this life, and to obtain forgiveness 
and mercy in that which is to come — as well as to give you fortitude to bear that 
dreadful sentence which at this awful moment I must pronounce. 

His Lordship then pronounced the sentence in the usual form, and the 
prisoner bowed, and retired. 

The Prisoner was executed the next day in Thomas Street.* 

Counsel for the Crown Crown Solicitors 

Mr. Attorney General— Standish O'Grady T - and w - Kemmis 

Mr. Solicitor General — James McClelland 

Mr. Plunket Counsel for the Prisoner 

Mr. Mayne Mr. Burrowes 

Mr. Townsend Mr. MacNally 

Mr. Ridgeway Agent 

Mr. O'Grady Mr. L. MacNally 

•This took place in front of St. Catherine's Church, and it is said, over the spot where Lord Kil- 
warden was murdered on the night of the uprising; notwithstanding it was known Robert Emmet was 
not present, and that he was so impressed on hearing of the occurrence that he immediately ceased all 
further effort and left the city. 

Emmet's epitaph must be written in tetters of blood, our martyrs have not died in vain. 
This land is ours by every right of God and man, and no outside po<wer has any 
right whatever here. No power on God's earth can prevent us from obtaining our 
freedom if we only act together and fight together, with courage and determination. 

McBride, "Irish Freedom", Dublin, March, I9li. 




Mr R. Emmett, 

Who was Executed September the 20th, for High Treafon. — Together 
with his Solemn Exhortation to his Countrymen to reject the proffered 
Friendfhip and Affiftance of Defpotic, Cruel, and Perfidious FRANCE. 

ON Monday September t9, ROBERT 
XMMKTT was put to the bar. at 
Dublin, on trial for Hisjb Treafbta. The 
prisoner challenged nineteen peremptorily 
out of the pannct for a Petit jury, and fix 
■mete fct afide by the Crown. 

The Attorney General took a retrofpective 
view of ihv public calamities incident to the 
fpirit of insurrection which had hitherto pre* 
vadect the minds of the common people ot 
that country. 

The prifoner at the bar, If Mr. Attorney 
was properly inftiufted, would appear by sub- 
stantial evict, nee, together with a variety of 
corroboratin ; circumftances, to have been 
the prime fbuice, origin, , and spirit of the 
recent insurrection in this city, fo enor- 
n-ouilv wicked in the conception, but fo 
truly contemouble and puerile both in the 
plan and execution. 

The prifoner in a fpeech marked by 
some traits of ingenuity and elocution, jus- 
tified the conduct imputed to him, on turn 
and long adopted principles. 

The Jury returned a verdict Goiltt, 
without leaving tbe. box; and Lord Nor- 
bury pronounced fentence of DEATH on 

At ten o'clock this morning, (S*pt. so), 
• confidential friend of this unfortunate 
Gentleman was permitted to vilit him at 
Xtlmamhim gaol. • The vifiibr. a Pro- 
fefSonal Gentleman of considerable emi- 
nence, on his entrance into the calptii'a 
chamber found him reading the Litary in 
the service of the Church of England in 
tbe presence of the Rev. IVfr. Gamble, 
tbe Ordinary -of Newgate ; after which 
/ie made a hearty breakfalt. Retiring 
afterwards to a room with his friend, afier 
certain family communications, he adverted 
to the circumftance of having bis pockets 
examined in the dock on the preceding 
evening, for fame inftrument with which 
It was apprehended he might defttoy him. 
felf. He declaimed fuch notion, alledg. 
ing it was" incompatible with the religion 
be professed. 

Tbe culprit was led from Kilmainham 
gaol under a strong military ouaid, com. 
poled of detachments both of Cavalry and 
infantry of the Regular Troops quartered 
at the Barracks. He arrived about three 
o'clock at the temporary galtowa, in Tho- 
rn ars-ftreet, tn a carriage with two clergy. 

men. In his progress thither his demea- 
nour, however, did not appear of that fe. 
rioas call befitting the awfulnefs of his lun- 
ation, or the religious leiitiments he had 
uttered in tbe morning. He gazed about, 
particularly in pirty-lane, the fcene of bis 
exploits, with a fpecits of light inattentive 
faille, approaching a laugh, until he was 
cartied to the place of execution, and 
fpoke and nodded to some of his ac- 
quaintance with the greateft coolnefs. Af- 
ter mounting the plailurm attached to tbe 
gallows, he addressed the furreunding 
crowd in a few words, faying be died in 
peace and untveifal love and kindnefs with 
all mankind. While the Executioner was 
adjufting the rope round his neck, he 
became very pale, and he fecmed earnestly 
to talk and ex populate with him. moll 
probably about fome awkwardnefs in his 
manner, from whicb be felt an inconve- 
nience. After the hangman had pulled a 
cap over his eyes, the culprit put up his 
hands, pinioned at they were, and partly 
removed it. The platlorm was dextrously 
removed After which he hung for near 
a minute quite raotionlefs, but violent eon. 
vulGons then feizcd him, which lifted for 
fevcral minutes. The process of beheading, 
&c. was alterwards gone through, and his 
body removed to Newgate. 

The admirable description which he drew 
of the French fraternity mnft powerfully 
operate on that part of the people of Ire- 
land, who fee'k, through the agency of the 
Firft Conful to diftioite thefe countries. 

J* I have," fjid he, " been acculed of 
being actuated by a wifh to bring abuul a re- 
voluti >n of this country, through tbe means 
of French influence. I dery that either my- 
felf or the Provifional Government, had any 
fueh idea in contemplation. Our own re- 
fotlrce* weraH'ufficient to accompltfh the 
object. As to French imerpofuion, it can- 
not be too much deprecated: and I exhort 
tbe people of Ireland to beware of fuch amd- 
ance. 1 urge ibem in the ftrongeft manner 
to burn their houfei— -nay even the very 
grafs on which a Frenchman fball land. 
Va'tous opportunities have occur: d to me of 
wiinttnng the mifery ana defuia ton they 
have produced in every country where they 
have gained an entrance, under the f llaciovs 
pictemes of aiding the Inhabitants *, ho con- 
Cdcrcd tbemlcivcj in a ilate of eppreffipn." 



Issued by the Government after the trial and execution of Robert Emmet 
giving a false statement of his speech in relation to the French 

The truculent bloody Saxon! Who has left his trace like a livid toelt across our land, — 
in altars polluted and laid lo<w, pledges made and broken, a long trail of lust and 
rapine and crimes. 

Robert Emmet: My Lords of Strogue. 

Chapter XXI 

Accounts of Emmet's trial and copies of his speech issued immediately — Also a 
broadside giving account of execution and advice alleged to have been given Irish people 
at trial — Supposed to have been issued by Government to produce effect in France — 
Reproduction of broadside — Great indignation caused in France — News of arrest of Robert 
Emmet and others carried to France in an open boat — Strong presumptive evidence that 
Robert Emmet was decoyed back to Ireland to head a movement secretly prepared by 
British Government — Great doubt as to authenticity of Emmet's speech as given in 
public reports — Emmet's remarkable faculty of writing in different styles — Text of 
Emmet's speech from the Dock — Obscurity must always cloud last hours and acts of 
Robert Emmet. 

NOWING England's adroitness in state-craft, no student 
of her history would be surprised at her course in Ireland 
after Robert Emmet's trial, whereby she managed to mis- 
lead France, as well as the world at large, until she had 
accomplished her purpose. 

Immediately on the termination of the trial, the Gov- 
ernment, issued for the public, an official version of the 
speech made by Robert Emmet before sentence was 
passed upon him. A broadside also, giving an account of 
the execution and of the advice alleged to have been uttered by Emmet, at his 
trial, to the Irish people, was distributed through the streets of Dublin so soon 
after the execution that, in a period lacking the enterprise of the present day, 
no other inference can be drawn but that it was printed before the event took 
place. If this be true it was done for a special purpose, as the British Govern- 
ment wished the Irish people to believe that Robert Emmet, at the last moment 
regretting his course, had urged all true Irishmen to forcibly resist any inter- 
ference on the part of France. 

If such a broadside as that described above was issued just after the trial, 
another in the possession of the writer, and which is reproduced, must have 
emanated from the same source on the following day ; and while a somewhat 
truthful relation of the execution is given, the same purpose for its issue in 
regard to France is most evident. 



Government Broadside 

The Trial and Dying Behaviour of Mr. R. Emmett, 

Who was Executed September the 20th, for High Treason. — Together with his Solemn 
Exhortation to his Countrymen to reject the proffered Friendship and Assistance of 
Despotic, Cruel and Perfidious France. 

On Monday, September 19, Robert Emmett, was put to the bar, at Dublin, on trial for 
High Treason. The prisoner challenged nineteen peremptorily out of the panel for a Petit 
Jury, and six were set aside by the Crown. 

The Attorney General took a retrospective view of the public calamities incident to the 
spirit of insurrection which had hitherto pervaded the minds of the common people of 
that country. 

The prisoner at the bar, if Mr. Attorney was properly instructed, would appear by 
substantial evidence, together with a variety of corroborating circumstances, to have been 
the prime source, origin, and spirit of the recent insurrection in this city, so enormously 
wicked in the conception but so truly contemptible and puerile both in the plan and execu- 

The prisoner in a speech marked by some traits of ingenuity and elocution, justi- 
fied the conduct imputed to him, on firm and long adopted principles. 

The Jury returned a verdict Guilty, without leaving the box; and Lord Nor- 
bury pronounced sentence of Death on him. 

At ten o'clock this morning, (Sept. 20), a confidential friend* of this unfortunate 
Gentleman was permitted to visit him at Kilmainham gaol. The visitor, a Profes- 
sional Gentleman of considerable eminence, on his entrance into the culprit's cham- 
ber found him reading the Litany in the service of the Church of England in the 
presence of the Rev. Mr. Gamble, the Ordinary of Newgate; after which he made a 
hearty breakfast. Retiring afterwards to a room with his friend, after certain family 
communications, he adverted to the circumstance of having his pockets examined in 
the dock on the preceding evening, for some instrument with which it was appre- 
hended he might destroy himself. He disclaimed such notion, alleging it was incom- 
patible with the religion he professed. 

The culprit was led from Kilmainham gaol under a strong military guard, com- 
posed of detachments both of Cavalry and Infantry of the Regular Troops quartered 
at the Barracks. He arrived about three o'clock at the temporary gallows, in 
Thomas-street, in a carriage with two clergymen. In his progress thither his de- 
meanour, however, did not appear of that serious cast befitting the awfulness of his 
situation, or the religious sentiments he had uttered in the morning. He gazed about, 
particularly in Dirty-lane, the scene of his exploits, with a species of light inattentive 
smile, approaching a laugh, until he was carried to the place of execution, and spoke 
and nodded to some of his acquaintance with the greatest coolness. After mounting 
the platform attached to the gallows, he addressed the surrounding crowd in a few 
words, saying he died in peace and universal love and kindness with all mankind. 
While the Executioner was adjusting the rope round his neck, he became very pale, 
and he seemed earnestly to talk and expostulate with him most probably about some 
awkwardness in his manner, from which he felt an inconvenience. After the hang- 
man had pulled a cap over his eyes, the culprit put up his hands, pinioned as they 
were, and partly removed it. The platform was dextrously removed. After which 
he hung for near a minute quite motionless, but violent convulsions then seized him, 
which lasted for several minutes. The process of beheading, &c. was afterward gone 
through, and his body removed to Newgate. 

The admirable description which he drew of the French fraternity must power- 
fully operate on that part of the people of Ireland, who seek, through the agency of 
the First Consul, to disunite these countries. 

'Leonard M'Nally. 

Versions of Emmet's Speech 

"I have," said he, "been accused of being actuated by a wish to bring about a 
revolution of this country, through the means of French influence. I deny that either 
myself or the Provisional Government, had any such idea in contemplation. Our 
own resources were sufficient to accomplish the object. As to French interposition, 
it cannot be too much deprecated : and I exhort the people of Ireland to beware of 
such assistance. I urge them in the strongest manner to burn their houses — nay even 
the very grass on which a Frenchman shall land. Various opportunities have oc- 
curred to me of witnessing the misery and desolation they have produced in every 
country where they have gained an entrance, under the fallacious pretences of aiding 
the inhabitants who considered themselves in a state of oppression." 

We have seen in the diary kept by Thos. A. Emmet while in Paris, that the 
French were very indignant on reading the Government version of Robert 
Emmet's speech. This publication, as intended, was doubtless in part respon- 
sible for the loss of interest on the part of the French Government, and in so 
much deprived Ireland of her long-promised help. 

The news of Robert's arrest and that of other members of the family was 
brought over, as he states, in an open boat to Mr. Emmet in France.* Shortly 
afterwards he also received in the same way as full a copy of the official 
version of his brother's trial and execution as was permitted to be published in 
the newspapers of Dublin. 

The probabilities are that when Robert Emmet was persuaded by the agent 
of the British Government to return to Ireland, he felt pledged to keep his 
own counsel. Although in full sympathy and frequently consulted, there 
exists no evidence that he had belonged to the organization of the United 
Irishmen previous to his return, as he had been out of Ireland since he resigned 
from college. 

A visit to his parents, before going to America with his brother and rela- 
tives, was no doubt the ostensible reason for his visit to Ireland. When 
Robert Emmet reached Dublin he found, as he stated, a movement already 
organized and "the business ripe for execution." How much of this was pre- 
pared for his benefit by the agents of the Government has yet to be discovered ; 
but it is likely that the work of organization accomplished by the United Irish- 
men was a different movement, and of its existence at that time the English 
Government had probably but little knowledge. But the fact was doubtless 
known to the Government, as it was an open secret in Paris, that the French 
were preparing and were anxious to aid the Irish in gaining their absolute 
independence. To counteract this friendly feeling the British Government 
seized the opportunity of misrepresenting Robert Emmet's speech, thereby 
to destroy, if possible, all this interest on the part of the French Government 

A great effort was made by the friends of Robert Emmet to obtain im- 
mediately after the trial, a correct version of his speech, and a number of 
these who were present and heard it delivered, reduced their recollection of it 
to writing shortly afterwards. The writer has in his possession a cotemporary 

"The diary of T. A. Emmet shows that this statement was not strictly correct, as only part of the 
journey was made in an open boat. The communication from Robert to his brother had necessarily to 
be an oral one. It was delivered by Miles Byrne and was written out as a repdrt for Napoleon by 
Mr Emmet and Dr. Macneven within a few hours after his arrival. Afterwards Byrne wrote in detail 
an 'account for Mr. Emmet; this in after years became the foundation for Byrne's "Memoirs", and 
consequently his account of Robert Emmet's movement has been here reprinted in full. 


Dr. Madden 's Copy 

copy, which Dr. Madden himself regarded as the first draft of the speech 
made by Robert Emmet himself. It is doubtless a copy of the speech written 
down from memory immediately after the trial, probably by some schoolmate 
who had been taught by the same writing-master, as the resemblance to some 
of Robert Emmet's handwriting is remarkable. By comparing several of 
these copies and the official report which was taken at the time for the Govern- 
ment, and which is reliable when divested of the special political interpolation, 
Dr. Madden believed that it was impossible to obtain a more accurate version. 
But not satisfied with the above comparison, Dr. Madden availed himself of 
the testimony of a number of persons who were present at the trial and heard 
the speech delivered. There can be no question but that Robert Emmet has 
been misrepresented by both friend and foe, for the form popularly known as 
his speech contains much that he never uttered. Appreciating Dr. Madden's 
careful work and the credit due to him for his efforts, the writer has accepted 
his judgment on what must doubtless be received in the future as Robert 
Emmet's authentic declaration, when called upon by Lord Norbury with the 
words: "What have you, therefore, now to say why judgment of death and 
execution should not be awarded against you according to law ?" 
Dr. Madden endorsed on the cover of this manuscript : 

Original draft of the speech of Robert Emmet, in his own handwriting. 
The document thus headed was purchased by me in 1856 from Mr. Henry Mar- 
shall, an officer of the British Museum. R. R. M. 

The writer pointed out to Dr. Madden that the speech could not have been 
written beforehand, owing to the impossibility of foreseeing what the cir- 
cumstances would be at the moment when it was to be delivered. The trial 
over, it was well past mid-night before he was removed from Newgate prison to 
Kilmainham jail. Previous to this hour he could have written nothing and 
it is known that within the five hours before daylight he did write a letter to 
Richard Curran, and another to his brother and family, and in addition he 
had drafted for his brother, a detailed account of his plans and causes of 
failure. Few individuals, in the most tranquil condition of mind, could have 
produced a document of this length and character in the time that remained 
to Emmet before the end. 

The writer also called the Doctor's attention to the marks at the beginning 
and to the right of each line, showing by the indication then in use both in 
print and manuscript, that the writer was quoting. Dr. Madden had not pre- 
viously noticed these quotation marks and he was unable to offer any explana- 
tion, yet remained to the end convinced that Robert Emmet had written out 
the manuscript. He was so positive in his convictions, that in the last edition 
of his work he printed a copy of this rendering as the most authentic version 
available of Emmet's speech, and did so without reference to the writer of the 

Robert Emmet had an accomplishment which was probably unique. He 
was able to make use of two, if not three, distinct forms of handwriting, each 

Emmet's Handwriting 


with well marked peculiarities which were never misplaced, and with as little 
in common as would be seen in the writing of as many individuals unknown to 
each other. It is only possible to surmise that the art was acquired while 
living in Paris and as his family had no knowledge of a change from that 
which they knew as his, it was probably acquired for political purposes. 

The Irish police had no difficulty in acquiring an example of what was well 
known as Robert Emmet's chirography. But as this bore no resemblance to 
that in which was written the Proclamation found in his possession at his 
arrest, and to have been issued in the name of the Provisional Government of 
Ireland, they had no foundation on which they could bring him to trial for 
treason. The police had no doubt of his guilt, but lacked evidence to prove 
that his identity was other than that of Robert Ellis. The requisite evidence 
was secured through the overtures made to Dunn the turnkey, to aid in 
Emmet's escape. Emmet's first use of what was thought a good opportunity 
was an attempt to communicate with Miss Curran by a letter entrusted to 
Dunn's care. Unfortunately the letter was written in the same handwriting 
as that used in drafting the Proclamation, which gave the Government the 
needed clue. To save Miss Curran from the publicity, Emmet, with equal 
thoughtlessness thereupon informed the authorities as to his real name.* The 
following letter is part of the correspondence which Dr. Madden delivered 
with the manuscript of the speech and which will explain its history: 

British Museum, Feb. 8th, 1856. 


I have received your note on the 4th inst. in which you wish the Mss. of Robert 
Emmet to be sent to Dublin for inspection. I do not hesitate to comply with your 
wish, and therefore forward it to your care, under the conditions proposed in your 

I am so well satisfied of its genuineness, having had it from the person (Mrs. 
Mason) as before mentioned (and since dead) who received it from Viscount Dil- 
lon, and who had just received it from Curran, who had not long left the prison 
where Emmett had returned after his trial. 

As you possess specimens of his writing you will be able to satisfy yourself 
whether or not it is genuine. 

I believe I have before stated the late Thomas Moore the poet, who was a col- 
lege companion of Emmett, pronounced it genuine and said that there was no doubt 
about it, and he has mentioned it in his Journals and correspondence, published by 
Lord John Russell. 

Should you be desirous of possessing the document, the price is £5.5. 

Waiting your reply at your convenience — 

I remain Sir, Your obed' Servt. 

H. Marshall. 

The other letters are but a repetition of the same hearsay evidence men- 
tioned above, transmitted by tradition through three generations and entirely 

*A great general resemblance apart from individual peculiarities existed in the hand-writing of t 
large proportion of the men in Dublin at this time. This was due to the fact that a large number of 
the school-masters were Catholics and the teachers of fully eight out of ten of all the boys in the 
country. These teachers were educated by the different religious orders, who probably used the same 
forms for copy in each school; at least one characteristic of the resemblance may be accounted for 
by the circumstance that every pupil was made to form each letter distinctly. 


His Defence of His Character 

without any legal value beyond the one point of common agreement among 
all who saw the document, that it had been written by Robert Emmet. 

The first point of evidence offered in the foregoing letter is certainly a 
fallacious one, namely, that Curran had paid a visit to Robert Emmet imme- 
diately after his return from his trial, with the inference that Curran, as his 
lawyer, had received it from Emmet himself. The only possible explanation 
of this is that by some means Dillon obtained possession of the paper and gave 
it to Curran, from whom Mrs. Mason received it. But our knowledge of 
Curran's relation with Robert Emmet, stamps this supposition as improbable. 
Curran would seem to have been the last man of Emmet's acquaintance to have 
desired to possess this manuscript. Indeed, so well known were Curran's 
views that it is remarkable that any one should have had the temerity to make 
an offer of transfer, unless seeking a pretext for a duel. 

In answer to Lord Norbury's question, Mr. Emmet, standing forward in the 
dock* in front of the bench, said : 

My lords, as to why judgment of death and execution should Jiot be passed upon 
me according to law I have nothing to say; but as to why my character should not 
be relieved from the imputations and calumnies thrown out against it, I have much 
to say. I do not imagine that your lordships will give credit to what I am going to 
utter; I have no hopes that I can anchor my character in the breast of the court, I 
only wish your lordships may suffer it to float down your memories, until it has 
found some more hospitable harbour to shelter it from the storms with which it is at 
present buffeted. Were I to suffer only death after being adjudged guilty, I would 
bow in silence to the fate which awaits me; but the sentence of the law which de- 
livers over my body to the executioner consigns my character to obloquy. A man 
in my situation has not only to encounter the difficulties of fortune, but also the diffi- 
culties of prejudice. Whilst the man dies his memory lives; and that mine may 
not forfeit all claims to the respect of my countrymen, I seize upon this opportunity 
to vindicate myself from some of the charges alledged against me. I am charged 
with being an emissary of France. It is false — I am no emissary. I did not wish to 
deliver up my country to a foreign power, and least of all to France. Never did I 
entertain the remotest idea of establishing French power in Ireland. From the in- 
troductory paragraph of the address of the provisional government it is evident that 
every hazard attending an independent effort was deemed preferable to the more 
fatal risk of introducing a French Army into this country. Small indeed would be 
our claim to patriotism and to sense, and palpable our affectation of the love of liberty, 
if we were to sell our country to a people who are not only slaves themselves, but 
the unprincipled and abandoned instruments of imposing slavery on others. And, 
my lords, let me here observe that I am not the head and life's blood of this rebel- 
lion. When I came to Ireland I found the business ripe for execution. I was asked 
to join it. I took time to consider, and after mature deliberation I became one of the 
provisional government; and there then was, my lords, an agent from the United 
Irishmen and provisional government of Ireland in Paris, negotiating with the 
French Government to obtain from them an aid sufficient to accomplish the sep- 
aration of Ireland from Great Britain ;t the preliminary to which assistance had been 

*The dock in which the prisoner stood, as shown in the view of the court-room, is the enclosed space 
just under the clock, with the witness-stand in front, while just beyond was the judge's bench, with a 
gallery on each side for the jury. The door under the clock opened into a passageway leading to the 
prison cells under the building. 

tThis would seem to corroborate the supposition that Robert Emmet thought his brother was acting 
in Paris for this purpose alone, and consequently that he would not have felt at liberty to inform his 
brother fully of the communication which he had received in confidence from the secret agent of Castle- 
reagh and Marsden. 

Repudiation of French Agency 

a guarantee to Ireland similar to that which Franklin obtained for America. But the 
intimation that I, or the rest of the provisional government meditated to put our 
country under the dominion of a power which has been the enemy of freedom in 
every part of the globe is utterly false and unfounded. Did we entertain any such 
ideas how could we speak of giving freedom to our own country? How could we 
assume such an exalted motive? If such an inference is drawn from any part of the 
proclamation of the provisional government, it calumniates their views, and is not 
warranted by the fact. 

Connection with France was indeed intended, but only as far as mutual interest 
would sanction or require. Were they to assume any authority inconsistent with the 
purest independence it would be the signal for their destruction. We sought aid, 
and we sought it, — as we had assurance we should obtain it, — as auxiliaries in war 
and allies in peace. 

Were the French to come as invaders or enemies* uninvited by the wishes of the 
people, I should oppose them to the utmost of my strength. Yes! my countrymen, 
I should advise you to meet them upon the beach, with a sword in one hand and a 
torch in the other. I would meet them with all the destructive fury of war. I would 
animate my countrymen to immolate them in their boats before they had contamin- 
ated the soil of my country. If they succeeded in landing, and if forced to retire 
before superior discipline, I would dispute every inch of ground, burn every blade 
of grass, and the last intrenchment of liberty would be my grave. What I could not 
do myself, if I should fail, I should leave as a last charge to my countrymen to ac- 
complish; because I should feel conscious that life, even more than death, would be 
unprofitable when a foreign nation held my country in subjection. 

Reviewing the conduct of France to other countries, could we expect better to- 
wards us? No! Let not then any man attaint my memory by believing that I could have 
hoped to give freedom to my country by betraying the sacred cause of liberty, and 
committing it to the power of her most determined foe. Had I done so I had not 
deserved to live — and dying with such a weight upon my character, I had merited the 
honest execration, of that country which gave me birth, and to which I would give 
freedom. What has been the conduct of the French towards other countries? They 
promised them liberty, and when they got them into their power they enslaved them. 
What has been their conduct toward Switzerland, where it has been stated that I 
have been? Had the people there been desirous of French assistance and been de- 
ceived by that power, I would have sided with the people — I would have stood be- 
tween them and the French, whose aid they called in, and to the utmost of my 
ability I would have protected them from every attempt at subjugation. I would in 
such a case have fought against the French, and in the dignity of freedom I would 
have expired on the threshold of that country, and they should have entered it only 
by passing over my lifeless corse. Is it then to be supposed that I would be slow in 
making the same sacrifices for my native land? Am I, who lived but to be of ser- 
vice to my country, and who would subject myself to the bondage of the grave to 
give her freedom and independence — am I to be loaded with the foul and grievous 
calumny of being an emissary of French tyranny and French depotism? My lords, 
it may be part of the system of angry justice to bow a man's mind by humiliation 
to meet the ignominy of the scaffold; but worse to me than the scaffold's shame, or 
the scaffold's terrors would be the imputation of having been the agent of the des- 
potism and ambition of France; and whilst I have breath I will call upon my 
countrymen not to believe me guilty of so foul a crime against their liberties and 
against their happiness. I would do with the people of Ireland as I would have done 
with the people of Switzerland, could I be called upon again to act in their behalf. 

*Mr. Emmet only stated what would be his course under a certain contingency, the true meaning 
of which the British Government entirely subverted in the official version printed in the broadside which 
has been given. 


" What a Farce is Your Justice" 

My object, and that of the rest of the provisional government, was to effect a total 
separation between Great Britain and Ireland — to make Ireland totally independent 
of Great Britain, but not to let her become a dependent of France. 
[Here he was interrupted by Lord Norbury.] 

When my spirit shall have joined those bands of martyred heroes who have shed 
their blood on the scaffold and in the field in defence of their country, this is my 
hope, that my memory and name may serve to animate those who survive me. 

While the destruction of that government which upholds its dominion by im- 
piety against the Most High, which displays its power over man as over the beasts 
of the field, which sets man upon his brother, and lifts his hands in religion's name 
against the throat of his fellows who believe a little more or less than the govern- 
ment standard, which reigns amidst the cries of the orphans and the widows it has 

[Here Mr. Emmet was interrupted by Lord Norbury. After a few words on the 
objects, purposes and the final prospects of success, he was again interrupted, when 
he said :] 

What I have spoken was not intended for your lordships, whose situation I com- 
miserate rather than envy; my expressions were for my countrymen. If there be a 
true Irishman present, let my last words cheer him in the hour of affliction. 

[Lord Norbury again interrupted the prisoner.] 

I have always understood it to be the duty of a judge, when a prisoner has been 
convicted, to pronounce the sentence of the law. I have also understood that judges 
sometimes think it their duty to hear with patience and to speak with humanity, — 
to exhort the victim of the laws, and to offer with tender benignity his opinions of 
the motives by which he was actuated in the crime of which he was adjudged guilty. 
That a judge has thought it his duty so to do I have no doubt; but where is the 
boasted freedom of your institutions — where is the vaunted impartiality, clemency, 
and mildness of your courts of justice, if an unfortunate prisoner whom your policy, 
and not justice, is about to deliver into the hands of the executioner, is not suffered 
to explain his motives sincerely and truly, and to vindicate the principles by which 
he was actuated? 

My lords, worse to me than the scaffold's terrors would be the tame endurance 
of such foul and unfounded imputations as have been laid against me in this court. 
You, my lord, are a Judge, I am the supposed culprit. I am a man, you are a man 
also. By a revolution of power we might change places, though we never could 
change characters. If I stand at the bar of this court and dare not vindicate my 
character, what a farce is your justice! If I stand at this bar and dare not vindicate 
my character, how dare you calumniate it? Does the sentence of death which your 
unhallowed policy inflicts on my body condemn my tongue to silence, and my repu- 
tation to reproach? Your executioner may abridge the period of my existence, but 
while I exist I shall not forbear to vindicate my character and motives from your 
aspersions; and as a man to whom fame is dearer than life, I will make the last use 
of that life in doing justice to that reputation which is to live after me, and which 
is the only legacy I can leave to those I honour and love, and for whom I am proud 
to perish. As men, my lords, we must appear on the great day at one common 
tribunal, and it will then remain for the Searcher of all hearts to show a collective 
universe who was engaged in the most virtuous actions or actuated by the purest 
motives — my country's oppressors or 

[Here he was interrupted and told to listen to the sentence of the law.] 

My lords, will a dying man be denied the legal privilege of exculpating himself in 
the eyes of the community from a reproach thrown upon him during his trial, by 
charging him with ambition, and attempting to cast away for a paltry consideration 
the liberties of his country? 

Why then insult me, or rather why insult justice, in demanding of me," why sen- 

Apostrophe to His Father 


tence of death should not be pronounced against me? I know, my lords, that the 
form prescribes that you shall put the question, the form also confers a right of 
answering. This, no doubt, may be dispensed with, and so might the whole cere- 
mony of the trial, since sentence was pronounced at the Castle before your jury were 
impanelled. Your lordships are but the priests of the oracle, and I submit, but I in- 
sist on the whole of the forms. 

[Here Mr. Emmet paused, and the court desired him to proceed.] 
I have been charged with that importance in the efforts to emancipate my coun- 
try as to be considered the keystone of the combination of Irishmen, or, as it has 
been expressed, "the life and blood of this conspiracy." You do me honour over 
much ; you have given to the subaltern all the credit of the superior. There are men 
concerned in this conspiracy, who are not only superior to me, but even to your own 
conception of yourself, my lord; men, before the splendour of whose genius and vir- 
tues I should bow with respectful deference, and who would not deign to call you 
friend — who would not disgrace themselves by shaking your blood-stained hand. 
[Here he was again interrupted by Lord Norbury.] 

What, my lord, shall you tell me on my passage to the scaffold — which that 
tyranny of which you are only the intermediate minister has erected for my death — 
that I am accountable for all the blood that has and will be shed in this struggle of 
the oppressed against the oppressor? Shall you tell me this — and must I be so very 
a slave as not to repel it? 

I do not fear to approach the Omnipotent Judge to answer for the conduct of 
my short life; and am I to stand appalled here before a mere remnant of mortality? 
Let no man dare, when I am dead, to charge me with dishonour; let no man attaint 
my memory by believing that I could have engaged in any cause but of my country's 
liberty and independence. 

The proclamation of the provisional government speaks my views — no inferences 
can be tortured from it to countenance barbarity or debasement. I would not have 
submitted to a foreign oppression for the same reason that I would have resisted 
tyranny at home. 

[Lord Norbury: Mr. Emmet, you have been called upon to show cause, if any 
you have, why the judgment of the law should not be enforced against you. Instead 
of showing anything in point of law why judgment should not pass, you have pro- 
ceeded in a manner the most unbecoming a person in your situation; you avowed 
and endeavoured to vindicate principles totally subversive of the government — totally 
subversive of the tranquillity, well being and happiness of that country which gave 
you birth — and you have broached treason the most abominable. You, sir, had the 
honour to be a gentleman by birth, and your father filled a respectable situation 
under the government. You had an elder brother whom death snatched away and 
who when living was one of the greatest ornaments of the bar. The laws of his 
country were the study of his youth, and the study of his mature life was to cultivate 
and support them. He left you a proud example to follow, and if he had lived he 
would have given your talents the same virtuous direction as his own, and have taught 
you to admire and preserve that constitution for the destruction of which you have 
conspired with the most profligate and abandoned, and associated yourself with 
hostlers, bakers, butchers, and such persons, whom you invited to council when you 
erected your provisional government. . . .] 

Emmet: If the spirits of the illustrious dead participate in the concerns of those 
who were dear to them in this transitory scene — dear shade of my venerated father* 
look down on your suffering son, and see has he for one moment deviated from those 

*The history of the portrait here addressed is given elsewhere and is supposed to have been one Mrs. 
Holmes sent to some friend to take care of, after Casino was closed, as it was feared the government might 
confiscate all the property of Thos. Addis Emmet, who was then in prison. Casino and its contents had 
been willed to Mr. Emmet on the death of his father. 

226 < ' Let No Man Write My Epitaph ' ' 

moral and patriotic principles which you so early instilled into his youthful mind, and 
for which he is now to offer up his life. 

My lord, you are impatient for the sacrifice. The blood which you seek is not 
congealed by the artificial terrors which surround your victim; it circulates warmly 
and unruffled through its channels, and in a little time it will cry to heaven. Be yet 
patient! I have but a few words more to say — my ministry is now ended. I am go- 
ing to my cold and silent grave; my lamp of life is nearly extinguished. I have 
parted with everything that was dear to me in this life for my country's cause, and 
abandoned another idol I adored in my heart — the object of my affections. My race 
is run — the grave opens to receive me, and I sink into its bosom. I am ready to die. 
I have not been allowed to vindicate my character. I have but one request to ask at 
my departure from this world, — it is the charity of its silence. Let no man write my 
epitaph; for as no man who knows my motives dares now vindicate them, — let not 
prejudice or ignorance asperse them. Let them rest in obscurity and peace; my 
memory be left in oblivion, and my tomb remain uninscribed, until other times and 
other men can do justice to my character. When my country takes her place among 
the nations of the earth, then and not 'til then, let my epitaph be written — I have 

A unique broadside of Robert Emmet's speech as printed in the news- 
papers of the day, has recently been found in Dublin. It is printed on cheap 
paper, with a rude woodcut five inches in length representing a three-quarter 
length figure of a man. The only prominent feature is a smirk so evidently 
appreciative of the honor done, that fortunately no one would accept it as a 
likeness of Robert Emmet. 

At the end of the speech was printed an additional paragraph : 

Mr. Emmet was executed on the day following his trial, in Thomas-street, at 
the head of Bridgeport-street opposite Catherine's Church. 

He died as he had lived, with heroic fearlessness and decent fortitude. The 
amiable though enthusiastic Emmet, however, we hope, has not died in vain. Our 
rulers must learn from his history, that a people are without confidence in a moral 
Hydra, never to be deprived of doing mischief. The head of one Rebellion is no 
sooner lopped off than another is generated. The Hercules who is to annihilate the 
monster can only be found in that act of wisdom and justice, which is to reconcile 
the people to their rulers, by making them freemen. The fate of Robert Emmet de- 
mands something more than tears; and unprofitable as these may have been we have 
continued to offer them still to his memory. 

This broadside was sold among the people during the time of Emmet's 

Dr. Madden was by no means certain that in his version of Emmet's 
speech he had embodied all that Robert Emmet spoke, as he had left out every 
word concerning which the slightest doubt existed ; but in the end he was fully 
satisfied that every sentence of his version was correct, and had undoubtedly 
been spoken by Robert Emmet. 

It was doubtless part of the plot, arranged before the trial, that Lord Nor- 
bury should frequently interrupt Robert Emmet by uncalled-for charges in 
reference to the French, and by annoying remarks, probably hoping to irritate 
him and make him lose the thread of his argument, and if possible to prevent 
him from publicly exposing, as Emmet wished to do, the true condition of the 

Norbury's Record 


country and the reasons for the uprising of the people. During these frequent 
interruptions, and in direct answer to Lord Norbury, Mr. Emmet made several 
remarks which were excluded by Dr. Madden as not strictly belonging to the 
speech proper, and because different versions did not agree exactly as to what 
they were. The official report for the Government did not, from some sense 
of decency, contain all that Lord Norbury said, and no one present at the trial 
dared at the time publish what they had heard. But all who had been present 
and whom Dr. Madden questioned, confirmed in a general way the statement 
that much had been omitted, and they also agreed as to Norbury's uncalled- 
for abuse and frequent interruptions, with a settled purpose, which had evi- 
dently been determined upon beforehand. Yet in consequence of the excite- 
ment at the time and the interval which had elapsed since the trial, these wit- 
nesses were unable afterwards to supply Dr. Madden with a confirmative 
account sufficient in detail to supply what had been omitted and forgotten. 

The majority of the printed reports, however, agree that when Lord Nor- 
bury interrupted and charged Robert Emmet with having entered into the 
movement for his own advancement and gain he answered, with an outburst 
of indignation, somewhat as follows : 

O! my country! was it personal ambition that influenced me? Had it been the 
soul of my action, could I not by my education and fortune, by the rank and con- 
sideration of my family, have placed myself among the proudest of your oppressors? 

Then again he was interrupted and called upon to listen to the sentence, 
since by his action in causing the rebellion he was "responsible for all the 
blood which had been or would be shed in the business." He replied: 

I do not fear approaching the Omnipotent Judge to answer for the conduct of 
my past life. But, my lord, were it possible to collect all the blood that you have 
shed into a common reservoir, — for great indeed must it be, — your lordship might 
swim therein. 

This is not an exaggerated statement. O'Connell, in a noted speech 
delivered during a trial in 1813, thus stigmatizes Lord Norbury's zeal as a 
judge : 

Why, in one circuit during the administration of the cold-hearted and cruel Cam- 
den, there were one hundred individuals tried before one judge; of these, ninety-eight 
were capitally convicted, and ninety-seven hanged! One escaped, but he was a soldier 
who murdered a peasant, a thing of a trivial nature. Ninety-seven victims in one 

1 know their [the Irish people's] strength; 1 know it from the apprehension of Govern- 
ment; 1 saw a small portion of it in the late immatured, ill-contrived, ill-conducted 
lend unfortunate insurrection, without heads, arms, ammunition or discipline, shake 
the Government to its centre. 

Miss Emmet, 1799. 

Robert Emmet <was an orator. He pronounced the greatest oration ever uttered beneath 
the shadow of the scaffold. In this oration, Lord Byron says, Robert Emmet speaks 
not to man, but to time and eternity. 

Hon. Martin H. Glynn, New York, March 4th, 19H. 

Chapter XXII 

Extraordinary effect of Emmet's speech and manner of delivery — Remarkable absence 
of affectation — Authorities impatient for sacrifice — Only by comparing various versions of 
speech was an approximately correct rendering of it obtained — Gregg, Emmet's jailer, puts 
him in heavy irons— Government anxious to get him out of the way, fearing rescue or es- 
cape — Disappearance of State Papers from Record Office, Dublin Castle — Only insight into 
Emmet's feelings are letters written by him to J. P. Curran and his son Richard — His 
farewell letters to his brother and sister-in-law, and to Irish Secretary — Leonard 
M'Nally's treachery — Trevor's hypocritical sympathy and betrayal of Emmet's confidence 
in his last moments — History of letter to his brother, which Trevor never forwarded — 
Parting gift of his seal to a priest he once knew whom he met on the way to the 
scaffold — Description of Emmet's execution — Government provides against attempts at 
rescue — The executioner of Robert Emmet — Favorable notice of conduct towards Irish 
of Scotch soldiers in British army — John Philpot Curran's letter on Robert Emmet's 
request that Sarah Curran be received by his sister-in-law as a sister — Poem said to have 
been written by Robert Emmet shortly before his death — Acknowledgement of author to 
Frank J. Sullivan of San Francisco for communicating it. 

R. MADDEN states : 

No published report of the speech of Robert Emmet gives any 
adequate idea of the effect its delivery produced on the minds 
of his auditors. Emmet pronounced the speech in so loud a 
voice as to be distinctly heard at the outer doors of the court- 
house; and yet, though he spoke in a loud tone, there was noth- 
ing boisterous in its delivery, or forced or affected in his manner; 
his accents and cadence of voice, on the contrary, were ex- 
quisitely modulated. His action was very remarkable ; its greater 
or lesser vehemence corresponded with the rise and fall of his 
voice. A venerable judge now on the Irish bench was present 
at this trial from the commencement to its end. Totally opposed to the principles of 
Emmet though he was, the impression made on him by that address was such as he can 
only speak of now, at the expiration of fifty-six years, with tears and mournful ex- 
pressions of admiration for the talents of "that most remarkable young man", and sorrow 
for the application of them and for his doom. 

The following are the words of the venerable Judge , in reference to Emmet's 

action in the delivery of his address: 

"Whenever he referred to the charges brought against him by Plunket, he generally 
used the word 'the honourable gentlemen' said so-and-so; and then enforcing his argu- 
ments against his accusers, his hand was stretched forward, and the two forefingers of 
the right hand were slowly laid on the open palm of the other, and alternately were 



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Bill rendered the Government for the diet of the state prisoners during September, 1803, 
showing that of l?obt. Emmet on the day of his trial 

Emmet in Chains 


raised or lowered as he proceeded". He is described as moving about the dock, as he 
warmed in his address, with rapid but not ungraceful motions; now in front of the rail- 
ing before the bench, then retiring, as if his body as well as his mind were swelling be- 
yond the measure of their chains. His action was not confined to his hands; he seemed to 
have acquired a swaying motion of the body when he spoke in public, which was peculiar 
to him, but there was no affectation in it. It was said of Tone, on his trial, by a by- 
stander, that he never saw any one cast affectation so far behind him. The remark with 
equal truth might have been applied to Emmet. His trial commenced on the morning of 
the 19th of September, 1803, and terminated the same evening at half-past ten o'clock, 
and a few hours were all that were given to him to prepare for eternity. Tuesday, the 
20th of September, was fixed for his execution ; he had prayed, through his counsel, of 
the attorney-general not to be brought up for judgment till the Wednesday; his application 
was refused; the ministers of justice were impatient for the sacrifice; the ministers of 
mercy and of humanity were abroad, or had resigned their places, or were driven from 
the Castle, or were drowned in their own tears. 

The account of the proceedings on the trial was taken from Ridgeway's Report, but 
the report in it of Emmet's speech is mutilated ; several important passages are omitted. 
What Ridgeway does report is tolerably correctly given. Counsellor Ridgeway was one 
of the counsel for the crown ; and it is well known that the reports of the trials in 1798, 
and it is probable that those in 1803, had to be submitted to the Castle functionaries, and 
subjected to revision before publication. The report of Robert Emmet's speech in the 
"Hibernian Magazine" of 1803 is more simple and equally correct, as far as it goes ; but 
there are in it likewise many omissions. It was only by submitting the various versions 
of the speech to the revision of trustworthy persons who were present at the trial, and 
had a strong recollection of the discourse pronounced by Emmet, and comparing different 
passages, that a copy could be obtained wherein the omitted matter was supplied, and the 
additions were struck out, which certainly were not improvements, of Judge Johnstone, 
Watty Cox, and others. I feel justified in stating that the report of the speech of Robert 
Emmet which I have laid before my readers is the most correct version that exists of the 
address delivered by him on that occasion. I have taken no common pains on this sub- 
ject to ascertain what was said, and what was not said by him. 

Poor Emmet, at half-past ten o'clock at night, was removed from the court-house in 
Green-street to Newgate ; there he was heavily ironed by Gregg the gaoler, and placed, 
it is supposed, by the "Times" correspondent, in one of the condemned cells. The Govern- 
ment appear to have become alarmed lest any attempt should be made at a rescue ; there 
is some reason to think that some project of this kind was in contemplation and that 
Robert Emmet had been made acquainted with it. Long after midnight, when the few 
brief hours the prisoner had to live ought to have been sacred from disturbance, an order 
came from the secretary at the Castle to have the prisoner forthwith conveyed to Kil- 
mainham gaol, a distance of about two miles and a half. And the fears of the Govern- 
ment were made to appear an anxious desire of the secretary to consult the comfort of 
the condemned man. If this was the case, why did they wait till after midnight to issue 
their orders? 

The prisoner had been kept fasting and standing in the dock all the day. 
It will be seen, however, by the charge made for the keeping of prisoners in 
Newgate, that three shillings and sixpence was the cost of Emmet's support 
on the day of his trial.* This document must also have been one of the State 
papers which disappeared from the chest at the Record Office, Dublin Castle, 
and which could not have been stolen unless the entire contents of the chest 

"This document is signed by Trevor, the Superintendent or head gaoler of Newgate and Kilmainham 
prisons, a man whose genius for devising different methods of torture, to increase the misery and suffer- 

Disappearance of State Papers 

were tampered with. It would have been easier to remove the chest by direc- 
tion of some one in authority, as if for the purpose of sending it to another 
department, than for any official to carry off these special papers which re- 
lated to Robert Emmet, together with a number of others which could have 
been purchased with them if the purse of the writer had not been taxed to 
obtain those of greater interest to him. The probability is that when the chest 
was removed it was in order that the contents might be destroyed, and that 
the official entrusted with the matter reserved a few papers which he was able 
to dispose of to his own advantage. 

The letters written by Robert Emmet on the night before his execution to 
Mr. Curran and to his son Richard, who had been an old schoolmate and col- 
lege friend, give the only insight we have into his feelings. These letters never 
reached their destination, but were seized by Major Sirr. On Sirr's death they 
were found amongst his papers, and are now in the Trinity College Library. 
They were as follows : 

To John P. Curran, Master of the Rolls, in Ireland. 

I did not expect you to be my counsel. I nominated you, because not to have done so 

might have appeared remarkable. Had Mr. * been in town I did not even wish 

to have seen you, but as he was not, I wrote to you to come to me at once. I know that 
I have done you very severe injury, much greater than I can atone for with my life; that 
atonement I did offer to make before the Privy Council, by pleading guilty if those docu- 

ing of the unfortunate prisoners entrusted to his care, has been equaled by only one individual within the 
knowledge of the writer. This distinction belongs to Major Cunningham, who was in charge of the 
New York Provost Jail and Sugar House prisons during the time the British troops held the city of New 
York during the Revolution. So long as a page of American history is preserved Cunningham will be re- 
membered, and for the same reason the name of Trevor will not be forgotten in Ireland. This man 
would torture, scourge and half hang his prisoners apparently for his own amusement and often without 
provocation. It has been affirmed that he stated his object was simply "to create a healthy dread" on 
the part of the prisoners "for their master". 

This brute, having already exhausted every means of torture known to him, on two occasions 
strung up Anne Devlin, as did also Major Sirr. apparently to test her power of endurance. 

This is a suitable place to treat in full a subject which has been referred to from time to time. At 
one time there were a number of State prisoners confined in Kilmainham, against whom the Govern- 
ment possessed no evidence, and -in consequence of the injustice done by their arrest, the officials 
responsible dared not release them. These gentlemen were allowed to bear their own expenss, and 
while they were kept in close confinement, they were sometimes permitted, on paying for the privilege, 
to meet together for some portion of the day in the prison yard. 

Dr. Madden, in his "Life of Robert Emmet", refers to Trevor's treatment of the prisoners and to 
a memorial drawn up by the State prisoners as follows: "The State Prisoners of Kilmainham Gaol 
addressed a memorial to the Viceroy, Lord Hardwicke, the 12th August, 1804, complaining of the hard- 
ships they suffered, and of the barbarous and tyrannical conduct of the Inspector of Prisons and the 
Superintendent in particular of Kilmainham, Dr. Trevor". This memorial was signed by fourteen of 
them, amongst others by Messrs. John Patten (the brother of Mrs. Thos. Addis Emmet), Hickson, 
Tandy, Long and Mason (the cousin of Robert Emmet). The following passage refers to the treat- 
ment of Anne Devlin: "His treatment of all, but especially of one unfortunate State Prisoner, a 
female, is shocking to humanity and exceeds credibility. He drives, through exasperation, the mind to 
madness, of which instances have already occurred". 

In corroboration Dr. Madden refers to the Memoir of St. John Mason's Imprisonment, Dublin, 
1807; and he also quotes from the "Appeal to the Public" by James Tandy, page 72, Dublin, 1807, as 
follows: "Two of the State prisoners were discharged in a state of the most violent delirium; . . 
and a third, from the cruelty of incarceration, was for a length of time in a straight waistcoat". 

The quotation made from Dr. Madden's work is to show the wreck of the mental faculties generally 
sustained by the Irish political prisoners, as a consequence of the rigorous treatment to which they are 
always subjected, a practice not confined to our day. Death has not infrequently resulted, as in Mande- 
ville s case a few years ago, and it is believed that instances of imbecility, or of insanity, have at no 
time been rare from the beginning to the present time. 

'Reference is doubtless here made to Mr. Holmes, who married Robert Emmet's sister, and who 
Robert supposed was at that time in England. But we have seen that Mr. Holmes unfortunately arrived 
in Dublin the night of the attempted uprising, and that he was arrested as a suspected person while on 
his way to his residence. He was imprisoned in Dublin Castle for some time, and when at length he was 
released he proceeded home, to have the door-bell answered by his wife, who dropped dead in his arms. 
This I was told by Sir Bernard Burke, but I believe he was misinformed, although I have never been 
able to ascertain the date on which Mr. Holmes was released, or more than that Mrs. Holmes' death 
was a very sudden one. 

Letter to Curran 


ments* were suppressed. I offered more — I offered, if I was permitted to consult some 
persons, and if they would consent to an accommodation for saving the lives of others, 
that I would only require for my part of it the suppression of these documents and that 
I would abide the event of my trial. This was also rejected, and nothing but individual 
information (with the exception of names) would be taken. My intention was, not to 
leave the suppression of these documents to possibility, but to render it unnecessary for 
any one to plead for me, by pleading guilty to the charge myself. 

The circumstances that I am now going to mention I do not state in my own justifi- 
cation. When I first addressed your daughter I expected that in another week my own 
fate would be decided. I knew that in case of success many others might look on me 
differently from what they did at that moment, but I speak with sincerity when I say that 
I never was anxious for situation or distinction myself, and I did not wish to be united 
to one who was. I spoke to your daughter, neither expecting, nor in fact, under those cir- 
cumstances, wishing that there should be a return of attachment, but wishing to judge of 
her dispositions — to know how far they might be not unfavourable or dis-engaged, and to 
know what foundation I might afterwards have to count on. I received no encourage- 
ment whatever. She told me she had no attachment for any person, nor did she seem 
likely to have any that could make her wish to quit you. I staid away 'till the time had 
elapsed, when I found that the event, to which I allude, was to be postponed indefinitely. 
I returned by a kind of infatuation thinking that to myself only was I giving pleasure or 
pain. I perceived no progress or attachment on her part, nor any thing in her conduct to 
distinguish me from a common acquaintance. Afterwards I had reason to suppose that 
discoveries were made, and that I should be obliged to quit the Kingdom immediately. 
I came to make a renunciation of any approach to friendship that might have been found. 
On that very day she herself spoke to me to discontinue my visits. I told her that it was 
my intention, and I mentioned the reason. I then for the first time found, where I was 
unfortunate, by the manner in which she was affected, that there was a return of affection, 
and that it was too late to retreat. My own apprehensions, also, I afterwards found, were 
without cause, and I remained. There has been much culpability on my part in all this, 
but there has been a great deal of that misfortune which seems uniformly to have ac- 
companied me. That I have written to your daughter since an unfortunate event has taken 
place was an additional breach of propriety, for which I have suffered well ; but I will 
candidly confess that I not only do not feel it to have been of the same extent, but that I 
consider it to have been unavoidable after what had passed; for though I will not attempt 
to justify in the smallest degree my former conduct, yet, when an attachment was once 
formed between us — and a sincerer one never did exist — I feel that, peculiarly circum- 
stanced as I then was, to have left her uncertain of my situation would neither have 
weaned her affections nor lessened her anxiety; and looking upon her as one whom, if I 
lived, I hoped to have had my partner for life, I did hold the removing of her anxiety 
above every other consideration. I would rather have had the affections of your daughter 
in the back settlements of America, than the first situation this country could offer without 
them. I know not whether this will be any extenuation of my offence; I know not whether 
it will be any extenuation of it to know that if I had that situation in my power at this 
moment, I would relinquish it to devote my life to her happiness; I know not whether 
success would have blotted out the recollection of what I have done; but I know that a 
man with the coldness of death on him need not to be made to feel any other coldness, 
and that he may be spared any addition to the misery he feels, not for himself, but for 
those to whom he had left nothing but sorrow." 

The original was neither signed nor dated, but there can be no doubt that 
both this and the one to Richard Curran were written the night before the 

*Miss Curran's letters, which were found on his person when he was arrested. 


My Love, Sarah! 

execution. In this connection it is of interest to quote from "Curran and his 
Contemporaries", in which Charles Phillips states of Robert Emmet: 

Of his high honour Mr. Curran had an almost extravagant opinion. Speaking of him 
to me on the occasion already referred to, he said, bitterly as if he felt himself aggrieved : 
"I would have believed the word of Emmet as soon as the oath of any man I ever knew." 

The following was written to his old school mate Richard Curran, about 
twelve o'clock : — 

My Dearest Richard : 

I find I have but a few hours to live, but if it was the last moment, and that the power 
of utterance was leaving me, I would thank you from the bottom of my heart for your 
generous expressions of affection and forgiveness to me. If there was any one in the 
world in whose breast my death might be supposed not to stifle every spark of resentment, 
it might be you. I have deeply injured you. I have injured the happiness of a sister that 
you love, and who was formed to give happiness to every one about her, instead of having 
her own mind a prey to affliction. 

Richard! I have no excuse to offer, but that I meant the reverse; I intended as 
much happiness for Sarah as the most ardent love could have given her. I never did tell 
you how much I idolized her. It was not with a wild or unfounded passion, but it was 
an attachment increasing every hour, from an admiration of the purity of her mind and 
respect for her talents. I did dwell in secret upon the prospect of our union. I did hope 
that success, while it afforded the opportunity of our union, might be a means of confirm- 
ing an attachment which misfortune had called forth. I did not look to honours for my- 
self — praise I would have asked from the lips of no man ; but I would have wished to 
read in the glow of Sarah's countenance that her husband was respected. 

My love, Sarah ! it was not thus that I thought to have requited your affection, I 
did hope to be a prop, round which your affections might have clung, and which would 
never have been shaken; but a rude blast has snapped it, and they have fallen over a 

This is no time for affliction. I have had public motives to sustain my mind, and I 
have not suffered it to sink; but there have been moments in my imprisonment, when my 
mind was so sunk by grief on her account, that death would have been a refuge. God 
bless you my dearest Richard, I am obliged to leave off immediately. 

Robert Emmet. 

Robert Emmet had been engaged during the greater part of the night in 
writing out for his brother, Thomas Addis Emmet, "The Plan of the Insurrec- 
tion in Dublin, and the Causes of its Failure". (See Appendix, Note XXI.) 
After writing to Richard Curran he wrote a farewell to his brother and wife, 
and his last communication to Wm. Wickham, the Irish Secretary, was finished 
but a few moments before he set out for his execution : 

My dearest Tom and Jane, 

1 am just going to do my last duty to my country. It can be done as well on the 
scaffold as on the field. Do not give way to any weak feelings on my account, but rather 
encourage proud ones that I have possessed fortitude and tranquillity of mind to the last. 

God bless you and the young hopes that are growing up about you. May they be more 
fortunate than their uncle; but may they preserve as pure and ardent an attachment to 
their country as he has done. Give the watch to little Robert. He will not prize it the 
less for having been in the possession of two Roberts before him. I have one dying re- 
quest to make to you. I was attached to Sarah Curran, the youngest daughter of your 
friend. I did hope to have had her my companion for life. I did hope that she would 
not only have constituted my happiness, but that her heart and understanding would have 

News of His Mother's Death 

made her one of Jane's dearest friends. I know that Jane would have loved her on my 
account, and I feel also that had they been acquainted she must have loved her on her 
own. No one knew of the attachment till now, nor is it now generally known, therefore 
do not speak of it to others. She is living with her father and brother, but if these pro- 
tectors should fall off and that no other should replace them, treat her as my wife and love 
her as a sister. God Almighty bless you all. Give my love to all my friends. 

Robert Emmet. 

Copy of a Letter from Mr. Robert Emmet to the Right Hon. Wm. Wickham. 

20th September, 1803. 

Sir — Had I been permitted to proceed with my vindication, it was my intention not 
only to have acknowledged the delicacy which I feel with gratitude that I have been 
personally treated, but also to have done the most public justice to the mildness of the 
present administration of this country, and at the same time to have acquitted them, 
as far as rested with me, of any charge of remissness in not having previously detected 
a conspiracy, which from its closeness I know it was impossible to have done. I confess 
that I should have preferred this mode if it had been permitted, as it would thereby 
have enabled me to clear myself from an imputation under which I might in consequence 
lie, and to have stated why such an administration did not prevent, but under the peculiar 
situation of this country perhaps rather accelerated my determination to make an effort 
for the overthrow of a government of which I do not think equally high. 

However, as I have been deprived of that opportunity, I think it right now to make 
an acknowledgment which justice requires of me as a man, and which I do not feel in 
the least derogatory from my decided principles as an Irishman. 

I am, &c, 
(Signed) Robert Emmet. 

Rt. Hon. W. Wickham, 
&c. &c. 

Counsellor Leonard M'Nally — the rebels' advocate, the friend of Curran — 
ministered to poor Robert Emmet the morning of the last day of his existence, 
and picked the brains of the prisoner, whom he had defended, for Secretary 
Marsden and his master. 

On Tuesday, the 20th of September, the day of the execution of Robert Emmet, he 
was visited at ten o'clock in the morning, by Mr. Leonard M'Nally, the barrister, who, 
on entering the room where Emmet had the indulgence of remaining all that morning in 
the company of the Rev. Dr. Gamble, the ordinary of Newgate, found him reading the 
litany of the service of the Church of England. Permission was given to him to retire 
with M'Nally into an adjoining room, and on entering it his first inquiry was after his 
mother, whose health had been in a declining state, and had wholly broken down under 
the recent afflictions which had fallen on her. M'Nally hesitating to answer the inquiry, 
Robert Emmet repeated the question, "How is my mother?" M'Nally, without replying 
directly, said, "I know, Robert, you would like to see your mother." The answer was, 
"Oh ! what would I not give to see her?" M'Nally, pointing upwards, said, "Then, 
Robert, you will see her this day!" and then gave him an account of his mother's death, 
which had taken place several days previously — not the day before, as has been errone- 
ously stated.* Emmet made no reply ; he stood motionless and silent for some moments, 
and said, "It is better so." He was evidently struggling hard with his feelings, and en- 
deavouring to suppress them. He made no further allusion to the subject but by express- 
ing "a confident hope that he and his mother would meet in heaven." The preceding 

*By the Register of Burials of St. Peter's Parish, I find that the remains of Mrs. Emmet were 
interred in the burying-ground of the parish church in Aungier-street, the 11th of September, 1803. 
Therefore it may be inferred that she had died at least three days previously — say the 8th of September, 
1803 — twelve days before the date of the execution of Robert Emmet. 


Trevor's Treachery 

particulars, with the exception of the reference to the precise date of the death of Mrs. 
Emmet, were communicated to me by Emmet's early friend, who was then an inmate of 
Kilmainham gaol, Mr. Patten. An account of this interview with "the friend who was 
permitted to visit him the morning of his execution" [the name of M'Nally is not men- 
tioned] was published in the London Chronicle, a ministerial paper, September 24-27, 
1803. From the peculiar relation in which M'Nally stood to the government (for accord- 
ing to the Secret Pension Agent's Record at the time, he was acting as the confidential 
adviser, and, advocate of the state prisoners, picking the brains of his duped 
clients for his official employers), the account of this interview must evidently have been 
published with the sanction of government, probably by its immediate direction, with 
the view of saving the character of Lord Hardwicke's administration. 

There is one circumstance which is not referred to in the above-mentioned account 
in "The London Chronicle", which, perhaps was too indicative of the hopelessness of the 
attempt, by any degree of suffering or of terror "to bow down the mind of the prisoner 
to the ignominy of the scaffold". When M'Nally entered the cell with Robert Emmet, 
where he had slept the preceding night, before referred to on retiring from the chamber. 
M'Nally observed a scrap of paper on the table on which Emmet had sketched a human 
head represented as if it had been newly severed from the body. 

This is probably true, as the writer has a number of books which belonged 
to Robert Emmet, the margins of which are covered with heads and grotesque 
figures. The writer's father had the same peculiarity, and if a pen or pencil 
was within reach while he was speaking or in thought he would immediately 
begin to draw on any surface before him. 

The letters which Robert Emmet had written during the previous night and 
morning he gave to Trevor to forward. Dr. Madden states : 

He [Trevor] contributed so effectually to deceive poor Emmet as to pass for an unwill- 
ing agent of oppression; and when he was leaving the gaol to go to execution, he was 
folded in the embrace of the Kilmainham inquisitor. The profanation of that person's 
touch, young Emmet — the purest-minded of human beings — had he known the man, would 
have shrunk from coming in contact with, as from that of a person labouring under some 
pestilential malady. But he knew him not; he believed him to have feelings of humanity 
and honour ; and he confided to his care two letters, one of which was addressed to the 
Chief Secretary, the other to his brother then in Paris. The transmission of the latter, 
Robert Emmet attached the greatest importance to, as containing the details of his plan 
and preparations; and furnishing, as he thought, the only means of enabling his brother 
to judge justly of his attempt. Trevor promised faithfully to transmit it, broke the solemn 
obligation of his promise to a man at the point of death; he delivered the letter into the 
hands of Mr. Marsden ; and, it is needless to say, T. A. Emmet never received it. But 
a few years before his death, its contents were conveyed to him through the press. The 
work of Mr. W. H. Curran, published in 1819, conveyed them to him in the document 
published in the appendix of the second volume of his work, entitled "The Plan of the 
Insurrection in Dublin, and the Causes of its Failure.* 

That singular document, wanting the concluding page, was discovered at the Castle 
by a gentleman who held a high legal situation under the Irish government. A friend 
of that gentleman, no less distinguished for his worth than his talents, pursued his 
inquiries in London, respecting the missing portion of the document, and the identical 
missing page was found there, in the Home Office. 

Just as Mr. Emmet was leaving the prison, on his way to the scaffold, he 
passed a priest whom he had known in better days, and seeing the priest's ex- 

*A copy of this document will be found in the Appendix Note XXI. 

Seal designed by Robert 
Emmet and given by him 
to the priest on the way 
to his execution 

Watch seal designed and used 
by Robert Emmet, given to his 
brother Thomas, who, at Fort 
George in 1800 gave it to 
John Patten 

The reverse of Commerford's por- 
trait of Robert Emmet. Backed with 
green enamel. The monogram, of 
virgin gold, was designed in 1880 
by Thomas Addis Emmet, M.D. 

Watch seal designed by 
Robert Emmet. Motto: 
Alas, My Country 

Watch Seal designed by 
Robert Emmet. Motto: Ubi 
Libertas Ibi Patrya 


Seals of Robert Emmet 


pression of profound sympathy, although handcuffed, he pulled the seal from the 
ribbon fob and handed it to him. Dr. Madden presented this seal to the writer, 
after it had been in his possession for over fifty years, it having been willed 
to him on the death of the Catholic clergyman to whom Robert Emmet had 
presented it. To the writer's great regret the record of the name of this 
priest, a personal friend of Robert Emmet, has been mislaid and forgotten. 
As shown by the illustration on the title page, on an onyx is engraved a willow 
tree nearly prostrated by a storm with the strings of the harp broken, and below 
the motto — "Alas my country". This design was selected for the title page 
as a fitting emblem of Ireland's condition, and so judged to be by Robert 
Emmet. The sides of the seal were originally only the open scroll work 
shown, but after this portion had been broken several times, Dr. Madden had 
it strengthened by the backing, a wise precaution, but to the destruction of 
an artistic feature. 

Seal No. 2, representing the body as a harp entwined with shamrock, is 
exceedingly artistic in its conception. It was both designed and worn by 
Robert Emmet, who had a number attached to his watch, in accord with the 
fashion of the day. This seal was presented to his brother Thomas probably 
when Robert Emmet visited the Continent for the first time. For its preser- 
vation, Mr. Emmet gave it to Mr. Patten during his visit to Fort George in 
1800, and Patten, in his ninety-seventh year, gave it to his friend Dr. Madden. 
The history of both of these seals was known to Mr. Patten, and Dr. Madden 
knew several persons who were standing in the immediate neighborhood when 
seal No. 1 was given to the clergyman at the entrance to Kilmainham. Dr. 
Madden also learned from Mr. Patten that both of these seals were made and 
engraved in Dublin.* 

About thirty years ago the late Richd. S. Emmet showed the writer an 
impression in wax from another seal which he understood was in Mr. Emmet's 
possession, who was anxious to know its history. The writer has no knowl- 
edge of the subsequent history of this seal, but he retained the wax impression. 
While arranging the other seals for illustration, he was struck by the 
similarity to the wax impression of the engraved portion of No. 2 as to the 
size and shape. On comparing the two it was made evident beyond question, 
that both had been designed by Robert Emmet if either had, and had been 
made by the same workman. The face of the seal of each as shown by the 
wax impression, is exactly of the same size and the same shaped border, with 
beveled corners. The engraved design represents a large harp below the 
motto "Tuned to Freedom", with a number of shamrocks in the centre, while 

"Before the "Union" Dublin was the great book-publishing centre of the world and for the best 
portion of a century the greater part of the music published in Europe was printed in Dublin. One 
hundred and fifty years ago a success in Dublin established the reputation of a singer as an inter- 
preter of Italian opera. Dublin's appreciation of Mozart caused him to be reinstated in London, where 
he had previously been rejected as an absolute failure, and he afterwards published in the Irish capital 
the greater part of his works. 

As illustrations were needed for books, some of the best engravers of the world were in the course 
of time found in Dublin, and among them the most noted seal engravers, who for many years did 
the best work for the people of London and Dublin. After the destruction of all the Irish industries 
by the English Government, the best printers, engravers, glove and hat makers settled in Paris. The 
French had none of these industries until the famous Irish operators made them, particularly the fine 
printing, the glove making and all leather products, known as Paris specialties of the present day. 
The same is true of other specialties. 


The Execution 

along the bottom, corresponding to the motto above, was engraved "Erin go 
bragh". This seal is thus described with the hope that the description may 
lead to its identification, which, so far as the writer has been able to ascertain, 
has been lost. 

Kilmainham Jail, where after mid-night, Robert Emmet was taken from 
Newgate, is situated at the extreme west side of Dublin. In front of it, run- 
ning north and south, was the Island Bridge road, the entrance to the grounds 
of the Royal Hospital and Kilmainham Lane passing the old jail and running 
to the east into St. James Street to Thomas Street, where the gallows was 
erected for Emmet's execution, over the spot where Lord Kilwarden was 
murdered on the night of the outbreak. 

Miss Curran, with a woman friend, waited in a closed carriage in front of 
the jail at the intersection of the three roads described above, to see the passing 
of the procession. Ignorant as she was of the route it was to follow, this was 
the natural spot for her to select. 

On leaving the grounds of Kilmainham, the procession turned to the left 
and passed westward along Island Bridge road toward Phcenix Park, across 
the Liffey over Sarah Bridge, then turning to the East, passed along Conyng- 
ham Road, Park-gate Street and Barrack Street, the three forming a continuous 
road along the north bank of the river, to Queen's Bridge over into Bridge- 
foot-street on to Thomas Street, directly opposite Catherine's Church on the 
south side of the street. 

In the issue of "The Hibernian Journal or Chronicle of Liberty", from 
which the account of the trial was taken, the following was printed in relation 
to the execution of Robert Emmet: 

Yesterday about 3 o'clock Robert Emmet, who had been found guilty of High 
Treason on the day before, was conveyed under a strong guard from Kilmainham Gaol, 
in a carriage occupied by the Rev. Mr. Grant and the Rev. Mr. Gamble, in a slow, 
solemn pace over Sarah's-bridge, and from thence along Barrack-street and over Queens' - 
bridge to Thomas-street, where a gallows had been erected. On their arrival at the fatal 
spot, the prisoner remained about twenty minutes in the carriage with the clergymen, 
who then ascended the platform with a firm composed air — untied his neck-cloth and ad- 
justed the rope about his neck; — after exclaiming in an audible voice: — "I die in peace 
with all mankind", the fatal signal was given — when he was turned off ; — after hanging 
about thirty minutes his body was cut down, when the executioner performed the remain- 
ing part of the sentence of cutting off his head. His remains were afterwards conveyed 
to Newgate. 

Dr. Madden, in his "Memoir of Robert Emmet", states : 

There were a few personal friends and two or three college companions of Robert 
Emmet standing within a few feet of the scaffold at his execution. One of his fellow- 
students, the Rev. Dr. Hayden, was amongst the number; and from that gentleman I 
received the information on which I place most reliance, or rather entire reliance, respect- 
ing the conduct of his friend at his last moment. 

The scaffold was a temporary one, formed by laying boards across a number of 
empty barrels, that were placed for this purpose nearly in the middle of the street. 
Through this platform rose two posts, twelve or fifteen feet high, and a transverse beam 
was placed across them. Underneath this beam, about three feet from the platform, was 
a single narrow plank, supported on two slight ledges, on which the prisoner was to 





tiVAhttL 226. 



Tnfe meats, &c. ire rec. 


ficpri Brtimfi. *•(■ >3' «*»J. 

AT ■* »< ** Cnnmi.e <»' «*■ 
ton" "a rabxin. Io.. lr t , 
1.7.1. rd Tb.i ihe«»rt ot li»uwl 1» 'B» 1,,ri 
lb- lWBVreW.f lH P.;r»ll« Fontf. 

»«6lv..l Thu the rc»«r»l ttiuktrl ln4 olhtr. ■« 
,b"^ .o S»..(<-P»«t <• <tai j 

"Srf-.« lS v 

Membei. ol in. > l»»'«e. "'«•»"•« ; «a 

How. h.rt«nr(t«,n on" m »wr »"«• *'* ""J 
,ke «,k. ..<»■«- '"j^ n ''""" 

°iV«.U'^TT.."'.'', t '(i,«k.r,".»<i .ii efiMm in »< 
».>m .««..»! J»Mc>*«»»- <»' " 
3<n». In orfor Ib.t.b. Imit air « P"J "* 
jM.k.( '.•"»" jo „ K UWOBIt . ,.„.**. 

uni.r. (or iti .-.»»iue»ei» n>r,red to ke .JontTrf 
to Ml- JO.-N llAWKIkS. <...-"»/ io •«"" 
tonil Coiisioniev, fo.nn. SU«I. 

Tb« tbfcCHnnhttf <« invejt.nt lb. fWl 1" £»• 

uwuii ui.iiiui, npoiua ii>it iter ii*J P"'- 

) l*»Cenit; - " 
. .,v« twUftt'l'td < 

Hi. tleii. OtnlfJ, »" C«>.ge 
- kieh.M >»lm<C 
Jlno.J.aj. Unarwe •* 
H.ew twi. il'. ft teterr r.tvrmX 

m, n «..*». 0*t»l»i* """ 
(llamUkirkA tajni Mtito 
Mi. ,-J limit.'. IUJ) 
l^ni UUU'iV " - 

rra. l- - .e.1# Oele - of .h.uiio. • i 
\Vo>. and t. Capita 
>i,inc lml I*w«»t — 

Km . Ui. ItBOfsnd 

sc^cimi rf fti.'is* 

HlC'inl Mi'HB 
r.ier t..ndr 
>ba i .i; : 
ton! Bifttvp ot 
HinAdmir*'. h>-v.(j.i \' 

Hc^. Joan lUwLio.. 
Key. Th jmi. Hj-'Kin*. 

On SUHDA 1. «k« IJlb of «PT. no), 
iA* It v'ckckj 

A SEP MAN will he i.r..c,.H .-,,1 , ,„n„'i,.., 
-i-i. tf i ill" > Mi- I . I I I " t.l ' nisnor-tTnET. i.,.,ii.:i.,i |. p 

ot the Mlflio-u iiMek-fti* KmiIi.h. 

H.ti. th« • ri.l.ii .ii . icy.-., Vriuunet 
Ii I' *fitr 04* will be >;■!'. .*.! ft. tba UOltiwfe 

Uenolcctinn. -i t b» f rHu'W ,rxa**tf by Ml 

Kte* MlMllt. fi !,..rr , | M . JllBH j li * 1 ~" ■ 

\4mg*ia*H Mr i". niv...... i..i/iWtfic«Tr Me 

i rtilimi, mn , f ... 

i'*^-m >'i , ..... MTpt. Sj>.i'ii,ir" i'. • 
Ujiea ixj iutb», 1Mb of J^rrf iei.« 
Miiiiftertn*D(r, ii* fl (1i .;. .Ii . 

A 3 


ir ol cr— (he H«v. T- '".■■!,» .\ ...... r, i 

'■».' k-l Ur-|. r bit -.1-- ftJT. n iv* !V; >,f.' IV .J 

the M«nr .(.:.,' null at tktf ptn*.fin Y'OVMH Vtf<* 
otbeii cr.ifl.tKR t c;- ■ • excmptwif mmjjm tu 
piitpok of fin-uai iiihft.iu!/, fbr fr* >• piflMt *-« 

wi-te ' (.rtfcit by liiliM imi th« t jik hr. tfertb* , in or 

i-OXe t« r.lcd st 9rt. O <HM f-iW. tr jrji^.'rrr.c ru . 

Mr. XuWriSortbUiAlciU^ei.imHnnk 

KtM*nt ttiWt.fWMt.ri Tkh iv rii.„.i, „( ,T i( 
l»»riiTi be give* (o trie n>t. \VH,»l.»^ VK*>4 

huM'anf UT^nlloii f© ii,< WTmft* <»* tills r«f:0t M 


IM RICH *r*rf I*«nU*iHT ROOM UkUf EXS 
i.-LC k. (Uer.flit-i. Jn.nisj , j, mi- 

7'4«+i*r',itrt*T< cfis, U»:t *Ttk* rVrnV 
X, #. ttt 

.( .1 r, t,! ■ :■■!- ),;,:. L r.l,[. 4ta || I 

r' ., n I ,r i .' r,,„ )J I* fV 

no»ffiMPfi£)iion» . «« to 


nvsrtxs oe JtrrsxjKr and gal \tat. 

TO ft. MM,I>. in Y,,c-\* UX..I 

>u Art nf VirlMiTiriil jtafTftl M th.» prcfent Uf- 

•Fl - I - ptllUlp. '/■hv, 6 M „;,,..'., ..MkI.i- 
- ( '1 AiMI in i'r* ■.; fitoSMMA 

• Bt T4v«t i*i Latrtt d *i r-.,. ^ p., ? .rKisr-i-. Vtf 
-,^;v.f. «n4r>4jr« # fUt y/Vrlli'* . >m) ^invrttnl. 

T'fYifurf^, L<dii5nirf,-tiw «»4Tr*rr'.i.- "hmMhrir. 
t>*rrirtlZfS«rr. C«i>l»>.r. *.«»rtiitti^(ha«'p, '.^rrfiil. j 
litVillyuil. «bi)' Kk(t)littki*«., Uydkeeo, Ne*towa. 
J -m -i' , CI»httkii,,C<o.f4tfT, rfM Vrte-loi,!., Omi- 
cyryfc ^mnUffsart, K..r«ti», X nU<n.Sl»f jtt. Tore 
gUfc. in ibt UttOnr *; 1,1 -i ■ 1. 1 , tbe To*a 

vi-l (»■.).,■( .Uiivn .;' . ' 1 \, . '. . .,•!>, .re, 

I ■-. * -m .'• -■ . * ■■■ ■ ■ I r'i. ("if i £ ■ ! Tie. v .. 1. ', . ArM 

t'.fi- :■■ >,,i;v. «i,J KilpA.teea. M>uat t-«E 
■ Tatclaolli. V.jii,» i-.J .",,.,..[,.-. tallo, Utrty- 
: 'f'?r,. (nvii'v v . i.-ii.-. iir Q*n ) J«i«,l.. Xilnf. 
1 L««gMiaJ«'gk. crwd ; in ol ■ iil.nn.iK ia 

!■■ ■■•»,..■...'.■*..-. j.. ! Ami the Town _ji<) tairf* 
of &(Jivmt>rue«, 8*!tvif«ice. tail 1 1 - ^ Is t«t 
BnnMt/ ol t 'i?*.'i f . ih« I «* . ■ .H mil of •'.■>•■ 
i-t. m-' l«i*ua*Tk|«v Gurtn*. »ml Orilliajha Tn 
tbo Vtitwyof M»«4r(b>nfi tin r i-i. «.■.! i ,w «7 
■ ,■ "i . . . ind ■ - f ■ ■ "mlirnof, in 

(bs Bttaifef ICfttuniiughi t fc« firm rvDt tlTtfliSof 
M< of the Town ue\ [.*■., of Carnghoto, ■ ■ . > ■ " 
manAi, uit •ft.iip*T«Vi tit Ilia B.f'it|r t>t '.tm iii,h, 
tad Con.pffy i {be T«trri w<i i*H,1. of 1 ...■■.'■■■>. . 
jv.i,- or B iitga'ty. Tke-tr-ki* *ri «>efrk 

• ■ i ir* tltwte In the county of fivP-- 

m?, -r.d the Tovtt ind Uik*I tii Trifttfie. m the 
VkfODT of Cloumack no-war, ,m lav county of C»l- 
th* .■- ■ I. .-g I,- •ffetrir Hm- of |t«*jl. 

i I" i for i n ■ . ' i ■ f ' ■ ■ 1 ' > 1 »sy |mrt 

ihoicof, wilt r«cri'Ml>v the Hon, Col. -Ho**r4. 
»■ -i. . flaeUiit* oaJ by J»nn Motgr, iff. 
i. it f i . D«v^)n< ■■.'.'(■■ vn-ttrr Cud 

Ail of PwlMIUtUt. 

[Total NVwjfv 79^.3. 

AUG Tj[0 N^T 


tUU9 itvBff r 
.*/. ».n. ISA Mi, ,-„..,. , B, ; y 4 „, 
<lt IfUUAt nin. e-ib >PPTbMbm ii... 

. aC On. »K"!o.k, ^ 

15a i^A. .,kI Tjette. JAiVI.UCA SUCAX,, 

J'*i»*t"*P«evi>< Brf,, .!,„ (, f . 4 . n IIB4jc 
«■ «r u>. neS« 

J. B £M T/ f"'' I^*** «l Mne«>„ 

b, l•klt^v,'\,3a' t ° , "'' 

Ike 1U(V conrm. .< 3 e.b.r.1 alT^taarter Lin.,. 

"Ji ,^*.^^ t ^ D :-"'"7i »" •"••< m.,-,o„ 

V., I 

in,.; - |'be 

\',',^^ , " •* is*ne> 

1111 .ii err r.'d. a, .Vcin.Mer nun vili 
. new ,»•„ Ifarti cm. con .;„,„.,., „ 

. '. , " *' '' ♦ 

in «„|. £, d ,„„ ,„„ .j,, On,. 

on., Iin W,iu c.k., iwoCoi., OuIk 

W» 3 • 


of < 


^UiT rfet-t/TA'D, 
_ s Wliolef.Ie tu l Rct i! 

, , A W - : IAT M AN U FACTOR7 , 



AS it to* b*eo ihc tluiertnlrmion of tin Pre 
prieicr* 10 let (li<« N,.ive M^nfja<w «1UBfil| 
ilfelt bv ii.own "tntrinflc mcfii*. ther !>*»« .*j*4Ae4 
wry »dk;eotninu« tift of rcc^uimcndJL<>i7 Artterufe- 

and < kr.-fn/f. to tH»t Mrtiicli 

1b(V hive fit litefMU p*litioifed. 

K. A Simw Hit* of I ho uewfft Prihtno, CneipfT 

-thio ot aiy "i"" ritrnfi In DoiM.. t-*"rt. .« urn-!, 
fiofl. wii WelOsFlinttHu M^jMiflil ll»hj Linen. 


FROM *h« ftombfT ftf Serf* or.K r<d Ur «he D'-f 
tnA CtHDUiiUcc.! f">m MiftV*. ItKUSH. !««*f-< 
Jert, St. Aulitw -Oreei. >hev an «u«D[nei] tc «■ 
<cui« ib-iri(»ccort'iii| to ilieir .loi-in^ ppro»e.( 
<Jo«fhmentoafl Cummtiteeof l>eJ=|t> fli) (tt * Tuperior 
itile, for ilw tow prtcoof flrHlfh r» *n. 
nca. 3ere.>r>;in( ai Hie Gen»i- 
rnay ihiuk jwoiwr w have ibem nniioe" ; i 
W made Witft WriW H.ndlea. tube occafi.i.; 
wtrrri Wif-rPrffi. 

Mr. Brufh.ftu a.rure. b'» tmbren-Cnmnii' 
tlmiiliC Un-forn: So-tooa fot t it Ail Hoofe 

and SoifljeJlnth* wi. Bruier. 

tyth £cpt. i" ' J 

t Uomnilile/.t 

11 iitto/ tM* prat I i* ,:.i-ior. *if1 be 
■.vel -.1* ir j- i, , t» y i| e iter, 
Ftejf'i;«r, Trinity Ooik£et Aery.Ot. 
^1 m i Sam. k .ii.- y „ t - . ; . 


Signed by Order, 

i- nTOOLE, See. 

I *Hii BJlAUilF"-- OKMtt«£ 09 C*1 KKfDCE 

\ rpO be LET. f,. fixJt i«ra> it aaa/ be a;.-..! 

1 MrOt*!*, near to ttie Town «f • dbeidfe, iaa **>m Co. 
4 VtUldarc, fb« i«*n*«»te af lb- U:- kibiopcf Waior- 
, f"'il.tfc«-.i-irvM-n ttJb. «w t» » ^ |Vii(t, Btiw V* lUr 
* > i i ti Liiloy* in-1 w. il i «•» m.1«*.«1* i-o C: v »f 
\ tfoijlll. Jt» i>-i ■■Ulitl atkX.Wrtr.tif ulbit- ivii »efln.i«» 
; ■ » n ""i Ot^', **ii >» cn^anil/nnr «f i Ioj t>*Ai-uer>« ti 
' C*Jt*s*a-*> w IrotarMlt 

rttytiil* will bt rtetteod hy '•!> • I>oo.. 
'. H '''ji»-'j. bicnnq-rireo'. ' kur r a. . . j ... i 
} TiitnibtuiUt* «ii J by Wilnaaa Lease. kA^. tieiebrti'v 
. foei 



TO T^,T forTV« YE.VKS, P«i P «ibVFgr. 
DfTVtd in 'Li- 4rft ftyrl «f lb* pre fen t Filhloo , 
j littfy I'cciipirf by MV. Peter fcjtiefi. iMccalVd ^*rit b 
ItKotJeift Fruit and KiixM» (UiiWm, Pivprry, 
I (,/-*ii)i«.t*e. ItlefcC* tof-ttner ,wi<h ■ Aerci of u.wt. 
■ ' Tht Fibu Gar -tot) w.U yield tbr* f>r<rfen< Se«fo« • 
i faparabun troee of rfcj chojetA Ff nt.— Tbere 'it at- 
' UlfiaH aCottch bouie and Mabtlftg tWfoor tisrkl* 
i Pr«p*fjl| io U', ,.,„.-, „-rf- |., e , ;f ,„ c .l by Mr. John 
i iVtiay. «, M.^T.rjn-.fucar^. i"qt » i aid Mr J. N'. 
[ KfcKaisft, i«, M-r'-lcrir.o jl. u-etr- 

Nu A.lmiitante r-» vie* the Pr-mlfcj virhnot 
r.,-«-,. - < Width will dc " - atlwu'iad oo iho 
'in thoy will lie dated. Mo - i. . S>iudaya> 

*rti» irm-ART. Military 6tsn«nir. Kv> r 4 

Khi>'i.lnMq«if a — and by all ihe vaokfeUcra. 


RUlUS ami KEGULATIONS, for the For- 
.-, y fccu- raircife, a«.t Movonirnr* of IUl 

M>i»A)r» F «*»■• Pffll Oftfrr Drill u( Jnfttuelioo 
"f the *<eiiiit — fwto. the Platoon or Company-. 

I'm. j. AMlract of ;n- r,ji: - . ii . i y.i, 

rbif fNini) iin>ivr,, nr,,-,,,, lllf » ,i, tofpeft^t, 
o< Ke*\e*.dj • fhl talon «al aniintry — Price, ;». td. 

BuM lnr( 1ttl*«1>t|on UT ttt« KOnD -f i.>IH . FkU 

IVT. i't, aad Mmamentt or hia UajeftyH Fwrft,- 
O^jir.. ,(, pliWi, *a. o,l. 

l he M*iiual and Pljioun BjtettHe — odh. 

Keioiunmi foi l&C kx<*roitV of R iftonieu ~ f l-llSf 
niTrumnnf fot Uicir CondlJi iafl,« 

i »» y* 1 ' 

infaairy. and IniTramnnf fot their t-cmJiv* in 


rWE Mec.Kirj «ra fef|iie(iec} to m«t II Hir- 
riogion'a, in Cr.fton ftrce<. on Mfoduetta/, the 
lift teltaiu. pfiuftl* at T*o o'clock i fa ureter in 
fay tueir Mall Yearly Sabfcnpiioa, tranfaA the 
Mnrfaof thi Dxy, aoJ Dine. 

0*MH, RICH. CAVE. S:cretiry. 

ftir-u. iSoj 

At ib« Offitt oi 
no. i Jt gurtoLK aTR^rr. 

TMIE brtacA Pronoun wilfb^ men f of 
NhASin til gaaniitiea. 

fJ» N u %ai rili ' (;LA!,J ^° Tfi? caoftl 

»TU» of PXCHA^KP .... lov.riN lc> SH , , 

UiriSUCOVKRNMINT an. POftL JC stc: fVll 
VTi* fcc ^* f< * , * ,l,r oegotiatid. . - . '*- 
Otliie Houn frutn ien thre* o":lo»;k. 

rREHCii Ap*rrcc>*f£ 

TL'SX «F»Y»* fwra laWtatl*, MfJpqwUwW 
ojoutof lb«r,„,, (j V r. W lWfD ,. ^ 
IO* r-eteaa boft Pi<i.t, , ViW£«A«, 

" c*ei»pc bkaivdy. 

it C*r. Uftdry VRSOlKRkASS.. 
io Co Iaa UCOkfCI BaLL.i 
|« ntlci fineR CuftK WOOi), 
1- C»t. CKBAM TARfAR. 

R A NTR, aad U Sic^tjl Pl?,«. w A ,22S 
* 4 M a^« iP ' Ci9 " / ' CKT ' BS « »AUtlc^CrIKi|; 




THE mon ealenfiye M^ufadory in firrfBu- 
fmefi at pfcfcor iu thiaCny, upwaidi of t,o>o 
■■ t i of HOOTo aarl iSUOtlS. of rlirTerenr dcfcnpiMint, 
'y f 'l_»i.(u*tk.jti. engaged a i good a i 


So 58. Pifiambit-fatt. 

M WALSH relpetWily tMonrit nil Fricnr*| 
fl .art the Public. lh*i lk« it e .inanity fcpvM 
with HUTTOS* itt all iti* Yeoi«a»r C >rjn m i>ui> 
Uu. wb!Ch he will fell 00 the nmrt leifonable 
Ternia-tlfo BUTT0N4 lor t:-o OUTKICT COM- 

K. 8. Country Corpi fupiilied 

the fhoYteR 


READY mifJe foe ill th* YEOMANRY 
CORPS in DubliB, at BHMFIA'y * WOOD- 
flOU5i^S M A NTTF ACTOR Y, jj. t*Wf 1 *>r.B.,hd. 
amy aid < J reat sttand ftrecf, near LiiTcy-ft 
n. fl COUNTKV CORPi fu«cd on Ikt 
JSouc*. B*Li- bLft-.a, SK. «C. 

a f.j» ihd Cavalry — jA. 
n» nf l.t Mar**' 1 Rrg , '»t'"* , « •»'»*»• 
«nd MnvarMnu bt" itje *2af U y^*^ 

Th3 hwjrd I 

uic far me Ci»»lry.— 1» f»rtu» j 

riicr, or Poeaatt CuT- - »■ ■. * V- 

fN the WHOLE or i». PART. fr«p> 
L TICKET to 1 ?IX1 EBNTHSHAHft-rfi».TICK*1? 

■ may luit ilie conyrn'.enee if Aitycnturer. 
AT J \CKSO\'» 

jv,, «i, r*KLlA.\t>:xy-si 

now fell 1. ■ 

.-V It it ol \ tbe ft- I'lin in tioy «a>ly. 
fif. a. (mm thp iv njoi* irli rMgnttudo of I*ri«et m4 

fl»orte!> ' einii ; circum'iirr.taa t'Jfl prito 0/ Tkicrt ma 
( fpe,<li<> r .vauct. 

Wing ai 

«ap he pr-fljced *• any »M»r Hcaa/* "at ilte folfiw 
rm^oM Prleoa. irir.i ^ t , sf 

Three Qoatter Uoott -.fat 

T*f> 4«rV.» - , * * < 

D4.i«>ck.RrtW*cd «■ . . . * 7 I 
Laii-fkin Raoca Riek-ffri^^d • 1 g 1 

|Ja wult tarn* . * 1 1 fi 

Tiavaii nil* • . - 1 1 ? s 

l*rr»t »*•«» froui . #». *d. UT • l 1 1 

R3dan- aiKKfun^r . o It' 


MR. ȣHf>iETX- the Pioptittor af tii, 
rtJliuic .n^ctcuitt fV"?5tOy -ooeonmen- 1 ! ii 
ina^Jii Pe«i"t» a« urouhl wiflt re t-ereive ire,- t:hir. 
»'■» »r B» ttrv* F«v«m Bmieh lotrrn lonrW-e mrty 
MMMer, Jul to iVc rare procnr oppnituotty *• nil* 
rn^ tcc, k tliitP«n*n«u :t beiiiR The opiaioo dY ftp 
iu u Btaiuom Pi. ill nut. lhai 1 , i^c.ri^ infl *um*» 
HVnt-Con-plaiiin oft pt<v,te(ku . He fl bipTay 
\n Wji . 1 h it 1 c ufe ot , t rfaily dal->i proond, Butwrn 
lb rKf'fl "'e ripfwrnfioo g'Ven to <i H7 tout mf-rrel^j 
P-rkuoti— and to* (I »ti-»-«c Mwt«att ike P«otie. 
[hallie 11 y— nr.t h..f j Ce ituw »n |»runen, aaW 
entiw>ed bv leiartl Y the I3*.»iTTty an I fir ft Fnaj#)fe« 
in At Kinf,if»n, it will not M thon-.tii lie ? , . Tn y 
pofe J an>'» e*cae*jiii Remedy fur "A'urm Cotupuiiifi 
on tbt "ttblic. 

ay tbe Piinier^errof^-Prlcc, s», Bdh. 


(he Martlet on. t*U»S i (krirt«-iItrw1aV» T 
P'toe, Atrw Of, Cumimt 'uj rfn,»l Pii„, > b ■ 

w,„ d(kf So4f> . , Jf „ Crf B eT}Tri5S I .'*Sffi»3 
Kor.i, fcc. kt.ii t6t Liwj u \PholA|. PtK: ,, ' 

o« bie w.ofcia, t,, u.i£^ ' "'*« 

N K. All itrrtH <o 1 1 ortisA ,;,„,„ , a 

r.u,,^ Pitki«,.c«r 1 e W uus..n«„. 

b<c Splb PtH. 

- , , it. I 

Miie.1bm.1e11 pn- 

1 iim .n j.iroim 

Trm balm of mecca! 

TS 1I1. bed „ lh , Om',.,1. fopNervou. the rtinft |<iwef. i R&anttVfi ai,.l ,e~ 

£ ", t2r<i?» f "" ir 

(lie ...u.j, ofcilho ree.wbor. ki,n 
in.iui.- olt.g... ■ 

<t »,.i_rooik,nj utm, .hofc kt.., 8 „ .^.^ ...VTj- 
'J'™," r, 1 ""* ° f ■•f'lfitfiiirtw'lsit i„ 

» ih. ronit.l „ UU ..'.-J.,..! . n» ck , 

nNnn-i l|..,.cn, ml, r.*oV>ii.; 

eu^«.. t;,'.li.«fc<«H.„n' : .«iuei»„„,;„ < , 1 „7 , fcw , 
•e i*Mn..brB iiiiwiui of eir^r. , a t 
' ••mtTOK Hvnrrmiw. B*im»wlos,Iiuu>. 

ftUr e- /»/ ,/ »ie ft,., ■/ .(fcrt 

>?w» a» wt» . aa> ckierotw jj. p„, 
ETi'"? / ""Vr ,, ""'""'*"'"*' r <'.» 

Wf neen .Briieil r 0( more tbu a. r,.i. .-rf t .-*j 
p . «A or 4.,,!.,, ,.; 14U11 „, ^2 

M.,r sj 1 , a 10. >„,„ .,, Bio-opr,,,,'.!.^,. SSitK 

! Mtit..., .b, «y. «,0li,...t u «t. r«, 
ro. «-un.| .n,i „ ibe moJii,, n.„r„ h tN,ir„. 

C.ll.rll. Oa|.t>lr..jilC,T,roo. |„ „ ' 1 

I »1 i 9i'Xi .u«il« i: v*tk. ^ 



-it ft. t$. 

TV Cdan h* 
» adicairnmem 

Ciotoi and Daly prc'_u,nc;, 

AeArW £mmnu L'c;. wi* put to the bar, *od llic 
fbilcrmg "use 

Wm OmSk Cdw«7 
Ctiarlei Hin 

Jeho Uoro 
Wihtr L*<Vr 
fNaawi Kucj. 

Tbc PHbna was indeed Tor High Tr-tlon on 
tr* titan:* of enmnatf-g and imagining ihe depo* 
fit ion and death ot the Key, levying war and 
bdanbSAn agaiafl the Gngfc and adherinjt to the 
K—je'i encmvs. The r.ven -fl> iveic dcicribed to 

.pear .rem ith- evidence to be 1 lioced, !.. ft,- 
v.- before Chrittma* Ltd, 1 h< prifonex, who hid 
I vifiied foreign countries had in lii< CooifaatJ tout 
[been in France, from whence he returned fti3 rt 
tho<V m&faicvofl* tfcfigos which hud he»a TO n» 
defcatcd^in tba 

tlotvrt T\.rlMK 
iWrt rC>uln<i 

*, that to its depot there was a zca-rafs e.n|tc „„ 
wbrefe diCpnfoow oc* afionail) flepi, it under fuch |tifo oft 
ftrwunrtltiKt-. lu- cuui<] deep; bu cotdckrsee and the rV 

Ztthl? *fr '"(^ f* to Mn ***** h* 

ring relied its fiuii.g « ce,ll, y »ft«d upon and defcjurdfiu this metropolis. m*ad mult lure been of mere then ord^ry tempc- ^p^ioni 1 
, Lord Ntmaurr and! Batons He came, CcatVimrn. from m country, in which he "aire it, fin/voudcd by implement 1 * 01 death* bu J 'jveditw 
**iv prel^ng. might hart learned aii the word ,< nfoou :n<att . ul I the mihTimerrti of uvil war And Jellm-i , , ol h.» lit ddwa 

revolution. He therefore embraced Vu ;vu^, ' 1 fella* - rtii i ., he could enjoy a left repot- [ ten it' 
with his ejm open, aad fully inftritjlcd of the con- j he TBT> rt mull have been Jic' effort of [hat weary, 
f iqaroces to 1 »o» ; but notwirjdlarufmg, Ccntl*. j tikgix.iurt.aavn ot rv< j, agiutcd by thai entbiuv 
men of the Jury, hopertevered Eh faring a reaelli. I«lm which Itftcju not tc reaJon, but forxirg 
on uoeiainpled f-v wamoa wickednefi mim roan- [every th ng to it> own Lipc, and heJirving 
uy.itnttentot moJero. It was a rrbeilioP ^ot for 'i*qr probable which u remowcir poffiiik, *nn 
tJu: correction of ar.y e^ifting pr«crmce«— <u>t i!«w* one phaniomi of a diicrdercd b--jin the°fuV 
ing sot of immediate opprcrtion — not provoked hf ! ilance and ftabilhf of mith. N» tcclinmg 
tl* mild government of tur rnoft ;;raciou» of So- ,' fci*h«d un fuch a p«ll6w couU call upon hit God 
vertigm, or thai equally mild A drpi mitral ion exe* j t» lighten the daiktitu which mvotfed him, and 

cutitig his authority.—. No ! h wai a ic^cllion 1 Hiield Uoni the perils and onager* of the ni'ht 

avowing to rear its head, not to ernib any evil now iiub a nvad .md lb occupied ecujd not Utc rcluve 
felt, but the pi 01 ovation* rf 600 yeaxi are ranl"-tV. in the ccnfohiTioiM ot'iclttisn, aild vet hr.w con.ii 

. v *. , — . : : , "cn» u"i %hk novvi pawna hot yca^^ aic .> m uv 

for thoft parpoM In Th6m« Hrct, on the 43d 
July laft— e».'li^flirtg arnii, amrrunition, and 
camping and unbnj the proclanw 
rVo".ttioEal Gorcrr auru. Stf. ic. 

Tt't c*fe wm CV«ed by Mr. CGraJj, tad 

The Right Hon. srtt*** Grtfj! ftatett the 
or the part of i«: Cro-m R-ith Ont abihty «nd 
v-a% '.\fiich dldiaguifhe« himfelf, ..-j that 
vodfraston and di^'Aitwd temper bcxoruii^: the 
ot£cifil ad.-ocjtt: of the > and confti'.Qtlonal 
IbSiee of huttwatTy. The following it a fliarh: 
tketchflf wb,: he faid 

My L-irds md GciiilrmeTi of tlw jury 1 ic 

to (lit*, th- nattireof the charge ag^inrt *h< 
Pritouer, at Uw b*r, ind I fliaJl do fo ai concifcly 
v poffibli'. firft delittiliing. the nature 0/ tiic 
charge, and w«; ihc natur; of the evidence b 
vbick iLat charge win be fulnl.mtiated. It uii 
be rcTjciEte on vout part duly to .TCoTd the maimed 
c.-nRderatirtv bocaiiK the charge againll the pi 
rtCT ii not onjf the UiglkJl ctinx o| which it is pnf. 
£ble for « fuWart to he gtiilty. hut as it receives an 
sddiri -rial Bi^ravjiiioo f^m tiic predial ftate o^ 
Eujop v ind rhe lajntr: table cjnfc^uejicci of th. 
reviluiiotary fpirit by «ducb it i* agiuted AG 
^•'Hv-tcd. At former periods fnn;e tllowartce migh 
hftM hecn ir**c ,'or lie heated imagtn^tionj 0, 
cnfltnrljfti—^irrftapi dac love of liberty :r.yjluh-av 
aeV:d c«..-n upcii »** \mdeTUandin^\, buL'ftii 
more upon u>cTpcj-«iiceii pe tun, .\nd induced jlieo 
10 lode 10 re\. iutiiao at »ht" meant of iffccring tlicii 
objeSfc Bur (ad etpciicoce (V.oald. ia th= prejln 
day, lu»WL-.i«trtr»»v^eJ every m&fl thar Revoliiii .n i 
oot the toad tw hbcrty or hap^incft, but, original 
ing in inaichy au. i b.lcK^i, endl in the rain ol erv»: 
fercdorr. >d»? ts the cllabii.'bipeiit of miliury dc;- 
potitm T>.t crime of the I*hfoacr, therefore, 
dciaands the morv fcrious investigation, and it oJ 
thr hlai kxj' die. aa under all CAJUtg t ■ cinitanecj. 
adnittrin^ of not' the Gnallril ealcuyacton. 

The i anient. Gentlemen of the Jury, 
foundrd im r*i antitKl ftuucej tad yaiUct'iarly cm 
Arw daWei of QBH tr»irt»— tAe flrH u thai 
cnrn^vG'.gand !ti»&^iriir.g tbc death of tiic Kinj; — 
tU leeend. ■arlSrring to the Kjng'teftmicj — and 
the third, levyiof war agwiuft the King. — O" 
tbefti the two Ua« arc fo iu;clligibk and (clfcvi- 
v?Knt to the :■ i- ujuewbn:cal ruindi, tbat it is un- 
MBeedtrj i n oi-Hrve upon thtru^ — but tlio tin ad- 

atsied: technicaJ eoaOruAtoB and ekpUnadnn 

Oeuiiemen, in tii - language nfthe law, cOBTOffiac 

death of the &.\r\y, di(*» not CeteffarUv imply 
in r- -; , s - : . > if i upoa hit pcrlon* but con.- 
ipi-ity ta it* • > v and cottftmidpo by fisae 
ol irmt, ae bwritDSaV leading to anarchy and 
puVlC dinLrrfceace, trruft admit of the cprdfauQiad 
!«id In :hc utdtAnMBb a.- finally endangering Oil- 
Iocs on h!i Majefty and hii fabjecli. — Wberra de* 
-•igu of this n-irure is fuHAiutiaied by overuaf>6 — 
*hm M » diiciofed otxu! . bf n .- i • 

^■Qjd tpon toejrry u into cfTvi), then U the crirot 
v.«.\r*pJf3lrd. Tiie ird;irment ilatcs fevtril evert- 
BflavUeX ~, xgamlT the prifoner, naid 

-lerrwnfiratr a traitr>ro\n ur*,rin.-trit»n Of the heart 
Ou this p*rt r? the futjtft, as ihc Court *iTi 
d v W btf tfi atfraD the tja^tucon occetfary in fun 
EtusJl up t=i eridsMtCi 1 will rtcM trcl^an finh> 
ywurartsnricci, hut I fee] ir my dut) to rc- 

!eft yoor p3TxicoUr arrentror. to »wo prrnciaal 
p«jr.(j tor yom jnve^ijptiou — ftili, wheihrr or nut 
tSerc has MCI * irALorouifonlpiracy and rcbtliion 
fie ihc eurpoic of altiHng the CoWHrbIn and 
GoTtmpwnt of thn ronntry by force of urnu — 
and fcCt-ndly, whether the prifoner at the bar had 
(•ny and what m that rcbclbou. I 
era.', happy on the opening 01 this Comimftioo, to 
hiire Had in mr f'wer tr> fUie to the public a". 
Iwife that the rebellion howerer hjf.- and ilroeiou> 
in id s/Him. -hoi in umh in point of number* con- 
tcmpiiSIc in the ranrme, and Mf fasanenj by Ji'ilc 
*orm« riy W~rO»n R»r iherr rrafio*. I am, GeriilC' 
tetii at the hary, n-tw happ* to Rair with mart 
cofl^'^ciKe .md att« moro i>f«edinuen that what 

1 n*r.boik J un he ' • t day of f he Ccrmi 

ul\ th 

i.Jb.- which meditated uuhoiu 

ttYi and ihcy are rcpR Itnted as 1'. > ihut we mi j proj-'j^t* vidi «tuchi(iras eymilicct. " (Hon. M 
opt hyea^rreemen. Us: asthae is no nt'ttite torlA:!- Gen. rcaj aaemacl fi'-ru a aiaaaflrtpi wuivh 
rea>ciik>a U0W f ncilhef cvutbe cQticilw:;1hca^aftJTi **u tothe ioii^tti::- effect) " 1 h-*Ve Utile ^me to 
— from the mwntftfto of trealbn it appears flwl|l»»fc the thyutind diftaaldsa tjut uv heiw^ei 
eurnal war is waged againll U'-o Btt-jlh Cunllituii- , rpT ami the corapteiion ut my 

Bad refiftnncc to it the moil implacable and | dwEettlti^ may d iaiipcar 1 bafc 
determined is avowed. N'u kirJneu can lootltc tbc j tamA rviionil hop* ; but u r.ot I 

t'oatu dircScd 
Bts Ibm«tfc:d4anr^hb along ut^. 
^1 &." T ¥ — ~ ** * £»ai p»n of 
^ProcUrs^iro, ■ ■ . it 10 he as 
ipoutiim i>t tlnj taterljic-ataont, 4c aa- 
U be fooSUi fi-ppoC; oar znu would 
• et»y a pioeUnui^m when he had 
abore 7000 of 0-cm in |1» C depot , Utoe were aJfo 
ound other j^mied procluurfu.r.. ret produced 
hcretoforr a;^l addrdU u> the CaiaemiJDnWIn. 
^P»daaaafan wkle afcamg to rrprefi* all 
excetkf* .>,.[. m-gbtbe apprehended in the conAc?. 
c««elada by cdlujg on the heated and enfcrutc 
rahole t.. rrrneinbo their opprelfori for 600 year*— 
th:T maif-cres — their lvir.Jng*— thatf mis led 
tnends and v, 4 'ated k ^-.> — t! « «<afpaau..w a 
*nnjmmary mob, though p.erioullf averting ,^ 
teprefs the.r cvcedci. The papers . ,. tC -£ in .j. 
Wat the depot, Mt.Ak- Gcncfal eoeotioawd to 
ei. tbMb the ionneetion whko il^c p-ilonr- lad with 
'*. — Every nwn *lK.»c«n nu, c-r.d.iueJ Mr. Att. 
Central, truft BOW utrant'-oui to know the rate of 

n tile minirt*3'- ; dud 
hocir one evening ia the f6B*mu K 
w«k, u a general in raO n-uwm. /- nmparueu 
by two otnoi alto m opfform, md wll rfiVrag u» 
^ a> I'rench Ceaerals ftimirfaciag, n ma t be 
luppv.ied. u> m.SurotHnn, by the hone of fertWn 

»mpteiu.n ot my w.fhft-^at iKfe aid. — We rind the prifoucr fpeatoost Lri«l.(.a Utc^X 
— anarde..:and IJandhrs Lieutcna-.* General fottowai? ha eiuiaipie. 
■ u ,n, 1 1 ■ ■ ,Hi * m all of foarteen pertoat 

eoncQiatdf) and virtaoQs| can move them frura [ To Uiu difpofitiua I run 

ityofU^feKbcls— noAdaiiauiriitlon, bowev.r \+t*i haSgrWa^-wfrh iangaraea difeotitavWt^.aaneJ^ Svj^^^^Jr^TvlJgL -HgK 

ever fo pure, and the adminittration of them em • to tliofi efions of fancy wluch meet them in | dfey proceaded fiirtha on to the hon.c of « V 
KjnJI, ..o in.prciT.on » to be made cei tjaj'c mad ! the ^ft". H"'- ^i«ued Mr. Alt. Gea. we fa, uJ after barfing to town and baakio 
enihubalts, who ere determined to #rGt iheu coun* *ell vkfceihesi tae dirpoitu»a oi a man, wlso would the nwuttaiiia, u; trace the prifoner o*ce more in 
rywkh tbc borrorr of war. 1« the Goremment do have lcd*K«d bf8 sober people ot Irelandaiid i.Vihc £une houLr a «*' UkIjxJ at rlaiidfi 
whM rt may. Haring Sated the objea of rx- j tuiforiyp.te pe^foeury to joiaia rrcaor, .nrd comini' , crofi, ard ad"umi 1+> tie Uasc r-iue —we 6a j him 
beajiori! I will now proceed to SUtc the mejia^f ru>vtnn«» *od happincft to fcclirr^s whitl. rhe> j rtbttirforiiay biv inilaary bat ar.d re*tn»cnrjO c—t 
wiicli ilw prifoner at the bar loo'* to efleel U.j ftntftfjere to, and as foreign to therr cwd at and rhb Ihefe the trrle of General; bu: teram nJ 

— Hm, prochmaiion, for Genttetrrcn I think 1 nd j *r.) thing could be t«saoth« The vic:in*, tt> | ihe fu.-nr breeches, waincont, asd Uetiiau b»* 

a acrantad to impute it to him, ilate* the fyftem > their art*, n j daVbtj in^iaed the PrtvLlena! Govt j Tbta m*u, who but fo dvon m ueae beam w 
rr.eafon t*. bate been o«ajaiaed within the Ufl eighjt,*il wifdom. «uticn, and prudeace, iiulc irnowing havelhakenbi».Mj»efly >CaJHe, »c find finani' 

&a to 

months, which* anachad twhis arrival from abroad | w, «*t » boattt! mafsorf»cJmir a wa» compofod of— [ to vdlnmarr rmprs£iam«t:t m a Wk- p»lonr 
•cing within thofe eight months, the tofereace w [dit.ayuig thc^ni^xacnt whde annitulaitog rhe cav, lying in a fettlc-bcd. In ihb fKuatkin*e naii'lia J 
lair, that he the fource ot" the rebeU-un, and ! drrdandug.— Tu Ok kmc unhappy Gate uf w.iad about * rr.ot.tb, and dicing tub Owe «eJead him 

«g on the morning of 

converlatiou wirh tbc perfoca who j 
:i IcttuI £r*cad«, dausg; 
tdgbt ef tr* ajd. in 
lamenting thr «>u ac inflamed by the drfoovcry of 

. condt tl learea no roum for doubt 01 uu(1*«;»]>seit bo attrfhiit^d Im 
upon thic potot. Geatk-niea, bis machinations I the 33d fulf, tl»at he would male the Caille trem- ! him, and \vho were his 
were not advanced to maturity when he fccrajjbte tbat Krght— fttsm tliat until night wt find him 'how be was dretted on 
u neeeffitrv to change his refldetica and bis \< -- j r. tne depot eTfcdjn^g^u^ hii inaruracnts to acrtler- lamenting t 

yeu find him accor.lin^lysnar obfc4rrei»irfov^OTigv U>ei/ W&Xi foij>efirnjr atrnumltkm ; at^tog |hi» depot of arm, Sx-— wt find him berrying hij 
nig to Mts. Palmer iit H.ircld f-emfc— . th*r wai mj hirr*ei r , anJdmSmg fn reginjenaJt of green ■■' ■ h, I fearr, ^od pLonrag hn efoape, on coy alarm, riuo* 
dte mo.nths of Jan. or rchruar ; the prefrn: year J atfoming the; rank of Ceneral— one of his ' a back u indow rpw» rhe hctds ; all eiieumttapces 
—he affuroed the name vt Hv;t, anJ tach a cba>[ Lt. Oermaix was Win. IXwdall, another Michael j corrobcraiing other rjv6» to be fuppontd by cvi- 
dem'rK. c it matter tar your Cdiil.'deraJbn — 'C\i<)tiey, tOrmetly a brkr-hjytT— of ri>e Ar« after' dence. After one nwnth't ccinccahnenv r-. 

be contfaued here ui.-il early in March, ai. wairija i«nporary banifhment to Fart George aOowcd t""" had by Major Shr, to whnfo BaUrc 
time all jmA rwiiret hit Ma)e>by X Medajte eo'M rttwtn- to his coaatf)% and another (Qnlplcy) - loyalty and important (ervieex, the citiaent of 
r>«h llcufri of rV.ri'amern, tiorn which an ap 'whcljy bfmlT,e<! and rerar.une d*ft>Pt>t.of the-^biin aod the State arc htjbjy tndfchted. and 
ireaicniug irCptuiC vritfi Franco *a to have bevitJhw— Whec Wc ghrme :.! ih- 'r'-«v,in,t - 1 Covean. fte on thw prifener hi lurprire— Uv 

xjtected — upon Ihe 14th ot thar lao'c niwivh, dic-^tr.enu we find tio'J«ne;-neor in talent*, propcttyvflV • MajorJ font a ctui:£ryenn bcle^hirts wt-o gave » 
dtpijt (Inca d^coveicd m Mnrftahja^ane waa dV*'eharacrer ; and Irthc people oi IrcUi:d, wbo look 10 ^"tf^e rip,- a»d the door Seing opened he riuVd m 
c.xvcred— the hMe wa^'hen takes, and abeait ihB^the falt<ui y ' -wa necellry mfiuence of rati;, and 40(1 fotntd the pr-foner a-d hTr*. Palmer at diniKT. 
fame pc : v>J vaaiotu other dejwis in Lie city ee'feharacler, coald but txka a glance at this preet-atu He afoed him his name. J '» . r ■ .. . . : , 
Dnbbn were alio takrn. amoit^ oth-rrt that ioicoiupofiacru it would for ever enre tbem of re*olu- Br< * came only rh-it morniug to the bottle. 

P.riritk-flreet, which dnce earplajed— ^indirg ht$Z tiOaary projects. I with to make no defcription 0/ M*j or Sirr west into the neat room and mteiro- 
rdidene* at Mrs. Palmer's' Incompatible wtth hit j the prr{o.>er* jet titai bv dtfrnbed by oth-n bat r r & : * rt " ** r ~ WlMr ' w ho faid Che pruoiatr s name 
roy-ir.g pmjc6 *, the prifoner agaia changed hi* j m.iy be alloaed to iay *Jtat from h'w yeart, ne u net " vras ** uet » • nJ * at Ilc Wi * a eery proper young 
..i!;itainui 1 and name, and went torefide at Butta- lit t^ be the key :l^nc of fneh aaiarcls— find him;'mxn. The Majcft* heart? anvile in theneitroom, 
ficld lanc, K n;. * It appears thathe paid a hotrever, "he head ; another, a man who bad for- - ^ pafoaer c , jtj- . to efcape.— 

(liic of 61 g'jiceas for the prcmilcs, took poifctfkx? merly .. - : . Cletk to the Whig Club, a**d the - Major Sirr having tailed a guaidt again inttrro- 
of them on the aith April, acd had th' leali: eie* dn-.. Uitikrupt and hatiifocvJ mechanic of the low- £ ai ed Mr«. Pdmct, out .-■ >\ th<w j^urded, 

'.'.(•: 1 ' r I Itn- — vMt t\ iii -.,;,[, Ceft-J tft vr\ici. Hrrc iit the three principd ctmi^ra- ' tne p'lfoi.-f a lejraid kimc attempted to efcape, hoc 

temcn, that tin* twnfaclion wat all affected nnuerj tors, and let the people (v>t.ten<phue this vaunting *** oseitakcn in (he srarden, and fc^nrcd by th« 
the nunc of K . L . — Ivc paid the fine and ' trosillorral G^v«raimcoc Ctlin* on the fame fTocr W^jcr at the peril uf hishic. The priioacr bavin^ 
ecuted l\ leafo under that - m : u-, and a nny col<] of n malt Horc — ;he prbVret prune member ca teeeived Cvne hurt. Major Sirr apclogning for the 
ratnol ciicumitancc were necc.Cury to ftinnpthUj the- aKpowtrfy] aumnrrcy-, the nett 'aiaja^hun ant cec *^ Cv ^ treatiog him with ftnigSoeLs to which 
part of the j;rifon;r'k cundiicr with fufptoioa, it it old brick-la; cr, tiid tbe third a fellow ni much ■ ^* reBued ihat ■ »/ an.v /air in -mur." On nit 
f urn lined by oao »»f th? wituc 'Ics. to thai Ica/e, mme- 1 J »t f ■ the creilit of on occopatica of charafler ' perfon were fotind- varimu paper*, and <-<vc of m. 
ly. Wro. Ikjudafl. It it liighly probable tliat on —and Ujit C-r-folat? fwriumded by forty or Ter 7 partieuhir n^cunr on a- Chair befoie him k> bb 
rhaioecafKHa Do*d-ili would iuh h,vculrd hi*o<e~ , fi/ry a/Taflint diltiD-niOsed like tu-mfelves oriy ; ajpanment. One of the papers appeared an he 
»-.ame (atul i.-sdeed Iv. :mightbave cutily clunjr^d 1 1 by ■ rLej, crirc^t. Wc next fit tlie Prifoner' wr rtien by « brotlier cauptrator, ac^uJisa-d with 

for a better) but the attorney who carrird out thej to the ; . >• -: of action — the hour arrived the n '* fcheme^ andparnripci jag inhi» ..-I- . 1: . : C 

1:^'-' hapfcoiog to be a country m.Tu of .: - ; pnwumtr put himfetf at the bead of bis force ia the Mr. Arc. Generd read a paragraph from the paper 
and knowing bini, he wu thus induced fairly ml depot, aot amouating to 10c men, oxit •expe/>ing vTcv?, " t uSovId wiih to fcww haw jnatters 

uic bis red fojnaturc. As fonn .is the Ictfo was earner cot recruit* irowt the ccuJiry to joai him i 'tand, if you are not afraid — what hopes you have 

eteeuud, Mr.Tyn^l.thcartorney-.aiVed Mr.Frayi tS jwe find, him marching out fword in hand, Iradiiig * T<>m abwild, and H" tlrs Preach pay us a. viGt ; if 
whn, as cxepitor of Mr. Marti a, had fct the botifelthem to Tho'*iaa-rtrret — btlt when we come to loo* j »ot he worfe i-aa before. ** That it ap- 

to Jie piifoncf, if he knew the peifon* »hom he atthumigo.y irroy, which the Provifioaal Govcm- j pearing, thut the oamfpondem was not fo it.: :j- 

baddeait with, to which Ftaync anfivered, that he 
Vju wholly uninformed about tliem ; Mr. Tyrr:fl 
then remarked, that he feared that they were 

1 boaibngly reli*.* w? find thttii not er;'.ir.i ' ' Al ^ V ' ! °t *9 know that the moment the Freneh 
number 'o tbc labele t^'h-tch has fincc atteaded the 1 tboola arrive la the country, them wooVd he an 
rcuiion of any of t!»s unforronit* victims of their t^'d to all law ana rctrgloa, both of whuaL* would 
pood purpofe, and if no. niutb changed ' foducticns — tin people took time to rerlect, fo rlutl^ vTodden under foot by a mercW! tafl^T 
Dowdall was aot remarkable for hitattachairat lo]Uae Oeaera) Pnind himftlf wijiout a*i army, tlie i dejpoufoa ; cveo thofe coofptraton de^areeate h>ca 
the Gwcrnment, and bit vifrt to Foit George could j Colond!, viihoui icgimcnu, and with- ■ *fii'ianea na weutd give the French a footing rath"* 
artt fctVfl nnicb purified his conditutiXial priiiciptei. out Cumpani:t — there wait very neceitary in^redt- couutry, eontcaats tbat death and eWtr»httaa at- 
Mr. Fnyae obferved, tint there was no auDcamt-cc 1 eiit to rcbeltum, but men to ciLu."t H. Tb» peopf c aomyMuy tbatr propreis ajaj daaataaaan, Tise paper 
; of furniture m the houfot and but one ingraft on ; Jva -aic-l, probably, with themfeliea, and a/fced the [further Rated tteacHiuon r( oft Srnther gorrTpTWC7 
which tiie prifoner and bis companions flrpi, asjrt'*lueftion,fl»-JI w«eedifl arithoax hrfanzy — f cff r a w eii * I m a dc/ponding fbaiu, ■ thar the people weremca' 
hrs -umed <nt to V rc rrrry refpert ihe La—'* XAm P or engaged in war. tie found (hut ihe ] ^at pav, *»d rilk hu.ging if w c rurnvc : Arguing | i»»le tw redreJj and unworthy of a, as would ap- 
il!o » use fur 'or tr. eon n ji*'- d>e public na the I pr,: « n « ^ rx(,tcA in a fufpicioiw manney ; tatom ( thut. they foond the n*dri of hw Mafcity'fe army I P«u nom their rcceat barWowt dafortioo and 
conpiatc iraeaawHip; of the emmtrf. aad that Use ; oft *" ,or * e ****** f**rf ^ "tght, and tftefo femre and profitable— thrre a booary wax toluol cf unx-urmty. As to invafion, he did not 

daft.vdl* e#-ct ur X'. leEajJI hat only 'oi.ded tr. make 
tint *earv;u' itj r-j-rt parmxnrnt and all our cotV 
fbltiSonaJ •ritjo'm--a , J . mote fee art by aroo'ing l'k , 
c -nrA-a -J *he awvd. — ( wilhnM to ukc up yont 
•i--^ i-i pTvtjMv'0'4 view* — I wrmld DU irjtbil-j 

mttinoas atlengtfi utducad him to fufocc? r>at! be had for coliftiag— -ray for fervic:— honourable believeat would at all take place, bat wa» ihreatcned 
U he hid known tftartacy were ^dinger in the held of hurtle, and the rewards «• V> Wear down the Britdh goveiiimcut by 

coining C viti* ' r r. the i>iineipalr>*:tiaru engaged ' tiationalthanki aad najtitnu) gratitude to tbe bta*« 
to the rebellion might hart becq Cecjrcxl in <•'■- The loyal GaVfist feeU not hka the 

hour. Tn« ptifooer cojiruuwd in eras retreat, ard inhei, aer like beak drraids the '-m ■ of the tatite-< 

oaopi»»tjc • ■■].-.:■, hut wbea I croifidex ihe rw 
gibnee rf rarr &. remn-eot, fha di jpl'me of o»tr 
urny, :be l^a.ii of the iiatorkr of rnuunrn, und t 
the «rr.ed valour tod wg£f per lading Ibe land ! fww H^ 
from one end to trK other, and vradv to life 
a murium IO rmfh vJnm-ertx treafoa 
roBiUr, I rub net bt oawmed 100 
c inf.^tnee that the ^itpLiDce of Government *nd 
CsACtrrrsiy tA the peopfe sshich fru.'haied the ara- 
vhlnatiars of Vfifan w-U ceauiaoc 19 preserve tu 
free and happy. 
Gr .'jrnam, on former oceafrTra (hv prn>>rji , 

f efcapiug tf.c fword to meet the haltir.— on that 
night, Uui valiant band, who had determined ti 
dethrone therr Sovereign, and maaracrehti — : . 
-(Ti7nbied but 4n fly— tbey fled on tbc firft attack 
It to lay 
' the 

uatler thofe. fu^puintu cefcutnoanecs. ui ■! the ic 
plour«n kaoft nhue in ftrrict>frreti, the if>i Julju 
" " : made tt Impeitotn on l-ir to do 

VtVru? cureiry rw i- ■ tteasom miTbt be dlfco» 
( vered and tieieattrd; tne prifonex rbcrstoic. tcfi(a< every arenne Jind it would be dittV__. 
mm and fcreirn / ^' i ' ,tI,;r *' s » m ^ up hii realdcrife in tha cfty which it was the Generals or their troops, led t> 
fansmmc fa the r 3 ""'** — £ '•npuie to the pnfoacr, that aitn ihc|wav. What p*r\ rhe prifoneT root on riiatnight, 
, v.vT™... .„,i jeefdoifon ia t'fcrrhrfc^reet, he cansrto rr.w » to for- |a^ fax at hbxrry to flats — whether he continued 
j ward tbc rebellion, and made the rtbJ d -pot ht* . to right with die rsbbtc, and participate in their 
plac. a' alw,Je and teiL I lrt«him ta tti.ti <Jeoot jewcitici, or whether he retired to another malt- 
f a>I would vaty of you, Gsathvutn, to sOarhwuL-a hcirfo, until he could lecurely. rcoriva the key 
I for yon will find him mafter tf the family— t-iper- J 
fintaai'lmg rhe fo.ta.auon of pikes, ball ca tr^awt, 
>touq*n m+n mJ*J*mm**mm af kia» r ap ida 1 . [ ^ ; inr ?wrir>g.armi and amnwnuion. and oc«aA- 
tfoi, but if 1 in nghil/ •ntln#«L*«» fee r.,.^ a*. ' jjy writing u a dt* t at one tin* tea ing there. 

v v bar 1/ j-aTitavo^t a nas aaawJaV 
other", htn 10 svhom tr+'-'lioii 1 jn be tm 

* Jf ,out the 
" ^ 1 ind reading it trr I 

Pr ^LamaDOu 
at 1 1 

dxeiprnrc of cunduv preparation." 

Th= Artordey General nett rc«d an extratt from 
the paper found on the chair wiiith .ceme i dietated 
b^.the compu^rhon of the prifoner for the punilh- 
njrut he had drawn down on the wrrtched crea- 
rurrt he had *edueed, aud by which he hoped to 
deter *he Gc^crnencat of cha cou ntr y from purfu- 
ing the odursa of iuabca it had embarked ux — The 
ran to ahia cfti "1 may appear 
rbrance on the part of an txvrmy coirtptriog the 
;»»tr tlwow of rhegwmlaaenij 10 fcgjpafi rufoj j« or 
offer it advice, Ae. &c — thui avawusg uu ad* 
docament hi* cousprracy tt. ovvaVrvwithe 

the CeJUoin council — but it ra prob*Ste, tbat uo-| ot) 

crament' ot bis coootK)-. Vhe paper aranttg 
■ rrutter dated aj a» argamem for govern- 

drviWdiag the retail of their boaittd cvTort to ac-I ment tu reftram the inmAuirn ii jiiilieev^tnat a 
compbla teyolot^o, be and hitfetfo*' peneraht mtd.l could not rexnedT the wrmt of firCctent ioirnnjati- 
Hure hV. Attorney General advenmg to the 1 on of the conspiracy by ibr foverity of p»aillrnsar>t. 

depot, aud the dtak bel 
n, dated, 

priiidxr fonnd I but would farniLh additionaj ground of 

«g thofe papers was « | u 

origin ar-durdofit If i midair aoi, It will 'p- '< j/r^ Ucm the lame dcik a foit of ragiasc d> 1 l^uc; from (us brother, T. A. Euiraiti, addreded 

bo were put too rwWv to arraagn their 
undtict— and hm Mr. Anorney Genend JntUy 


Obfcrved, that it was bin a twn ecr.imon error of 

fdofc ebo luf Daft tvncUicmtO per t !■.!«. the country, 
9) eacloiin againfr Cnwrnnuit, If it dues nclt find 
oritejmy IsroiR that p-afle* like intuitna or magie, 
■ .-;■] d&lcrie ta thofr pfntirmir. .fcory thing 
-.. , •• In and which the pabhc ittercrfi 
rewuirc mould be i ne nltd— ar - [ fyrely a £rea> 
If proof ot the wMcbAllRtift oi Government could 
aot be gvven (fast the noceflrty which the threecon- 
ffttntion mongers were under to carry on their plan 
lb feeretly in an tUc'ire horde in /Jjitct field -Line, 
and after collecting their depet cf arms Ac. that 

Jsh* a Miiie of the *oun i v Klldire, j waa brouoVt r», and fatr about 14 or 15 per<tvw- 

lived for the tail year air heftier at Dillon's, t* I therot hnwanagiiii aflihl urhaihroughl him there. 
White Bult, Tivomsa-flrtet/apubtic-houfc; knoujand if he knew a mahMii srtti CnUm ; anfwcTCfl 
^4affiia!rcfUne~KUrani'cnicta to Dillon's yard, j be did not . " Ht-'$afpyf 1 '/ nneof them, W 
which opened into it ; koew the rebel depot, i« .],..,/ hJ/>t ttinSfiy ■„" they brougfit him to the ground 
was confident ally employed in it to bring aoirru- j floor, where (hey argued or coofulicd apart, but at 
nitioo to it, directed thereto by hit maiVt : an. in , length agreed to wait until focie one, nr.t then in 
things were brought through the houfe to tbedepo. the place, fliould return , a man ihortly after came 
— be knew it'll a depot a few cay* aficr it w*t| m, ■>■<■■ ifked the v. iinefi did he know Uraham — 
taken from Mr. Colman ; was often in it previous! he replied be did not ; a light coming in, he was 
to the 73d July, and had (■ - and cor.ftar.t aeeefl] alked if he knew any one there, he faid he knew 
thereto. The firft thing he it* there tnet t^Wlr^he had known bifti 5 or 6 yean before at 

■Jvv could not get inftinro«at> lu Ule them— and m aking pi'ae-har-dlea, and after, heading tieio *it" j Maynooth, wae a ma (on or bricklayer 
then when, notrer the di/Pcnltici rifltc'tiag the con- 
spiracy through the vigilance of Government, it at 
tength Isroko uuf—tntrfc <U*ti:uUjis were m the 
tioageft manner prowl by ih* wcr.fcncfs <if the 
attempt, which nvai trrtinguiibcd in iefs thin one 
hour, and by a left three than loorcten. Thrttme 
paper, contiiMtog it* r.:m*jnfiYaiicc, obfcrved, that 
Covcfninont were m.t-ble 10 atiVfl the bottom ul 
the confpiiacy whicii h ur.p; -.i^a-ahly woren, 
hot tharthc eaceuuons of th; o'ulatre inlbnrroem* 
■««« only cutting a feir ihnads fhno the tnd. — O.i 
thi* pr.rt the Atb&n>J7 Grtieral topr tfy d hi* wilh 
»hat 'hoff feritngf had governed (he prifonet* at ».n 
'Utrliur day, ^brn he wils je-.'ulring tliat tiain of 
rilrjiutie* infcporable fm civil war— but, unhap- 
pily, in one hour thi, itbelftn had depri ' 

iron; he faw othor arm* tbere, hlanderiM»(Tei ! wxiryftoM he w%- tr>e perfon called Graham, 
piftolt, an.f fir^loclj ; be faw thele irrr.a collecting 1 Wttncfa wa* kept in the depot frooi that time 
for two or three tr.onihi before the iy\ July ; faw juiitil about iho faene time the nein night ; the 
t'r <in making car.ndgci, more than he *.<mld dc« ] pcrfoo who eatn^ in ordered him to be taken 
fcribe. He !;nowi the prifonir, anoideri'.irted him ;j care nf %dA sot put to death— he identified the 
fa-jrhim for the firft ume the Sunday imotediately '• prifoner at that perfon. He faw the prifoner in 
after the explofion of gunpowder in Patrick fireei, 1 (he depot m the courfe of that day feveral time*, 
and in Marfhalfca-Une; he met the-Te *'nh i^uigicy and faw things done by hit directions. Af:er nine 

nd Palmei 
depo: ; Paic 

T aflcsdtht 

witnefa forihi 
they got out 


rebel 1 o'clock 
* fick i, toleotn^ . - . ti 
if Patrick- came on tara ; thele he ft 
hi u> in the. pil'.spui " 
< went into 1 fome wci 

Ork raiib the reft of thi 
d to bring in board>wbicl 

n moll ly he received, ojdeta from the { and piAnl' 

it never faw Quigley open ike do/V' [ perf/irr* r.wr in thaacn the preceding 
in the depot ; (the oW v*% 00 tbrfmoftty countrymen; did not attempt 
Card one*, u a lin't /4itt*" reid L* 1 be<-lii« ne ooul ! nor get near the .ii>or. He 
, jyr. Km met ■ he dW not take rrrncfl j many boarda wiihrwelvc penny nails driven ihro 
hut aa well as he C\ju!i rerolloc't it was > them, and flicking wp t heard theso fay they * 
''that the uHv-. : noil commi (honed I for anooyirig ratalry. Saw many fmalJ bo: 
;:■-..■'«, or any tba: would oarn it byicorertd with clay and*(hot miied. aiid filled ■ 
h-1j have the fame revard and la^ts <i [ eufl'povdcr ; f*w [^rge bottlts in like mar 
inrl if they would 'n<e Ireland or Dul» furroundedby clay ^«nd bullets, and bound over 1 
Hi < - ot ■ ' could bf'castvafi; be fan chains ibcre «lfo. Hlinefs 
jnek«ta roakiftr by dil j obliged to fill tin lubes with moid powhr, 
o^H* mm«d Coibgtift ; he luppofed] inftrt ihc tubes in the bottlet, The pri :< 
re for the officers \ few a g'cen con 1 1^* ■'•■( command, bat in his abfen< 

i p.k. 

if ft u 

able, he 

H- la^D'. td riiat the 'sreb of reSciliOo ws* not 
fcaixr out] hut he hoped the ounutufljen would 
not paO or^trr without n; ■ - ,r ./.ti • '« aofwef tor 
their '.times who h;tc fcduced othti*. into a past* | m , 
oparionof tbeiu. It \tj5 of gita: public momsn j m( 
that the licadt of the irjAruncnis fnould be jlitei^g— - there vrtmU be fu> confpiraciet it tlioitifi p 
were ui ne to pcrperraie Hricm ; and if the' i r / 
t ■ .■ iiu * . of cScie dchrrjenve pi.i ' • diet use boSalpe ( \ i0 
the hope that wj inratJated poptrhtitrt, wooldjbe|h» 
induced to til* nnd f'!ppon iche< of .muit at-d f (1 
at:,!... hjtei.ed by otb#ra. 

Mv. Attomvy CknatAL ccjflcludeii 4 OAtentmit j witli gold lace be the flttvea and fVitta* iik. 
ci*luchlhe<o^crtnj»«y. Hgf po« «nd deiec- 1 GeperarH, anrT two gold vpaul«l»on tW fi-ooide 

into cafes, and ] 
; tbare were many cafes made; I 
ant out ; the cafes were formed of the : 
if the beams, and » part of either end j 
hea, having been preferved. ihcy had < 
ee of wVole beams of limber. Wic- 1 
icr arms heftdoB ptkes—blunderbufTes ' 
On Saturday, the ayl of July, more 

medntev aTaLtn kim : wh-n ntdU vtraien, and 
Jaw the people «hmjthirn, h: lay ckfer riun evers 
they Irtifteif himinto tlic ruuJJIf of the bed, and 
two men I.ty down, one on each fide of biro . h» 
heard lomt of them fav, «* Voutwr: a FrenchGo 
ncra' and a French Colonel along n i;h Me 
Uy for fome lime, a^,J when be found alt quiet he 
Hole out ot bed . be law a great deal of umj abcrcr 
the room, one for every rrwn ; fourteen I>rc-- 1 .• " c-l 
with him, and he identified the pn'furwr ha of the 
number, and one of •Jicle who lay v.-ith him and 
palled a> a Frenrh General ; heard him ('peak, but 
fuch kind of langtuge as he never heard before s 
they Raid until about nine o'clock that evening, 
when the put 00 a gold laced coat of a 

dark colour, but the n iincic was more engaged in 
looking at the gold ufals ot epaulctw-'here were 
two coats nf that def L r'ptroit— both hai! *afleU or 
epaulets on the lhouMers— vrimcf^ ihw t .vo of the 
party Wafting up and dywn in the garden, If 
watching whde the others flepi — prfibner wore a 
cocked bat and white feather — wh->i the party Jeft 
the witneU they proceeded up thfl bills — he Kuind. 
a paperaftex tbem u-.: ■ Ui? table, and gave it to 
the barony contlnhle, John Robinlbn — he gave it 
to him the Thutfda> ftllcwtinn— until then it had. 
never bxn out of his < ■ : . ■ i . . — L: »deruif-cd the 

a DaliiM-deorney, about 
cw Doyle who ltvca about 
to town — The Tnefday 
; 23d July, about. iC or 17 
-» her houfr, a hour 1 1 or 
them, the thinks 

Witnefa ft 

mUe< fr.»m Dublin, k 
jp . * from her ncarc 
{ rebeifion of th 
j a ^|pexibt» armed eairTie 1 

, ., y-r-.t-.i ..-„ which had fometbing ) cHoW 

[tlei °° them — fbe was lb rnuch £hghteneH did not ot>» 

fifa jfervc If Lee — they were made, m a rrulitary way—* 
iner thiuk\ Ihc oblcrved fomcthifig yellow on the 
j (boulders — kbme bad Luge cocked hats— they wtTt: 
Wll ! armed wnb blundcrbulfea — udc of then wu enHc 
and ' a General, but Qie conjj not fweftr w the identity 
Sid I of any oi th«ra.— Tiiey :kpt o^e night at beV 
it the next- 

tive out'ine, Ly appc- Jmr to tl.- 1. ... ' and conitit> 
ticnal decifitui of the )ury, and recommend' ngj 
bat, adjtbnvced trout any ibanp Iwrdcrmg on pre. 
fid\et, undonly '■> t al-^-cJ by th« f:*-*U in e^idaiet, j 
the* wowta give a verdict 2gfeaLbk so their tov 
fcitBccr. la they J coufidr r thfi chAtgea fnb-, 
(UnrSnttd, b would be thenr duty to convict the 
fKffotier . if cot* he vottld fltaxr that eonrrrson 
v>hicb muR be ferf at Otc ac^brtaa of ao 
iLnoeent nrsuv. 

JT^5*i Jtt&hif* tTtarrictd. depofed dfut 1st vat 
ticstajfued with d»c prirtufer—bed fotw bim before 
Chtiflwt* htft, cirty ltt l>ec«mbex f aod wflett*/(«^ , 

Gram him that he had recently returned tWro fcejaf of r™»l could not fitftiuruifii'Se eolotar of the| 

others [boufc, and !. 

d. There were piecesof timber, about nine] J*** kok^fo^ barony > ' 

fctt-lonr, hi*tBc hobs about t&ree ioches ■ — inows Jnhn Dovle, and coTvob-.inited the part 

L. 1^- .1. P.. £II.J.--'- J _ \*x t^, .-l*t™™» , nnn ..r»..t :iv - 

tonnr^cd « i'.h !. . n — and abb 
v Doyle hadgir 

bis brttrho* «* Bmfleht. On bis ctnfi ciami^ti ot 
be difc We4 a fat: th3t ought to indruc) the dctad/a 
of rhiv cwTBtry— he depoi^-d, that Uic tJrixOta* on 
hi* .-oairti rbain Bruocls laid Cut tba rtihihTun&ri 
rlie AuArim* >fclhiwlan'hi 'avrfjf«f Bovtapartr's 
tTtujeit WinYcd thentiforer dto- 
lifbed the fame ic-iptstjhm. 

Gttrge Ttrull nfi u'tiincv. deposW that 
f.«e* errrpVT)*-*! by Ut* Hocmy, W»* Hi 
Ct- C*orge'v)^ iooth* to prajwra a IcsUe af a era- 
tem^ m ButterGrldJane, to a Mr. ft ibm El^'.— 
Bernvepared the letwt mcu drnglt, and t/tfti. to the 
bonus in Butterfield.lane to have n executed' by the 
lofter, Robert Here h^ idemm^ -Jje p/hfone)- 
aathe perfoa affuoiirrg that lumc. TS: other wit- 
to the lea ^ wa» v A*i£lu.?xi Dow^ill, wltoft 
.am on «ru1 vara* ■»» lerv^n to the wieneJs 
pryrrell^ On gorng *o the houfe which, bad been 
let to the ftrifemer, be &•? Ellis, Onwdall. wd 
another pexian fitting, at ninn-r, aild rrr<rn treucc 
'.hey went to Mr: TY*ync>» uJio Uv*tt in fte ncgb> 
N>UThood, and v^*» oHcertwd in lentrg the houllv 
to h.tve the leafef. ere^nrrifJ. — DwdailS perfep wja 

.king the cos/, out of W» defc j dism^ttr botclin ibe wp, filled utih nun-po»vdcr,jof his 'ertlmony 
inH ibewing it ; (here hedtfetibed'whan the dtiVl otet -akbfa there ware laid boards, kept -\>ur - 

Rood, and iha: it wns jnft the'fam* ot that then on |by pavieg-flo*<:i ; ue faw three or four ofj 7y t > i rV«rr, f worn* had boca «clcrk to Mr. 
th^ nhrf) ne»cr iaa but the one defk. tScmgh hefthafr i he faw green cloth, eke. j faw ball e*r- j Comll*'. nod refided at hh rnodrer > f at He.r<lrr>\ 
had beta all ov.*? the fiores. Hr often faw ihej'rrdgci be faw three men in the evening dref- >. •■>'■■ — H mother bad other lodger* befides bin 
prifwrr utc prperi out of the defk ; faw two men fa* in green untforms; the piiioou were two ! — tccollcctcd ;-. pcrfun to have been a iboa tinao 
to :he ftcm that appeared foldiers, and hoard [ nedd epaulets, and the other two but one nachjfince arretted at hdi nnV.-\ botitc* by Maior 
thaLthcy hal deffresi troa the Bamtks. 1 bat rbc bHrtoct-holes of all the thiee coats v ere -Siaa— that perlon lodged there the Sprincf 

VV.if., f . v.rti im the flores 00 th« eveoioj[ of rhei 'aeexf. Towanli evening the people gathered pretty jand went by ibe nanio of Hnet — >be bad quitted ': 
23d July, atw! fsw the Biiibner (here in his u*iiiVm |ftnanH» the depot, and about nine or ten o'clock 1 about three months before be was Mken, and rt> 
at before defcribrd — he had a whiie waiAcoat, the enioeis was called down to help so carry n»e oK turned abtiux threa weeks or a month previou* to [.v ; ijir"r,, ne-v booti, a f*otd, cocked hat 'he latfc* 'orama— on which occibon lieelfeil^d his! that period, Hurt wat drafted in a brown coat* 
and whtic feather, and had a fath ee ; bar! a eafej ettnpe ; ihry w«»« throwing etown the pikes out or white waidecat, white panulootu, Heffian bootf, St 

^i/VoU 1 moid not (jiftitmiCi*h« colour of the? thf laA doarinus thciaoe a* he <saa iroinc aw«r ' 

!■■>' docrinus tbcfaoe *s he was ^oinj aw«v--| a blaek Hock.— He received vifito^ during the laft 
wtrthf wndh-nxhtt whan draAttd, bv aflredj^ht iwf^ed tbe hour to have been about ni D e month— they erwjuircd for him by fbe name of Hrter. 
;or « bio cnet to cover Mm, dM Sr tbuuu Joir the U'cWt, f>os h«arinj( Lord Mc*n.'a bell rine. j A label, eipiruj*c pt* the inbabtUtnu io the boufr, 

pany who w*» to rake tW Ctftfe. Si\? t»o| On his c*offi earamiuavicm, bw f«id he faw and -hW been affire«t to the dror It w-aa diawn bf 

other* with Ue«d f^een fcrofofrril arfij, V^i|^ and j krs« <^ru,Ia> very well t Jiran muc^ »boaiMso*n fa witnefsw Htact'v name was nor mentrooeJ--ir 
Siairurd, hw they W v*1j ewe epaulet cocW j fcro, brack e^wapleiion *ni pock-mirked; dtd 00: j wholly ocnitted, and bv hts deffrt, becatnc he 
0^»j ley bird* gre^n faatkar inhhhar, and 5:ifford; r*»lUd knrrsg fejaa Pbwdol 'Were ; faw every | ^rit a/raid Govemruant ww 
a wbffct 4n« j i^tfTord %jt* a baker i> taaweVi- f 
A Rood ma»y porfotiS r*T«t»e4 mdevi that 
TV-it* aVncrt jo m«n ia> ih« <WpcA. 

•Mr on «*• «*ariiog of the *$d Jtsiy. ' ■> ' than. 
> im "i '■.«.* pr,i *m» prkca. WiK>derWfle». 
,-itiV,!*, iV . . ami aif.munii.ion accirdinely. At the 
door of ib« dtpcH, the prifoncr dre* ail iVcred, 
and celling to the man, died, ** t'mt 

... would tube him. — Ht 

•M»y*«oai»aa1c«t»»K»UaJoot. J(>c , tco f.h- tranfa<Ticu» e«' rfc# 1*4 of July to tbe 
appear lerieVwt- fivna eppOavod ^oaaa # B«op}«. , wrtnei*, rjtd Eriel * fPia been 10 rbnhra\ fl-we-^ 
Vh» ot W ra ctrxeiK - coolA ^ fy weeeof tfet he had «n him th. pant-domr, wj-:lerav, nnd 

;j , :.n^ : -.. WKnefa wst treated but ^ w<vv . ^ ; rb% art i U , w He «fio were cm 

mMmfo »k'U fcalnntl thern-*us hoi w*« ^ occafirm a ren' b^.duvme c^^om era: -did 
bteed and «.-.* ; he f« no mea*. beer, or elr^bts ^ ^ fa cc]; m.-utionrd foouthinp of a 
uaratd. «rbr bread was loaf brtno, but not n-arav. He ^ d Mi tegrcttcd fa )of - 5 ff thc[>0 %deT 
ewar/* !«« of a peper mad^wbar hit.^^y ai(o sj^, » ,- ucU .t »fm« « a pro- 

Utt aneiiuntdn tbt ft^ao ^, W imiw a aj»l i»i tlw .itKfsts rewu. r* r « 1 eknution-hc told wane i\ that on arr/ alarm bo 

0!* from thtv;-^ w y»^*r» j*h v» ilw/ (a a..: ht tlul m kav m tlnnr fijdabjw , WM|W #f (brottell Use baek parlour window 

J ,0 I J k^J : c ^ ^Whenrad, ,^ ei^reMh. but that the, woobf «m i« Joed by \ ^ ^ M | , radi ^ to W; -. 

^.yhe^hr.aer^lotWrMr^tot^ He Se-rd ^caobfervc i 6ng c/ ruL -harKkd th.- paper winch bad been 

whet the pTitoDer Wt^ntbrA mtc in* majax t,*|Attyorw I*y that u wat too meatafuL He rave . ■ . -rv t. ' ..... cm.. 

artn. V the nar^o/tlUa^ witn.f. hea^d (h,« uX^ti« ,h« nett eooreing. between 10 J 1 1 U Sfc D ^ TteTcjr-Jie was confideot,rw« 
E.y.nat rheywern *vk«g prepare, boa to affift a^ttoea. ehur^afUr. ^ t^^^g,^^.? ^^' :^ 
■he Fr««h w*t. tbey ffaeirflaM. The n-itbocr Srr f *.s.,i;/?ccf identilian the Inxluuuaa of the ^J-""' lod^n the back p^oer^onrwtft 

1- ! Goverfimeoc, [ *** ,n **** Itaufi; *" f,fn Wli BrtcJbrtl— n*iC was 

ftmniar to tbe wJtwtff, hothtarmehew ^vW,!^;,,;^;^^^.;^^"^^^ TV r.V t "h c 'did Col. 5*e, f was FkMOtKcer on ike aid* 00 ^ lodjree ia the rootn where Um« •adffrm— 

t* fraweriy reftdio2 Mutlinyar. The Jeafewjoo, Rivx wfbrmarwn at Uaketi up, »a fwforeion J«tj'. and in the courfe of tra tnnnoa want to iH^"™* *f™ g 1 ?^.. bdrnr 
« Junt, thr day .m wJucr. tt war d.^ntU- :n<nr facvj* in the rnWIioi., enr waat^tp-o- dfjnth. Maitbaf.a laue, vbeaw ba lound . p-pc., tojde..;.ly the prtfo.>ee, be ttirned rc- 

On bia croli.eramhia;fc.i. ht iaid ha t»*v-er isV Ul^^. knew not whc:h«r cr net be (the Aorfrefs to the Ci.»i-na of Dublin) which he 1 *° a 1 J ™'. 5°*™ ^ «>d »hc pr:u uer «.i.t *d and 

trH prifofrtTbe^rrtli:^ d»v-, nor finre. bythe rume b* profrxutcd, an! did not 2 r»r tnforanaiinn I'rvm'W*""^; *•< retna'tctrl ihereaboot * quarter of an L*S_ hu 10 tv,lnai ,deKl&a 

or tHiw Uny hbptafbcbciir-iTo'n'Que|iicM\fnmth»Co*,rtl^w ami than left the place ioeharre 10 Xfajcw fa w *g" >fi . , 

M'-eKa^ Fraynt Oep?!«!. Inarh* *«u apperrncd h, a angered, that Ouiglej was dfo cmUed GrabaoK j Evelyn ; Ware wao naeen powder bade tkurc j heL McTC ™fineral rroclaouitirm v.-aj read, to* 
caeewrorto ike vilt of one ' Mauin, an atiorne;, 7>ra*tt C^igmn. a laclor by tsade, molleanrt^veadcfU there I*oeb latbaf o* the table. ftaw the ob)eot»f the m fa region, and the raWaticet 

bjftheac>c»K erecuu-rwa* jarrnsRoonejr abrufi, , fa .,j j g » T; or . hc 9tte t&m£ $and*y aame tot dU*n**m XHrtty wea rnrtre depot in Marftiall'ca- * P'^nbiuR tbe yoorrarry and o-hee ltj-al fdb J e.'ra. 

'We-aaalK^tetorntucftt, whe-r he lived, and on ceminj^oe. o» rft# moenbg ajf the 24th of July, and — ^ pf^ncr dcJirtd that ,t pot of it iVmU alfo 

- houfe and land to b* -iKr-ofcd of in rVntrtfi Hi 
tore, rUthftrnham, and rccrjledod applicatio'> j 
having been mwt« on the stft cf April (aft 10 is 1 ;? 
it. lie w»s join -( . low. CJeet-je** fli "er, and-ftoppeo 
Reeoey't, and found a Mr. Koben F.Hio:hera, t« 
whom Itooney iniiodocrd i:isn; a^quabaHhi«)«viVi 
cjVfj ntfoiiatioAa stbret the toncerna in AuUetGeld- 
iar*e,and toltiaioi ^^r lilba would V.-hiy neighlicur. 
yit. Itat^«f«;»ed6i-gu;«r*aC«<*ctiineatj 
a yea? for (be toVtr g.— Wiuwfe here K-'entitJed \he 
1 .'..-r l- L'- 'i aato fworepofiii>fr!y (hat haceruld 
not be aiafl»sxis,-fer ihe^T waHnr>oiSi»rwuh lenor.i^. 
Witnefrwws dlftete-fi 10 fir* c tWe priforxrpoffcrTinn, 
or any perfon, trow him, 0*1 rerawNg a note from 
ntnVV ■ ferwrt of Mr. EKiva arr }/din$ly e*wj 
Vnh a oote, ar.ri n»« put In f*dftefi'w of the houfe 
■ farm on fhv i^d rf April. The priibitir dirt 
not go 7oBuiwrfift«l-Lan»rora sWintghf after; wlter, 
ha wer.t there, witnefs faw other petfo.-ii *ith him. 
\w: difl no'inow 0: v«oIle<t ar/ tkiift Dnwdai. 

-,.„;■:-.;.-•' 'j r le^fe; t'.i'yiey-t tSn«tfriv.i ratbfr 
jei'ratl andesnofAi^inrfora^uaiaund. (tfa 
■witnefi did not ir»ke fraWMeh Aenx Prison^ 
iefided about t»c m*»tha tketr. ; il-a lr*fc» *e»r 
enecuicd in lune, >Jt wttMIl did no; fee the pn 
fonerfcra tvltftlghf hrfoco M»eubri!Vn. They 
Jived quir* no ooife cr druak*Boe(* j appeared 
refluancrtd, 'and not wifhinjrao fee- any bod 7. Saw 
tbe pfiior>» ( >nd rbefa wtb. Sim. S o rtpeatcdlr 
b«k aid fbr»*rvt cn the roa3 iear?mg to DuW.r 
riding. ' Ootb*d»y *henhe »*ni eiih theaii>rney 
to hve the leefaewcuted.'hc arcM into ll.epsrloui, 
ehrrtthe prifnnar and his frienrit were. at dinner t 
thue atk-rt hirr. to fit u> th* tlblt. but -aji.nofa .1, 
tlithed, a* he faw n* chair* or fu/rutate in the 
TDom. sstd bern«»»ed then 10 his houft 10 crootte 
^« !?rfc. He and Mr. T>vrtl remtrked, end 
•uaekrtdnhatfcuidof peoplethf? v*eje t btkn< 
.W' wh'trecb* ■ pfifoner flept—Kothi'g mouirial 
-sfattl ffout tba rmfe-erBminafiori 

QsiB-n-SvBae met with a friend, who trwtth'HotfV^ tb«M flssne pipers, «oe atWretTed w R. Ellia. be read, by whseh it was decreed Jant no man ibould 
tO^HonV, in Thomaa tlre«, *ha're h*d-a-,k | Mot.e; firM lane, which he identified. | faffct dc*lb by court mrrtul, but for rnuim*, . ooul 

toh.-irxoxicaicd ; knpwl the laft witotfs, Fieiimg; HtttryM»i?*. Bfq\ Was jo tbe aepet ee the thc= pleai'ure of the _On?rtnntent lTiouU 

tyhof July; we»i*harv fertha purpurb of faking 
('.« flovei ihareeut ; be UaMnijI a paper which he 
found rtK.e. 

rssflM a. felttm, d'Tpefed thart he faw 

a drib its ne frorea, wnch he -r.T.o. H into an 
and (try cert; he knew it to be that which was 
then on the - j ' > - ov t piece wbich he broke off. 
minting it down from th* vtindeav ear door of the 
toft by a rope ; the '. I was brought to tbe i " 

AtlAxt CJ*rki Freyne, Quarter Mafler Serjeant 

n/ the 3&th r,-t.n. is recollected eke deflt having 
been heought ir* the Banned that day. and given 
cn charge M hun by Col. Vaiail . be hud it brought 
beltevud he fau him write; betide* pike"a ttu k { ^> the ylaee caiM tbe Magatinc, and bad other 
ware blunc'rrbufles, guns, and piQo's in (he dtpec • | ihbgs .tbtt conac aftcrwaroV pot over it 1 it was 
faw, two footer*' mufVcti and believed they - ( 1 . ; .1 m." 1 . . aept the key. He eaajBjrjtdj the 
longed lotwoLcfertcrt ; faw Flemiag io iht4iorei; jeeik cjn Monday awning, and muth nnuble ,h *' 
does not retollect the name by which the pi loner j to {jet >U tt 1 he f'Jtuhl in it fowe bail f^rtitdge-. a^i " 
tvni called in the IW • j the boufc was oeat cbtonU hater sgncct T. A. Errunet 1 ,tho ... ^. ■> ■>• 

aftc^be:omi*^.drank, he fell afieep, and when he 
awoke ho frwrnd himfelf io a pltce he hod neeer 
feen befoiv— it n-ak r. Isr^e cwi^boufr full of iron, 
poles, anJ things, focne arms were rgMnft the 
wall oud feme do* n ou the flour— these wcswnaim- 
bora oF peribiii in ibe fforea — witnefs was tet to 
■»o:k tt* make wkrtepantaipont and grean }ic«rt«— 
fir* 1*1* prifiwtar thr», who appeared to have the 
cbvcf ui ; heerd hiui j(ive otden, and by 

bit rl tredl ioiva every diiag was none ; vtimefa firfl 
worked in a little place on of the '1 - loft, arhere 
mere were srainfiVa, and • • : 
to the lower floor ; 1\a . ■ and not nvorc than 
; fa,w Mr. ■■■ n m go to it amd take thing 

the back yard of Dillon's i 

Croft-exarsinvd, he depotcd that bt came to 
tcva on tufiocft to get work from Cooafetlor 
Vicars, ehoan he <> . . but did not tell bim.wrMt 
had happened ; it arte after he was taken up tl. it 
kf ga^e infoemaiioo, but not for any other •.<.-:-.- 
a inAttene* bvt the hope of being pcrmftted to 
return home and < ■ bread for his famtty, 

P*t*Ut Pamit • ■ • . : '.'t : the 23d July; 
lived wbh Mr. Ormfbv- of Thomas- Street, as b'tv- 
4rd ; ,oo :ha> fid Jot/ su paJTwig tbioueh Marlh*!- 
alloy, ahovt nine at ten r/cbek m the «veemg, end . 

band a rjoife, in 'he plata vrhar. the depat waa j of 1^X1 or 7 miles truss Dublin, c 

kept, end, «"&<fe»<a< mrsfta-knufa . hnw intent OVl Bewn. Shortly after the iruurreaion, 
fuvprired ami W<d j wan not more than vw U^, mo & ^ck on the roomie* of the tffii 
the door opy»*2,.A»du tswiii rf been in bed sm.i heavy w lt h drink, a parry 

MiT. . 1 ■ M-lUown, Dobbii, bur^ddrtded in- 
&de, " My dvnrr-3 Robert" — it bad a foreign poft. 
mrrrk on rt. 

FJwJ '*"■'< 1, Eftf. rwollneicd the «plufiou of 
fjVn-powtUr whtcUuH* place iaPsujrick.ftreat, par- 
'.1 Qua to the z jd Jul v ; it tons: pbscc on the 16th. 
He wervt there and found an apparjrcoefbr making 
e^oa^ewuW. and was certain that it was gun- 
powder that ctplodcd. He then prcvee the cxift- 
ente of n rebellious ^furredion aa 00 the former 
r 1. rla cliU abb LieuU Bred;. 
7*** t>i*U (\7<uo. — Lives at BaByottre, in th 

r ir. 1 1 A — 1 ■ 11*1 ■ C ■ rv.. ^_ 

bckiiwwn — it wea rend .iccorttmgly. Tbe n < ! - 
matbm .tddrefed la? thr t. Dubliu. wae 

abb re-irt. The pritntier t< C>><mlel accounted for 
the ta.imate know red jre be bad of the Ptovrftonal 
Proclam.ttmn, by teybct Uiat it had appeared to 
other publications. 

MajM H. C Sin 1 .-,,-c- . > > ! ksJUj arrettwl iba? 
H ' >• r <> HaroUWtot* on tht i.itS AxajaD — cteard titer* 
wa» ■ ttrauaer there »-f a fufyl'&nte *p\Mi**mt * in a naefc; 
psrioe.' — he w*nt tbefe sbout Ui o'rtnrk 10 ' 1 - n .- u- v 
eempanvO tn a oua. «'i.«a ttr 4i..:J u. i-,, ..- il. doec, 
and on rt* hnof »««a«al W ruOVo Ipui ih ■ bnek pw-otfcTi 
wkcrc hetiw the priforter Kivbrr artfinner nwri IrarX P»itritT 
and Err Jj»fh«c» — .V alVrJ the prikmcf b>* MUkC, who swci 
■t was CurinrijVam— he rrvr the prUorter Ot cnargrof the 
man who acrcerpinied Unit, an<i wrrt te^ thr a* it rewW 
- ..ii \' • faWwr, .'.i fassl that chr , . ru^v hm 

Ifeei — wcot back tu i attcd the yt . . n bow lonl 
!u Ind tcd^rd rawUeU that li* .o- ■.■•< .,my 

lhal rrtWWiiig— be f ». w •>'»"* bfoedy — leneed .hit be had ss- 
trmptTCt to cicapc — witQclt again ltVed Mrs. ndUwt hot* 1 
ta'ir; thr ;>nfhfKr h»a lt>4ec«l theryt - -•( •<•< «bo«R n 

■ c .» L r . _ ( *>er«r tfi » efTair li 

I uhe 

id -fWr«» > 

where the rwiiOoer t>ad tcaJa*e<l, aod put i«t« kia iuxWc— «/. 

ftirlbtr if tCtrt>t{atr(i*> Ml* Pml~ ■ . uW wiuvb went ro 
HarcM'o«vrJkbT><a|r, bixl beelrtrr-ero a roant ef SokaVre 
iu : lY-^fii. . V were vraWafi flsnal ta>aw*jui fSaawrjai 
the araim «• the feara. be c*MMed a eratry over the pri* 
fuiier* aee sdtwevl ©then a bunt trw kcwfe and aanaeri — He 
*iw teaan >u Mr*. > t , ,j toon down ■ - aeewwot im 

writing, in-, newnoj- a n.-.i v no ef the house 

aod taw tbe i - * ■ ; i ruaDiag down tbe glrdrt* — )\t Cattrtt vt 
thr crntry t» Arr, , i n tbe fone r«»« ftOtsaiu tk«pftfra»er, 
reeartlVi** of t*c danfer '. - j-.i i (an <:.« prcjert 
tw tave,aad f/x ewei the pHrbocr - '■. . h* tuovtet rutu>d and 
faidckat .' : j..- : hi ibe nm now the . J»rr 

tctnplnJ SW, the- piece mtiely mapped w.. .. L ,; .if. 

rtWyimt Witnrta it^n tVarcked die p'rivtwr n f fi sj il f_i 

oaocrv WKeo tbe tut'b c^rctTed t-ii awttn *1 the tw 
eeAtywUcboemrrealvi* <-r , i, ~. 

plied that " all wsv faar in w»c Whto breast tu i.'vCaAJr, 
ifv prtteatrr adntatird ftc wt w ttaOcxt ummI- The 
rritueft ident/ed ■ 1 • , . r , .-■ . d jt ' j ^ •. „ r .f =P ; > - 


rrt»K. ««»p*« ti (ran the* ^r-,n, n, Ifltiv a fined mi 
i.r--i.' bat the Court vould ad- 

mit j ■ t- ra cqbh b* .o. » n out th* ci - »i Atme, 
*v nn by >hiyii^mi Counfrf to 

the •rte ~auti,<j ot Int pi^rrtuyrc fft ' « '*i„ 
t< ■ . • I*J 'C. j i ciJtut egfltii* HSe ptifohtl 

but the cafe of Lord Ruffrlt. ^tct , tr* four.d 
to the room. •«-rt s feouJr in it, wn adduced M 
o*«r rule the ebjttfioa. 

Tbe jw»p*fi were then reed —No. I. (found 
hi < t pnfoner** lodging t ' Major Sirr), wa* 
nejr+y it follow! :— 

** i. > ■> treu flbviflc (hi I iTwifoa ■ • biro- 
(;'!' v i:; tm alike p-efent Gove<nrt,eBr.anf» 

r»H ■ *• B (..->" 'lit («T 111 •« - ' " . (boOld 

undertake k> h-vii' in •pm van on in >■••:..:. • > r» 
prcjitait Mvic* now lech a qa*iter obouldbe reetiven 1 
wirh im*!M».- The writer ot in>*. bowrver, itcn 
• ot rr - > . to orTct in jf ni"i ■ i a |minl in which 
h* frei* .l(*toliy— *n »'"(■■ ■■ • " i' ' *« 

H^Ut tin mietitioa i hi blaafilf to poind 
en wMob he leelt who tbe merciful, en I *n 
Infboisn with the E'glirb par* of tae pwf'm t.'o 
TrfMint i IU wilt coteotenicaic in the me* pteofr 
term* Ike Lin i be raty Oe l.ejraf.c 

UQiueJWd h» vVpt-aiwI which, however 
would b* . Co if Ac dfl not try io avoii ii 07 the 

»oA eapltcii notiflcutoii. J( il not I** luiemiru of 
the undeflpterf i" *> moreihin (tatr whM th* Co- 
Xiumint luuft KdHHXi ("**,'. <hM ol the ^ rrfpi'ii r 
Ii Howl p. iLiegi and mUied of creating terror m 

wire •■■ fileace mi in, it wilt (ei*e 

by (he tvanr'm.f* <>f in toforroaiion to mniih Qaw 
i ' i oon»iftioo l*> thofe who arc loo ready M 
ttcof* it f«r U.e want ol ih«t tine U.(r <ct w!ncb no 
fijucity cmtd rfl«b(c ii io obum. If. then. Ii li 
nn»b*« "*t • 4ry* t «f iliiDiorWi tj -rvinco it* 
Ilrcrffilt .ri 1 v ,i c, It mn- . hope t» <n\h rto* 
cn.r ■ > • h - **'* ht ° f '« t-wcr. U ii wnlf 
now chal mm i £• letiu du cit'Cfiftf into a 
COOfprrny cxpcfei ifcem to be imf.M ■■»■•« 
c ii bope ia iojnrc lb< lyvljr of t. - 1 n >-i . fa 
I n|*n( ' ■ ■* ■ ' " « '■( <<(*■:,' :. ■ : t 
iing rff i few of ihr Ihfeiifi J • • * • NnfVfon 
du c" ingc the contort which the V. 1. will wlopt 
IMt r j the eroincpMttrli of ibeir C nnif|." 

No. II. fourulbft the prifafier'! i^trfon. 
** I -«i(h putitulnrly t<> know how mirtrr* flinH, 
It you aiC not >fmd. What bop** are ihm doni 
■b'oxJ* ard whu ihe» w*-rt io <»i Mid kvhfthct il 
tb#y jay u* a v.|.[ wr fh II n-i be uvtte off itna » c 
irt f • * • • Ht il *ery defpoiiJin*;. 2H< fayi 
|He people are in«r>»He n/ «art(*. «»d urt*o»»t y ol 
tit*iy i in i »i c or.fifiue'l in llfil by (he hie 
iranf««lio*t wi>ict Uitiit Uttt AicCcCtlf^ Wtl tor then 
on/ b* i coi jlefrH im »nJ want of tniaoimit)-. He 
thtnki ih*t tbe invaftoii Will Rot take place »( all, 
b*t rh»f n il rt* pt«B to -wear *ow« the Ic. 1 > i' by 
ibe eapence oj f/eqoeot pre pa ratio it.'* 
No, III. loond in me Diflt in Tnoawftrcei. 
w* I bive b«t Ittde lim* to look at ttje ihoufand 
difficuli^t Le'.ween me atid the completion of my 
wilfeeii ibat they w ( :i fucceed I have ai4cni and 
Z irof. ■ ■■■ ' [i i bopei i but if tha< fbould att be tbe 
ratV. : ■ " - '- -1 For na^iao; gia'tod rue -nt. « tin. 
gome c i -■ ■ : fo il at 1 Ian from rtfleitttom tn<t 

U my hopct lie witbobt foundation — if a precipice 
bi L .|<;. i , nnrler fbT feet from Hbkh duly w>U hoi 
fLtt ( r -i ' i ■ depart. I am thankful for that ttifpofi- 
tiob «' ' . - mc on :o it. and borla am down 
white Wkf tye» i.f raiftd t» the ■>.■;<■■ ( hanptueft 
vabich taf '■■ ■ - h>* forcucU in the ait." 

No IV. w» iHemanur»iptof tb« FfocW&J* 
tioa o( the .PrmifioDal Govotorxtpl, touod in 
I be drflc m thmmiM ft reel. 

llcieihc cafttloftdoo tbt p*It of theCrwr., 
aod Air. -M .'A/ . • c,; inum«tft* t« _ ■ < Court 
ib*t the fftifooer did tmm inteji^ cajii'it Any w«- 
rtiTc* io deJei'ce, or on hH Ceuniel io ft«{e • caff, 
ho cOTUttird that tbe trial i;r>ferjo!i both fidci. 
•r.U reSUHVi tor the Court ind Jurf ■ 

Mr. Plinkei lrti t', liovrver, duty, from tb«j 
7.1 ■• ■ nnurc cf t ch(c, not to lollo« the «- 
anplo <»r jojiie bis rijjhc ol tpe^iiog to eridence— 
skid i'..' . . ■ : l (bnit converfsiion. vhirh ended in 
tfftabliftnv mengrnot Mr- Tiunliu to procA-d. 
tsEtMh he dH acronlmgly oritS iri*t ftrcpph -of 
K '.. ability axd eiaoutnee for whfeb he n fo jvftly 

TT># Jury reuKBtJ • »«rdifl — Guilty, sitSout 
JttTjrr^tKe bor. 

O- ibo CJeik of ibe Crown reading the indift- 
r t to low ' "■ l - L inlormirig btutKat t jnff 

of Kit oooaujr had tound birw gull'/ . M>d "-<>i 
aftrt'C wfuat iotm why Ifntcocc fijouH 

M be p'onoaioeed agatnfl hir» — The prifoneTin 
a arj^it wiVVUeWpCCCb* replete wit\ the maft 
rflfgani lan^uaer. avowed iiii beinjrono ot the 
PiotiJio. .i ' • - 1 ^lio ifJued tut Procla- 
a«a.iion | tbat b* ? - in iKe caufe, and ibat 
•a h» aJrwifir das ftpbfti bit Kail Inr if, he 
vould not now fbrink from erprelTing bii fenli- 
neni, althoogS w i'h tb< halior neaa-Iy about hi* 
: - c . tola be ii j' r1 Court would allow 

Iri.ii to (be lemioienii, that while 

he bai life ht would parhft in. and that 

aline fhoold hit aflirg on. He _ 
jitttieuIbHt £i<Uifflfd a*yinrrniion ot tSe Pro- 
libwl (■ T-i-nifi.! (elii"g tnii <ountr7 to the I 
Wftmh, ar.d dit"*»oweuiiiai»riyiuary w«i tflt^red | 
Utowitb iheca, fj^e 'hat ol receding a fmali | 
body of tioopa, enougli in number, in co opera' 
aton •>*'!* ibe ir.furyeciJ. io orenutn the Govern 
i- , — ->r aoCaftcie*' IS e^lblllb a Fioncfa i»*c 

Tu Cour' i»sft> bi.-n w 
p«u«or«. aadal'ioujo indigp, 
lb* foyottwoo-tc ot *»**f . p«ifo<» ift Court ft thia 
public ■ wOSFal O* guii«. *« "»«' ■ »»™i* r 
vubeaid — L«rd Nnrtmr/ alter i falm«ry rc- 
wosflrance «o the ^lifantr. and i'»yin« » n a «d- 
Unt eom/tvmf^ *o loo« of i l >e (eipedtableeoem- 
brra of <«« Uraiiy to wbiea he b«Wog». r^ro- 
ffjowooed th* awiui Ctnicoee ol tiie iaw in cafa* ot 
ffrjh Trwifeaa. 
C-u.-i adjowrned- 

(vst. ono* <b»( iht C'< - Solicit*' IboAi foe the 
furpo1«aieMatarlUan> i m»» the tOOactuiaM aawicrft 


The gtotfrVj *>l 'fOmiP^nedaaii Mie Pftit Jifrnva 
■ ne ordererl io attrtd at aim u'a!o<A «»■ '"ai 
doy ; atier which 'La Court ■ ■,.."f.i adiil Tri- 
dsy neti. 

£5e ^ibtrman 3ourn0l 

TIIHIT^O k;. Ste. 

Aio now on Safe at (he Lace Wacehoufc. 
rj-J The il>o»- arnclei are well worth tbo infpec. 
tiaej of La4im who rye -n ImeH to •■"•ctta'e. and will 
be fotl, or »./*■•/.* fr-n 15 10 1 > p*r Ce ■:. unter iha 


Owaqg 10 (lie latajaoia «Ttrtc hour wben we vcte 
ivrnifbtet vith the ti( £oaaar(l'i Trj«o w« 

were pn,luil«d froni >; . . .• m.- r 1 4 wir/tout- 
Iini — 1« Ime in thn dty 1 publieatif»» tirui c 

i •HiHf l>', 


1 or* y OeceraJ'a 
i£«cd afot.ifV lb* 

Treafon the 1 
a ftrerig gui 
a rarr'iigo. »u 
and the Rev. 

B.rracV -flfsel, 

Vcflcrrlay about Ihrec o'iioclc. Robert Em 
be*tt '.--.■ gt-iiiy ol H»ifr. 
before, WJl cor.*ey*a| «hkI<I 
frern Kilmaii.haat Ct.-I. in 
uftjed hr it Pev. Mr.OroM 
OfMubfe, in a How foh-m» 

>rtdge, and I' 1.' 1 nUMiru; 

4 o*ce the (? ■■ ■> bndft 10 
TrapM«-Jtr<.et, uhcre ajjaUowi nad b«" ertfled. 
On t'leif anaVa] at mc Fatal fpot (be prifoncr ra> 
01 j nit if about twenty minutca in the carriage with 
the Cljrr^ymeii; — be theu afiended tbu plailonn 
wjlh a lira coopofed aiTf miltizA oil notluaolh. 
an J ■djuBed the rope sbom bit neck ;-*after 
exclaioatog. ia kn audible loice, "* 1 tiie ift peace 
u j'.:, ri || otantind." — the fatal tignal aura gtven. 
v.. in ft« wa* turned off; — after haa^iag about 
30 minute* hi* body wi* cut down, wbea the 
taetoiionct performed the rtuainiDg r sr t t{ the 
/entente ol culling off Lia bead. — ilia rotBaiaa 
•r'tre afterwardacsaveved to Newgate. 
. The Henrietta CoroUe. U'.:u,^.-r Etnft, j 
Mailer, ftom Harcelono witai wtnt, &c. aamd 
on Tvefday evening frooa Guerrife;» .whefo fhc ; 
perrorened • : u.-i'.'. 

Toe maivbantrnuH uodar eonrof el hia bla. 1 
p!l;'i fhjp Sea H«Ui br* irrrvj at Giboailir j 
from Eny^aod. 

Friday morning, » rmtrl f*c*ioooee Hf'.wC '""tig- | 
gl»r» irr^t<! at tba ■ «t . .i>' — ■•. .. , . ..-1 . \ s> | 
M*}efty * I hip Argoi ; the wc? lAtXt ofi th e 
Head*, end ia laden with tobacco aod gcixra, r ■ t. 
t eiOandof Jerfey. 

On Monday l«ft, tnere waa a vrry foil n^iung 
of. Govrrnori, Deputy Governor*, aad genHemen, 
at Cifhel. for the purpofc of carrying into efect. 
(he " Vieyodlt for rcodering tue body of the pro* 
p\c inftruoienta) to repel it invaGon,** SrraAen 
Moore. Elq. Governor, waa io iSe cfciir; iht 
coumy wa* divided mo four dilt.-ic^*. One to 
i'.-fii' ..' ihf baroniraof IffaandOffa, Eaftaad 
Well, ofer which Lord CaMr waa named Li-aie- 
nam of DivjGon — Cl%i)wUIiam, MiddlctMru. a.-.d 
Kilnemana, under the Liruunancy of Lord ?■ •■ 
thew-^EIiogany, lkernn, and SLierardagh, nrwi^r 
Sir Jobq Craven Carlei. — and Upper and Loo <r 
'•■.<■ 1 'j. wilk »:"v aod Arra, under Lu/d 
Doonally. Several Gemlemer, of the KigKeft 
and loriK Noolcmeo, were named a* Iiifpe&ariot 

On Monday &'«night between nine arxjien 
o'clo;If, a fire broke out at tbo 1 If try fiable* of 
Mr. Gilding in Parr-ft*«i, be'iind Duka*l|f*«t. 
Liverpool, avbicb, from the nature of <■■< p k- 
mifea, burnt wiih tremendous fury. The on • 
very ol ihia terrible caLimiiy waa not made pj > 
lh« fire had reached fuch a height, aa to rend' it 
irnpofjible to get out the boMci. and >t >a avft'i 
«.v, tbat 0/ (iWsufiful 


1 n 1 d * y, 11 
Kiog'a Plate c*t tOOff. 
4 will, hra'l. 

Mr. Krllv'i Ir f>» taff 
Col. (.on.ia'i ■ - r.. 
Mr rTiirt Long'i Eiira d 
Mr Ifaaaaar'e b 
Mr.Casaoaftli'a b- nt. 
Mr.Butkley'i o in. 

Sweepftaie* fat 1 
y ft. olo courfr 

Seat Mr. 
m^Je^ lor 
fflOLry wa 

lOfl. -a.b. 

> , 1 » eld, 1$%*- <Acb, two 

7 :b. 

o!r>. 8 
er«at deal ot 


(.?■- huoVltre 1 !.*!*»' - 




ira Indurtry. Jo't 


Moiiy, Hirkpa 

LciCeflrr PaCKi 
17 llope,i«rroi>, 

M.y Flower. Hiefaaed*. 

Pijht Col'iert 
IS Hawk. to.. a. 

St. Mary and Patrick!, Baj 

Hiwkmt. Power, 

Maiy. Kim. 

roncori*. Vilentiae* 

Six Coiaen. 

AVr r ft with 



. Dun 


Manila, Ran.frod. 

1 ; . Oiawford. 
Mope, Peter f^o. 
laitxtWr a*xckr', 
iS Uary, Siewaii, 

A*W«n|ote, SiafTord* 
Vena* ( l- .■ . oat. 
Mara, ti.of Orogh^lae 
Three (.-.>!! i era 


niiHLIM- tfJLSD*.V. SlPT. i» 

Holy beiil 

-Grand Croal Loan. 


Dubfin on Loudon faVpt. 19) ia| 

tt^aaAoa L«wA»-i pryyr »;) ^ 
otaOtTUIti , ' , , ; ■; 1 

John Dyn 

ft» ilia Weeii aurtt^ Friday, Sep*. 16. 

1 riyWoeal.por bar. of * 

Zljy On 1 . t.ei ditto, 

Sold to Bakcra only, 
?S - - if- of Wheai. 1 
>a nn. of Flour, a: . 

SALSS ofFlou. 
RBCRIPTS. 3fri3 twV 

f 1 ft, froinlji. 


tfld, 4b . 

: win citf f 1 i ' " MONSar,' 
' aarr. 19. 



T 'j». aw. 

" °'""*/'.'«.A 

F«;penny, 317 

! 1 6 5 

Sixpenny, i 1 

l"welveneriny,6 5 6 

*real- deal of 
araa vifiole :n 

Lawd NorbMry «r«l laaioo Our oanag taken 

f He. Ilerach. 

PU*ri Howley. pwTtoo *r.o ft* Hnnioo 
^ K^uer .f U« T^wet. w« pu. « <£ B,r 
■'Ml -amurrwd if •*■ -aftaJ fom by tW Clerk of 
f^eCmar-ai 'or Hifh Tr**j&ci^Cooa»i«J»o« Ctrr- 

i in. ao CwotVi. -aflfl Mr. Lao^fd M'N»It/ u baa 

lbi> concern, all our teadcr*, urc are imur I, 
» ill jiatucipate when we aoV, ibat four of i'>c«n 
belnnged to gentlemen of thecovajry, and aver* 
employed in (hat honourable and imt-oriant /at* e. 
The alarm bell wai ruag a little before <*n 
A'clock, every pnUible adiilaiice wa* inftantiy 
given. DeiaeSroenti Irbm the different miHitnif 
corpa afT'inbled, totvflg the foremaff of a*bi"> 
wai bit Royal Highn'eft the Prince of Giouc«R<r 
and^iaiT He coniinutd-epon the fpot tiU.furr4ro 
o'clock, aidinw by hiacouole). and animaajie. by 
nil pral'ance and example. Happily lor iheoery'.- 
bourhood I3c flamci extendtd r.o further, thougl 
confirjerable damajte wa* done by the rcmetai 
5l the furotlute from the nci^-.bcurmg houfe* 

Tyireti *>c*1 Ddni.elly, «-!>«> werr 'txecuied at 
Pitoierftnwn, on Saturday (aft, acknowledged J '« 
crime lor ouch they were f> fiitfer 1 denied hav- 
ing any etf or pan in the tiring on iheifa.' 
P Io»er. Mr. Clarke . lamented they did n..t Wn 
hii advice aod adraoniftofi to them and tjcbaaw 00 
the fatal cvenii.g of the ijd of July h». a*, if 
rhey bad, and 'remained aa home, it would e«e 
pmcetexl ibe iguomtnjoya jnjntfhmenr whivb lh»T 
woreti fuiTer. Tl«y eameAiy rr»ommeodt.l 10 
all ibeir friend* and btaatr* 10 araiH ih«:r laie. by 
■h*pirtg thcmfclvea Cwc rjw rohwiJion or dtliVj"-! 
con do A of any hand, or mixing *» ntfodaunp 
viah pwr<bcw that way— i'*Jk. Jtor. 

A r.i';, ... .,-.■;[ fortkerordet* b»o~bevn received 

MSKRlEf)— Mr. Sam 
<*T*i«r, tr, MJA Mir, ■ 
Kaoa, r-f Ktlcreny. 

:iBA fllS At Tvnao, 

•'..k ■ , -.'u tfaltytioi 
Pit-Son, relirt of tat 

SANK ROP T— Ch'iito|.li 

.inly ArmaKli, Mr* Aon 



iv. Sana-.l Pren uu , cf 
e— At Portaferry, Mr. 
i ; ',, . t ,t>. Mr*. Mc 
ha tfq of KlackbaJI- 
I Kelly, Cabinet, maker, 
regretteil ■ looBj aad 

Jlalpin, of Onbiin, 

Tne Cngu 
M W t'ciock, 

*4- R" fl'ikaeai, m ai l of 1 iic 
■■ aud iudijjent roomkecper*. 
I Wall be J ■ .. 1 1 . .'if,' 'tin lilgbt 

t" L/nfl LieurfftaraT ee>We. 

. M IWn, 

ocioiiK>ag iw RaftfUaMf* faod't . «tb v .n P*<ai<i**oato 
been^g.-ii aJJ «i t *a imt fr lh Mi'*^. .atai. v. . • 

V'--. '"feat of Half yr.n,. n I- .! ha>fn>! 
VV.ituna Colvill k W.Hh j C i.^^oaw Colv-il*, AgemaiotV VVrf-wsof O'^n OpM ibiakAa. 

bliaameat, tbct'iotc lofoeiu allt'-ofe t *m«l, u>ac 
tbe everal 1 "<',<■. 1 .., *- , rj 3 
FunnJ airly aiir^e i and fwom 10. ■n.nMdia'cly after 
the H U of April. t 4 ih «.f Augo.1 aad t-«<h Dec. 
axnuaily. wlurb are reajatrrd t- entitle ihena 10 ike 
Amouui of their Pcbbih.* at ibe e.u4 •/ eack f rur 
Mou:h*. uuf. be rejn'. _ M 1, )|c Amttt'» 

Omrr. Ko. t, Batrh*lor'a Walk. DaMaaa, 10 S.x 
Week* after the --• ■ <,,■■■:, of t*>vfc Pcnadi. 

Th> Wi^*, , 1C directed 10 apptv aaatevo, fraaa 
it cut o'Cloxk, tfO rioj the Fal* W^efc.,1 fa.aaeut.of 
W ichdt-e Not kc will hegi.cnitiD* n^Siu Joaitateit 
a doaever, Wi lntf- ay after, inro -£ lioot -jut tea/. 

CubLo. j 1 ft Avgall, .Scj. 


By (be Loid Lieutenant and Council of Ireland, 
UAKDWS ice. 

WHKKEAS be an A5 piaTed ia (ha) ;,ft afH j 
2.1 year* *f lw» M.ielt**i r«go. eaMttied » An 
Ad for hener Sttmti^Om Liocm* of thecua-eel.- 
Hid ejm-moiity e.Med (He ;i ■ -nurp« Ad. i*. i*pn»- ilut rt ftn.l awdvay. hf Itwiel luaWdfontW 
rhier f.o-er tor -r Oovmo jrl lor the it«* twine, j M « 
P/ivy Ca-aoeil of ItelacJ. t. r„r— S- ... 
«*o tin* facli 1 01 reUil 
no Judg ; 

1 Ire a 

Ju-iucf Peace *ail or trr jny 'pf r ' 
on t,r pertuil Ctaegei "lib fceiac . . <■ tl in f C Clj 
n»aU>< ut rebellion w.t , nt a» Oi.ler fion: the Loci 
,teo-enanr. or Ucrl D<j,^ r a .d Privy Couacil ct 
rtla-.d. for tbe lime beirt;. 6j(ne i by Ota of the f„».| 
i'rtry Council, any law. jlatate. or ofage tw the can- 
rary in any wife Buiwitl.fUu j,i4g. 

And whereat a daring rebellion bilk acl.-ailybrokek 
rat ia Ireland, andiihai'i teeoMe a-jvifeatle 10 faf- 
<n l r>ip Ape/tltou of tbe furf *'.\ ia.iir- tbe coattMi ■ 
itlCe, thctouf: 

Now wt t!.e Lord T.ieoteniot au-tCoewe 11 d by ih« 
ior proe;an..:. ., declare, ibat the fatd act be. aad the 
ame •* l.crenv laf^odcj. of wiicb all Jadfe*. j.f. 
tee* of tiie Peace, aad otbera. required to taite 

Andwferen t ,r-r ,« reafia -n acmrel-end that feve- 
ral per.oaa. darted writ havtog been coocciooltu 
lh fiM reMEwM, are^ joAi« 
by departing f-im U-eiaad 1 

Now w« the Lord Lieureiint. being del.ri«a tat 
r-M'gall foe 'i offender* to pMaOaweatt, do, by 
*r.d ^»io the ad»icc of. ft;* Ma>;n T 'arw>ft H^anrabic 
Privy Count 1. P.. ttlyfarfc.d ■eyprrfao wb^nfoever 
to fr U iti lielaod wit boot" ha vine tjrA (.Uatned * 
■' ' 1 '. 1 . ■ 1 j -1 1 • . .igned oar Ch<fSecretaiT* 
Ot the Vradei a*c.«aay far the C.».I f>,uw„ueat, cV 
either 01 rbeoi, 01 by fome ^ f,- . ,ut*onfed by ok 
tnftr-jrneni fuhfcr.Ud by thcoi, oeei:iiaro.' n,-* t*>" 
lign futb pafTu>n*. 1 

And wedobereHy ftnctly coroaain-1 all Mift'rtiarf 
Cnoiuiandariof all |hi]n arid other veiiela C^Aina^ 
frum Ire.ind, rt;ai r . 1 n «L upon'auv accooaf 
whaiWvci. takoon board tbt;.r k efc U. 
tog fr»ao Ireland, any perfon nor fi.vrnt foci pjflberc 
*f atbreiaid, fave a-d c*;cpt the irtifo^o acina ly ein- 
pioyeltonavijue fuch vtfTel; reipeAivety. 

ccra A the Keieo-ir. ami all Otticeri 
t«F. a^tUa-4ow \o irfia. r*\,'t VneiV 

— tbe .Up-rn te nf inj* 
viuj fu:a paft'i | o:(*,aw 


1 trotu Irelin. 


IcdeCuuV, C Char:.DDW»n. W.Toa-av preghetla. 
AnocOey, Mofrerry, ^ra-loy. J.BeRafcart. 
H. £ Ta\, Iler- Laajgrifce. M.Smit!*. Henry 
K.n*;. D.Utrjnehe. 6. Hamilton. M.fiu-OertJ at 
SiandtQi O'lJtady. 

Vod five tbo Kiur. 


MR. LO^V, Perfumer, London, ha. cifco^ 
vercd in tbe tnorfe cf hi* Prrfeifionat eape. 
imenti. tiie imoII valuable cofatctic f Ar the impio*e- 
man: of tke », ever yet made *toU*ej 
binrd it . . ... a«J n tn i rt.T: r a < ■■ . 

talM imp ca led tt.e Qrjtmtat 

emc*cy ■ 1 the Beucrilapfitotati^aa 

Gentry of toglan.', *uul kt , 


d by tli- Konility aod '-;eutiy 

of 1 

fuinei when genera(l 
ofleetoa-l and - n. 

«f that part of the LTnitcd ktagdeoi called lrchrd— 
For theii conveoaance he hai a,-[>oin.c 1 t wo letiwtia- 
Ot- Houfe* iu Irub'ua ttit tUe U- t *ht„ a couaaut 
Tupply .may at a I timet be had. 

M-. 'av/fbn, Perfonerto h<i l« f 'l„, ( y the Lor«l 
Lieuteuao.. aod [he Irith Ce, wr t. t*arl.a«ewt-Af«el = 
andhUn-.a.,.;, and Faajaa, Perftt»er>, CapeU 
Oreet, pneo i* td. per .-.«..■.■-. 

A»tr>rwy Otra»i fkeved lU CaoU< rkfftii r for pati.eb Dawfon and T^oaaM M«h«i, prlfonera 
(jy^bj 1 ^weafliaely ta rrj3c*»»a*jri » ta« iriiower. ' ir. ("„ ■>, r \ gaol, oaotat fenmito ol rWa finct ila 
t-a*» m a*v»3 **> *^*dr W tiOtoSii triai « Tuefi-'ay ) kfl affiaea ley bn eg I «ry axad tobbeiy. 

A .•tuJ.- J * :o .Vu/ifavro' Prrf.m, He. 
C^- Manv Gci>ilcmc'i and ether* having 
bren deceived by Shew Board*, aiib the name 
at Morjxg, (Se. witbtn one er two Doora of htm, 
bo (.ran. icat it oeciflary «o ioforoa bia Friehda, loot 
h« hai ii , Slew !■ j-.' but ' 1*1 .'.11 Hoiilc ia du 
tingoiilieti uy I r.». Kjail*. 

A " r horing been indaiArio'jfJr ipread 
abew),** root. Mr. Moans bid retiretj front 
j&iuWIj" — Ue b-it 10 1..10: <• tne Public, that 
tli*** - ■■ **i>i nor la tnovr ihe fialteft launde- 
iiiMi fwr futli a .- i- : ■- 1 and lawn, be Aid c-Miauti 

h»* .. ..-.i !'n 'Ii...... ( r««.n>r 1 Ol Rv * t V k\»t 

M hm Haute* wrytio/iy »*t. bittDawMa. uo, 
i'i.-T'.lc ; Ii"r«. I ' * ' a u> .' 1 

poirerXti woddetfol emcacy 10 a»i nor aaaw dtfot- 
oer*. 61*, '.cad-aebea, * e : -. ■ ■ . ^ . . , - . 1 vid 10 1- , - • . 
of fpiriti. dtmuefa of ngut. confuted thooo>t*. and 
«va-:()er'agaoi tbs iniod, v a|W irt and welntc4oly. and 
a.l j hyftericc> ii(Jaiaii uritoaJlx mtA by the 

ofe 01 hi* BaWMtl C rdial 1 in urmfto ftomach, 
vieicai if- ' • - 1 -.1 1 obflreAurjft; n taa 

file, pownlttlind eitkaMOii* nnaedyv 1 he Km (y«v 
torn* of lu goon u*f .l- are fertmty rfW eVtraarfoieteh 
So!do-»iy by-Duu^jIeand Bail. Jaaaa-Areeti Call 
well. College Oavtfoo. Pacliaoiaat-ilreeta aaat 

the oaly W,,thnote. N*. «. Colle.e-gteo t of when) 
u-iy be &ad, price only 1*. jd 

* GVtDS TO HFAlTlf. 
And an A Mrrf* to thofe who bay* the eareaa* e : u . 
t*atio« of V "«in ; i>. Advice 10 Barhera, aaw 

tlcularly the ar«ict*o »,u. Wrvcotaf^mpUliy*. ' 


Mif* Darliog'* my o>ar. fbali Hove bey for ever-* 
aattat, Forever. 
How fball I rattrej bcr .inVatonl oraeo— • 
kebo, a.-.*ve. 
When! give con auaoJ to b* .-Id of «r 6>a7aW 
Rcbo, P«^*rd. 
3ui ray ear or* are to-dutl, naa ht ro hack wee*-— 
•che., To Paxatwtjnd. 

Will lit 3crop maaw « Icaaotor Penknife fh*rp k kntat, 
Echo, 9bjraiu*ice»n, 
Do ii frea rvi? feattova I SlCS unonw— 


ifliorw-ocihabett met tod of eoatiag Sr a strop— 

» • ^t?**u 

At 3lnm«a*'*, ii-,, 'Jia.-l flreet.Dohlm, I yT - *r-_ 
•^n*! Wit! ehub:e'&eta 

DCDDnniirTiniu nv anna FRANCES LEVINS 

"Not Yet" 


stand at the moment of being launched into eternity. The platform was about five or 
six feet from the ground, and was ascended by a ladder. 

When Robert Emmet alighted from the carriage, and was led to the foot of the 
scaffold, his arms being tied, he was assisted to ascend by the executioner, but he mounted 
quickly and with apparent alacrity. He addressed a few words to the crowd very briefly, 
in a firm, sonorous voice, the silver tones of which recalled to the recollection of his 
college friend those accents on which his hearers hung, in his wonderful displays on 
another theatre, and on occasions of a very different description. In the few words he 
spoke on the scaffold, he avoided any reference to political matters, or to the events with 
which his fate was connected : he merely said, "My friends, I die in peace and with senti- 
ments of universal love and kindness towards all men." He then shook hands with some 
persons on the platform, presented his watch to the executioner* and removed his stock. 
The immediate preparations for execution were then carried into effect; he assisted in 
adjusting the rope round his neck, and was then placed on the plank underneath the 
beam, and the cap was drawn over his face ; but he contrived to raise his hand, partly 
removed it, and spoke a few words in a low tone to the executioner. The cap was replaced, 
and he stood with a handkerchief in his hand, the fall of which was to be the signal for 
the last act of the "finisher of the law." After standing on the plank for a few seconds 
the executioner said, "Are you ready, sir?" and Mr. Hayden distinctly heard Robert 
Emmet say in reply, "Not yet." There was another momentary pause; no signal was 
given; again the executioner repeated the question, "Are you ready, sir?" and again 
Robert Emmet said, "Not yet." The question was put a third time, and Mr. Hayden 

heard Emmet pronounce the word, "Not " but before he had time to utter another 

word, the executioner tilted one end of the plank off the ledge, and a human being, young, 
generous, endowed with precious, natural gifts and acquired excellencies (but in his 
country, at that period, fatal gifts and acquirements), with genius, patriotism, a love of 
truth, of freedom, and of justice — was dangling like a dog, writhing in the agonies of the 
most revolting and degrading to humanity of all deaths; and God's noblest work was 
used as if his image was not in it, or its disfigurement and mutilation was a matter of 
slight moment and scarce worthy of a passing thought on the part of those "dressed in 
a little brief authority", whose use of it in Ireland had been such as "might make angels 
weep". After hanging for a moment motionless, life terminated with a convulsive move- 
ment of the body. At the expiration of the usual time the remains were taken down and 
extended on the scaffold, the head was struck from the body, grasped by the hair, and 
paraded along the front of the gallows by the hangman proclaiming to the multitude, 
"this is the head of a traitor, Robert Emmet". When the head was held up, Mr. Hay- 
den says, there was no distortion of the features, but an extraordinary pallor [the re- 
sult of the flow of blood from the head after decapitation] ; he never saw a more per- 
fect expression of placidity and composure. He can form no idea what the cause was of 
the delay which Robert Emmet seemed anxious for at the moment of execution. He 
might have been in prayer, but it did not strike Mr. Hayden that it was any object con- 
nected with his devotions that was the occasion of the words he heard. 

My impression is that Robert Emmet had been made acquainted with a design at the 
time and place appointed for execution. Of that design government appears to have had 
information, and had taken precautionary measures, which had probably led to its being 
abandoned. The avowed object of Thomas Russell's going to Dublin, after his failure 
in the north, was to adopt plans for this purpose. I have not been able to obtain any 
account of the persons who were parties to it. The body was removed in a shell, in a 
common cart, first to Newgate and then to Kilmainham, and was deposited for some 
hours in the vestibule of the prison till the necessary arrangements were made for its 
interment. A short time after the execution, within an hour or so, Mrs. M'Cready, the 

•Robert Emmet could not have given his watch to the executioner, as in his letter to his brother 
Thomas Addis, written but a few hours before, he leaves his watch to his nephew, the eldest son 
of Thomas Addis Emmet, the late Judge Robert Emmet of New York. The executioner retained the 
watch as a perquisite and it was never recovered by the family. 


Emmet's Executioner 

daughter of Mr. James Moore, in passing through that part of Thomas-street observed 
near the scaffold where the blood of Robert Emmet had fallen on the pavement from 
between the planks of the platform, some dogs collected lapping up the blood. She called 
the attention of the soldiers who were left to guard the scaffold to this appalling sight. 

The soldiers who belonged to a Highland regiment manifested their horror at it;* 
the dogs were chased away; and more than one spectator loitering about the spot, 
approaching the scaffold when the back of the sentinel was turned to it, dipped his hand- 
kerchief in the blood and thrust it into his bosom. 

The following appeared in the Dublin "Freeman's Journal" of August 
12th, 1878, as a communcation to the editor. It was very generally reprinted 
in the United States, and the writter of it being known to the Dublin editor 
it was at that time accepted as authentic : 

Ballina, County Mayo, 8th August. 

Sir: — A most important historical figure belonging to the genus man has passed away, 
through the inevitable doom of death, in the hospital attached to the Ballina workhouse, 
and was buried yesterday. This man's name was Barney Moran, a native of Dublin, and 
a professional Tramp, earning his bread as a ballad singer. This individual, unlike the 
author of Junius Letters, resolved that 'his secret should not perish with himself, so he 
has revealed to the medical and superintending staff of the workhouse that he was one of 
the soldiers who accompanied Major Sirr and Swan to Murphy's, the featherman's house 
in Thomas-street, to capture Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and that he loyally acted his part 
in that bloody drama of Irish dissatisfaction as well as loyalty to the British crown. 

Barney, the ballad singer, whose demise I chronicle, had reached his ninety-ninth 
year. A more important revelation was made by Barney Moran. It was that it was he 
who acted the part of executioner at the death of Robert Emmet. This confession was 
made to a gentleman holding a most respectable position in Ballina. I called upon him, 
and he has avowed the fact, and also that he was under an obligation to keep Barney's 
secret until after his death. Barney Moran stated to him "that he was doing duty in 
Portobello barracks when he accepted the blood money for hanging Robert Emmet. He 
was brought in civilian's clothes to the well-known spot where the patriot underwent the 
penalty of the law." If you deem the communication, which I have authenticated with 
my name, worthy of a place in your columns, you are at liberty to send it abroad on the 
wings of the press, particularly as it reveals a long hidden secret, viz. — "who was the 
executioner of Robert Emmet?" 

Yours very truly, 

William Kearney, 

Civil Bill Officer. 

The reader will find that Mr. J. F. Fuller of Dublin, has been instrumental 
in determining much in relation to the disposal of Robert Emmet's remains, 
and he has probably discovered where they are to be found, as indicated in 
Chapter XXVII. For several years the question had remained unsettled as 
to the acceptance of any remains for those of Robert Emmet where the bones 
of the neck were found uninjured, as it had generally been accepted that his 
head was separated by means of an axe on a butcher's block. 

Just as this work was passing into the hands of the publisher, the follow- 
ing was received from Mr. Fuller: 

•"It is well worthy of observation, that, of all the king's troops in Ireland during the Rebellion of 
1798, the Scotch invariably behaved with the most humanity towards the people. It is well worthy, too, 
of recollection, what the difference in the treatment of the State prisoners was, when they were re- 
moved to Scotland, and were placed in the charge of that most excellent man, Lieutenant-Colonel Jamea 
Stuart, the lieutenant governor of Fort George". 


" The Head of a Traitor" 


Statement of Mr. Cahill. 

This is to certify: — 

I have often heard my grandmother (who lired to be 105 years of age) relate 
the circumstances of Robert Emmet's execution. She was an eye-witness from the 
window of a friend's house on the opposite side of the street. She saw the body 
stretched out on the scaffold floor and the head severed from the trunk with a large 
knife by the executioner; and it held up as that of a "traitor". 

And she saw the blood gushing out of the neck, and people rushing to dip their 
handkerchiefs in it, brutally pushed aside by the soldiery. She was so overpowered 
by the horror of the scene that she put her hands up to her eyes and went off into 
a faint. Patrick K. Cahill. 

Dublin, 24th March, 1914. 

Mr. Fuller obtained the above statement from the well known optician of 
Dublin, Mr. Cahill, personally known to Mr. Fuller, and his standing in Dublin 
is such that his statement cannot be questioned, nor could any object for mis- 
leading exist with either the authority or himself. 

In his capacity as a surgeon the author will state that if it could be shown 
that the blood escaped in a jet, or "gushing" manner, or with greater velocity 
than a flow, it would prove, in addition to the brutality of the scene, that 
Robert Emmet was alive, although unconscious, at the time his head was 
severed from the body, the heart and arteries continuing to contract until the 
vessels had been emptied. As the body was laid out on the floor of the scaffold, 
Mrs. Cahill, and those with her, were in a position to have been attracted by 
the escape of blood, which could not have been noticed by those on the street 
below the level of the scaffold. That the body was placed in this position as 
stated by Mrs. Cahill, where the knife could be used, is corroborated by Dr. 
Madden's friend, and the excessive loss of blood was also noticed by others. 
During the French Revolution, after several persons had been decapitated by 
the guillotine, the blood was generally seen running in the gutter, and when 
the head has been severed by an axe or sword, the blood spouts in every direc- 
tion and continues until the body is bloodless. On the other hand, where an 
individual has been properly hung, so as to break the spinal cord, and it has 
been established by the pulse that death has taken place before severance of 
the head, only the larger vessels from the heart are emptied and the quantity 
escaping is insignificant. It has been shown that the executioner was not an 
expert and allowed Emmet to adjust the rope around his own neck, and he 
certainly did not make an examination of his pulse, or take any other means 
to establish the death. Anne Devlin was several times suspended by Sirr and 
Trevor quite as long as Robert Emmet, but as some air got into her lungs and 
the spinal cord was not ruptured by pressure of the knot in the noose, she 
gradually recovered as her circulation was re-established. 

Although Robert Emmet's last letter to his brother, Thomas Addis Emmet, 
was not allowed to reach him, his request that his brother and wife should 
receive Miss Curran as a sister and his wife, in case her father and her brother 
should not protect her, was promptly communicated to Mr. Curran by the au- 


Curran to Wickham 

thonties. Mr. Curran promptly made the following reply to Mr. Wm. 
Wickham : 

Sir: I have just received the honour of your letter, with the extract enclosed by 
desire of His Excellency. I have again to offer to His Excellency my more than 
gratitude, the feelings of the strongest attachment and respect for this new in- 
stance of considerate condescension. To you also, Sir, believe me, I am most affection- 
ately grateful for the part that you have been so kind as [to] take upon 
this unhappy occasion; few would, I am well aware, perhaps few could, have known 
how to act in the same manner. 

As to the communication of the extract, and the motive for doing so, I cannot 
answer them in cold parade of official acknowledgment; I feel on the subject the 
warm and animated thanks of man to man, and these I presume to request that Lord Hard- 
wicke and Mr. Wickham may be pleased to accept; it is, however, only justice to 
myself to say, that even on the first falling of this unexpected blow, I had resolved 
(and so mentioned to Mr. Attorney-General), that if I found no actual guilt upon 
her, I would act with as much moderation as possible towards a poor creature that 
had once held the warmest place in my heart. I did, even then, recollect that there 
was a point to which nothing but actual turpitude or the actual death of her parent 
ought to make a child an orphan; but even had I thought otherwise, I feel that this 
extract would have produced the effect it was intended to have, and that I should 
think so now. I feel how I should shrink from the idea of letting her sink so low as 
to become the subject of the testamentary order of a miscreant who could labour, 
by so foul means and under such odious circumstances, to connect her with his 
infamy, and to acquire any posthumous interest in her person or her fate. Blotted, 
therefore, as she may irretrievably be from my society, or the place she once held 
in my affections, she must not go adrift. So far, at least, these protectors will not 
fall off. 

I should, therefore, Sir, wish for the suppression of this extract, if no particular 
motive should have arisen for forwarding it to its destination. I shall avail myself 
of your kind permission to wait upon you in the course of the day, to pay my re- 
spects once more personally to you, if I shall be so fortunate as to find you are 
at leisure. I have the honour to be, with very great respect, your obliged servant, 

John P. Curran. 

The following poem is supposed to have been written by Robert Emmet 
shortly before his death : 


This world hath many a glorious land 

Where beauty ever dwells, 
Old snow crowned hills, and valleys grand, 

And happier summer dells ; 
Where oft the poet in his lays, 

Loves ever more to tell 
How heroes died in former days, 
And freedom's martyrs fell. 
My own land, I love her still 
Whate'er her fate may be 
My own land, my own land 
You're all the world to me. 

"My Own Land, I Love Her Still " 


Among the nations of the world 

She holds a glorious name, 
And yet, her flag shall be unfurled 

For freedom and for fame. 
She kneels a weary suppliant there, 

Her sun of life seems set, 
But oh ! a few shall breathe a prayer, 

For her redemption yet. 

My own land, my own land, etc. etc. 


The holy love a mother feels 

When bending o'er her child, 
Or lover when he lowly kneels 

To whisper love's thoughts wild, 
Or maiden when the first pure kiss 

Of love is on her brow 
Are weak and cold and passionless 

To the love within me now. 

My own land, I love her still, etc. etc. 


The loves of which the poet sings, 

Which through all time shall live, 
To tell in solemn hymns thy wrongs, 

Those are not mine to give; 
But truer heart shall never beat 

For love of thee or thine ; 
I lay this offering at thy feet 

O ! native land of mine. 
My own land, etc. etc. 

The writer would acknowledge his great indebtedness to Frank J. Sullivan, 
Esq., of San Francisco, Cal., for a copy of the foregoing poem from his friend, 
Mr. James J. Caniffe, of the same city. Mr. Caniffe wrote to Mr. Sullivan : 

Many years ago a gentleman of education, well read in the history of Ireland and par- 
ticularly so in that awful, gloomy, yet glorious period from 1796 to 1803, presented me 
with the poem, a copy of which I enclose. These lines he assured me were written by 
Robert Emmet the night before his execution, — only a few hours before his soul took flight 
to the bosom of its God, with the hangman's rope swinging before him. It is impossible 
to read the poem of such a man without regarding him in any other light than that of a 
marvelous being. 

Mr. Caniffe endorsed on the copy of the poem : 

The following beautiful poem was found on the person of Robert Emmet after his 
tragic execution. 

I have never seen it in any published collection. It was evidently held as 
a sacred relic of the martyr by the person into whose possession it came. 

The history of this poem claims that it was in the possession of only two 
individuals subsequent to the death of Robert Emmet, and it was accompanied 



Government Alarmed 

with the tradition that it was found on his person after his execution, and 
that it was written during the night before his execution. 

It cannot be accepted that it was written between Emmet's trial and execu- 
tion. It was well past midnight after the trial before the prisoner reached 
Kilmainham Jail and was left to himself. Between this time and his execu- 
tion, it is well known that Mr. Emmet wrote three long letters and a detailed 
account to his brother of his course, — what he expected to have accomplished, 
and the cause of the failure. That he was able to accomplish so much after 
the fatigue he had sustained during the twelve hours of his trial, might well 
be doubted had he not been under observation. He might have written the 
poem at some time during his imprisonment, as he was allowed every facility 
for writing ; and from the endorsement as to the manuscript having been found 
on Emmet's person, after his death, there exists no special reason to doubt the 
truthfulness of the tradition. Moreover, if this be true, it may be held without 
question that Robert Emmet was the author of the poem, as he was too closely 
watched to have received it from any one. It must have been written when he 
was greatly depressed in mind on account of Miss Curran's position after his 

In "The Picture of Dublin, &c."* it is stated : 

On the evening of the 23rd of July, 1803, another rebellion broke out in the city which 
produced considerable alarm . . . Among the principal conspirators was Mr. Robert 
Emmet, of great ability, who with several others, were afterwards tried, found guilty, 
and executed. In consequence of this conspiracy, the city was proclaimed under martial 

law for some time, barriers were placed at the several canal bridges, and other entrances 
into the city, with guards, and all persons confined to their houses after nine o'clock at 

This statement is given, as the writer has seen nowhere else the evidence 
placed on record showing how much the authorities were alarmed by the event, 
while every effort was made to ridicule and set forth the insignificance of the 
whole movement. 

•"The Picture of Dublin; being a description of the city and a correct guide", Dublin, 1817; a re- 
markably good work of its kind. 

Whit I Never be free? Three millions of your people condemned by their fellovj-subjects 
to an everlasting slavery in all changes of time, decay of prejudice, increase of 
knowledge, the fall of Papal povjer, the establishment of philosophic and moral 
ascendancy in its place! . ... It 'would be in vain even to renounce the spiritual 
power of the Pope, and become like any other Dissenter. 

Grattan on Protestant Ascendancy. 

It is the 'wish of the Minister to have them in a state of insurrection that he may have a 
pretext for this measure [the Union] ; it 'was his 'wish to have them driven into insur- 
rection before; it <was his command to goad them into it; and hence the system of 
unparalleled cruelties <which <we have witnessed. 

Miss Emmet, 1799. 

Chapter XXIII 

Jealousy of British Government regarding Irish State Papers — Bar especially put on 
publication of those relating to events of 1798 and 1803 — Sealed up by Sir Bernard 
Burke with approval of the Duke of Marlborough — Among State Papers was a 
letter from Pitt to Secretary Marsden urging another outbreak in Ireland "at all 
hazards" — Suggests that Robert Emmet, then in Paris, should be approached for 
the purpose — Burke's statement about British Government's methods for bringing 
about "the Union" — Little doubt that rising of 1803 was promoted by British Gov- 
ernment — Even Viceroy, Lord Hardwicke, kept ignorant of what was going on — 
Castlereagh the moving spirit in the policy of dupery and infamy — Hardwicke papers 
in MacDonagh's work illuminating and confirmatory — Knox's letter to Lord Hard- 
wicke and other documents — Orangemen made accomplices in their country's ruin — 
Important State Papers belie